290:, who had voted in the party caucus against approving the war credits, gave the reasons for the party's approval in front of the Reichstag. He cited imperialism and the arms race as the causes of the war, assigned responsibility to the "promoters of the policy" and emphasised that the SPD had warned against the coming war. He connected the SPD's vote of approval to its positions on a war of defence and Russian tsarism, seeing the liberal future of the people endangered by a victory of "bloodthirsty Russian despotism". He believed that the war was a war of conquest that had been imposed on Germany, and he emphasised the "right of a people to national independence and self-defence" in accordance with the resolutions of the Second International. He expressly reaffirmed the SPD's intention "not to abandon its own fatherland in its hour of danger".
179:
31:
350:
255:
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87:. They agreed not to criticise the government's handling of the war, to keep their disagreements out of public view and to postpone elections until after the end of the war. In addition, three major associations of trade unions promised not to strike. The informal agreement was seen as proof of Germany's national unity in waging what was presented by the imperial leadership as a defensive war.
313:. The act authorised the Bundesrat, chaired by the chancellor, "to order such legal measures during the period of war as prove necessary to remedy economic damage". The Reichstag nevertheless retained the power of the budget and therefore controlled the funding for the war. Its members, as part of the
496:
caused increasing divisions within the SPD, not just in the
Reichstag but also in the party as a whole and the unions allied with it. In December 1915, after 44 SPD members voted against additional war credits in a party caucus, 20 went on to vote no in the full Reichstag. After the anti-war faction
456:
In view of all these declarations, German Social
Democracy must ask itself whether it can reconcile with its principles, and with the duties incumbent upon it as the guardian of the material and moral interests of the working classes of Germany, the question of standing by those whose intentions are
435:
with extensive annexation goals in
September 1914 when it expected that Germany would quickly win the war, but Bethmann Hollweg never spoke of it publicly. The annexationist goals discussed among the political parties were contrary to the original justification for the war as defensive and were also
209:
that led up to the German declaration of war against Russia on 1 August 1914 and against France and
Belgium in the following days, the German government was able to successfully portray its decisions as part of a necessary defensive war against Russia, which had declared a general mobilization on 30
381:
of the SPD, looking ahead to potential social reforms said, "We expect democratic suffrage reform as the price of the working class's war effort." Others saw the need for the government to accept opinions from all sides on domestic matters. Chancellor
Bethmann Hollweg wanted to integrate the former
189:
In the weeks leading up to the outbreak of hostilities, the belief that it was a defensive war was critical to ensuring support, especially among
Germany's socialists. The danger that they would call strikes or demonstrations during a war was seen as very real. At the end of July 1914, the SPD held
240:
I repeat now that I no longer know any parties. I know only
Germans. And in order to testify that you are firmly resolved without distinction of party to stand by my side through danger and death, I call upon the leaders of the different parties in this House to come forward and lay their hands in
200:
Danger is imminent. A world war is threatening! The ruling classes, who enslave, despise and exploit you in peace, want to use you as cannon fodder. Everywhere the ears of those in power need to be ringing with: We don't want war! Down with war! Long live the international brotherhood of nations!
341:
made similar statements. All of the unions hoped that their support would lead to rewards in the form of social reforms after the war. Initially the number of strikes dropped precipitously, from a total of over four million work days spent on strike in 1913 to fewer than 5,000 in 1915. In
January
278:
can be said to have begun with the
Reichstag's unanimous vote on 4 August to approve the war credits for five billion marks that the government had requested. On 2 August, the leaders of the SPD in the Reichstag had decided to support war credits by four votes to two. The following day, the SPD's
125:
as a sign of support for the authoritarian state while the Left expected their sacrifices to be rewarded by social changes after the end of the war. Disagreements within the SPD led to a permanent split within the party when anti-war members formed their own more leftist party, the
520:
In parallel to the war aims discussions was one about a "new orientation" of German domestic policies, which assumed a victorious end to the war. The Right saw it as support for the authoritarian state, while the reforms discussed by moderates and the Left centered on eliminating
538:) to discuss war policy and the post-war new orientation. By bringing parties together in a form similar to a parliamentary coalition, it was a first step towards the parliamentarisation of the German Reichstag. The Committee's work led to the
230:
invoked national unity: "I no longer recognise parties or denominations; today we are all German brothers and only German brothers." On 4 August, the
Emperor delivered his speech from the throne in the White Hall of the Palace, to which all
235:
members had been invited. The SPD contingent alone did not attend because the Emperor would be speaking at the Palace rather than the Reichstag. The Emperor ended his speech with a personal postscript that echoed some of his words from 1
429:, by mid-1915, it was seldom mentioned. Discussions about the war tended to center on war aims. Plans for annexations to Germany in both the east and the west were talked about extensively. The government developed the
293:
The SPD's yes vote was loudly cheered and seen as especially important because its connection to the socialist Second International and its pacifism had led many to call the socialists "journeymen without a fatherland"
279:
Reichstag membership voted 78 to 14 to accept the credits and then, with 24 no votes, to enforce party discipline, which meant that on 4 August in the full Reichstag, the SPD voted as a bloc in favour. That included
457:
in the sharpest contradiction to the provisions of the declaration of our Reichstag party membership of 4 August 1914, in which we stated that, in agreement with the International, we condemn any war of conquest.
525:, which weighted votes based on taxes paid and therefore favoured the wealthy. The reform of the electoral law that the Emperor announced in his Easter message of 1917 was, however, blocked by the
337:
with close ties to the Social Democrats, had declared on 2 August that it would refrain from wage increases and strikes during the war. The liberal Hirsch-Dunckersche trade unions and the
467:
had become an appeal to a mythical "August Experience" – the Spirit of 1914 – while in the political arena it was used as an accusation that the other side was failing to follow it.
139:
came into use more or less spontaneously. The situation in 1914 was seen to mirror the internal peace that by necessity prevailed inside a besieged castle during the Middle Ages.
190:
mass demonstrations in favour of peace and called for resistance to the impending war. On 25 July, the executive committee published a call for peace in the party newspaper
542:, a call for a negotiated peace without annexations. It marked an unprecedented attempt by the Reichstag rather than the imperial government to shape foreign policy. The
119:
The political truce was relatively short-lived. By mid-1915, discussions about the war began to center around what were often annexationist war goals. The Right saw the
382:"journeymen without a fatherland" into the nation, although he did not consider asking the SPD to join the government, as the socialists did in France as part of their
326:, ended the 4 August session with the statement: "The German people are united to the last man, to win or die on the battlefield for German honour and German unity".
110:
and the other parliamentary parties enthusiastically welcomed the SPD's unanimous vote in favor of war credits on 4 August 1914. The vote marked the start of the
364:, the imposition of a state of war meant that freedom of the press was restricted by censorship measures anyway. The government nevertheless allowed the SPD's
338:
1124:
360:
The press also ceased public disputes with the government for the duration of the war and practised self-censorship. In accordance with Article 68 of the
852:
769:
Miller, Susanne (1983). "Die SPD vor und nach Godesberg" [The SPD before and after Godesberg]. In Miller, Susanne; Potthoff, Heinrich (eds.).
151:, many of Europe's social democratic parties adopted a policy of peace and anti-militarism which was formalised at international conferences of the
163:
nevertheless declared that in the event of an attack on Germany, he would defend the fatherland, adding an explicit reference to an attack by the
748:
Protokoll über die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands. Abgehalten zu Essen vom 15. bis 21. September 1907
689:
Krumeich, Gerd (11 October 2016). Daniel, Ute; Gatrell, Peter; Janz, Oliver; Jones, Heather; Keene, Jennifer; Kramer, Alan; Nasson, Bill (eds.).
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voted against an emergency budget in early 1916, it was excluded from the SPD's parliamentary membership and formed the Socialist Working Group (
303:
The bill for war credits was one of 17 war laws passed in fifteen minutes and signed by the Emperor on 4 August. Those included an enabling act (
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127:
543:
651:
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Minutes of the proceedings of the party conference of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Held in Essen from 15 to 21 September 1907
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330:
546:, which made the chancellor dependent on the confidence of the Reichstag rather than the emperor, were implemented only after the
503:, SAG), which aggressively criticised the government's war policies. In 1917 the group formally established its own party, the
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The leaders who were present came forward and took the pledge, following which the parliamentary members enthusiastically sang
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1241:
563:
855:[Emperor Wilhelm II's speech from the throne to the members of the Reichstag, 4 August 1914 (full text in German)].
185:, chairman of the SPD from 1892 until his death in 1913. He had made it clear that the party would support a defensive war.
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91:
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This article is about the political truce in First World War Germany. For the medieval law it was named after, see
802:
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Krieg und nationale Integration: Eine Neuinterpretation des sozialdemokratischen Burgfriedensschlusses 1914/15
353:
343:
211:
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319:, agreed to forego elections, including by-elections, and to keep their disagreements out of public view.
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1918, however, when war weariness and hunger were widespread, an estimated one million workers went on
167:, which he described as the "enemy of all culture and all oppressed people". Russia under the rule of
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232:
99:
1073:
718:"The Second International: The Impact of Domestic Factors on International Organization Dysfunction"
59:
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283:, who on 2 December became the first Reichstag member to vote against a request for war credits.
247:
178:
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in supporting the declaration of war in the belief that Germany was defending itself against the
214:
continued to speak of Germany being forced into hostilities by the enemies that surrounded it.
532:
In July 1917, the Reichstag parties of the center and left formed the Inter-party Committee (
1184:
Thorpe, Wayne (2000). "Keeping the Faith: The German Syndicalists in the First World War".
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As in the trade unions, the political parties on the left expected their agreement to the
8:
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July. Even after the German attack on France through neutral Belgium, German chancellor
30:
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34:
1027:] (in German). Munich: Deutsche Taschenbuch Verlag (DTV). pp. none provided.
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in 1915. His speeches stating that he no longer knew any parties set the tone for the
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Proceedings of the German Reichstag. XIIIth legislative period. II Session Volume 306
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Verhandlungen des deutschen Reichstags. XIII. Legislaturperiode. II. Session Band 306
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The political right, on the other hand, thought that the perceived unity behind the
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was a byword for oppression and reaction for the Social Democrats long before 1914.
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853:"Thronrede Kaiser Wilhelms II. vor den Abgeordneten des Reichstags, 4. August 1914"
729:
168:
323:
280:
148:
1177:
Burgfrieden und Klassenkampf: Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie im Ersten Weltkrieg
483:, which split from the main Social Democratic Party over issues related to the
412:
164:
103:
777:] (in German) (5th ed.). Bonn: Verlag Neue Gesellschaft. p. 73.
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admitted that the war was lost. Weeks later, the Empire was overthrown in the
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223:
80:
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251:, ("Hail to Thee in the Victor's Wreath"), the anthem of the German Empire.
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889:"Burgfrieden (Fortress Truce) in: Brill's Digital Library of World War I"
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84:
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Das Deutsche Kaiserreich. Obrigkeitsstaat und politische Mobilisierung
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The German Empire. The Authoritarian State and Political Mobilisation
415:" would eliminate the SPD because all Germans had become pan-German.
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to be sold in Prussian train stations from the beginning of the war.
172:
695:
1914–1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War
771:
Kleine Geschichte der SPD, Darstellung und Dokumentation 1848–1983
475:
1101:
The German Left and the Weimar Republic. A Selection of Documents
775:
A Brief History of the SPD, Depiction and Documentation 1848–1983
1215:
The Spirit of 1914: Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany
981:] (in German). Berlin: Norddeutschen Verlags-Anstalt. 1916.
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proved that there was no need to make political changes. The
309:) which transferred the Reichstag's legislative power to the
480:
589:[Trade unions and SPD. United front for the war].
618:[100 years ago: Reichstag approves war credits].
262:
in 1915. He later split with the SPD over its policy of
226:
on 1 August announcing Germany's decision to go to war,
98:'s policy of anti-militarism, it joined the rest of the
996:[German Revolution. The 1918 January Strike].
587:"Gewerkschaften und SPD. Einheitsfront für den Krieg"
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had called the tsarist empire a hotbed of reaction.
510:
Unabhängige Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands
217:
356:, German chancellor from July 1909 until July 1917
616:"Vor 100 Jahren: Reichstag billigt Kriegskredite"
1233:
1103:. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. pp. 334–335.
828:"Speech from the throne (full text in English)"
1049:"The September Memorandum (September 9, 1914)"
1053:GHDI (German History in Documents and Images)
544:German constitutional reforms of October 1918
392:), which was roughly comparable to Germany's
1074:"Das Gebot der Stunde (full text in German)"
949:"Haase, Hugo in: Neue Deutsche Biographie 7"
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377:to provide payback at the end of the war.
517:when it was established in January 1919.
331:General Commission of German Trade Unions
1217:. New York: Cambridge University Press.
994:"Deutsche Revolution. Januarstreik 1918"
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754:] (in German). Berlin: Buchhandlung
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423:Less than a year after the start of the
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921:Albrecht, Kai-Britt (11 August 2022).
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222:In his speech from the balcony of the
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901:10.1163/2352-3786_dlws1_beww1_en_0097
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79:) was a political truce between the
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442:. Eduard Bernstein, Hugo Haase and
333:, the umbrella organisation of the
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500:Sozialistische Arbeitsgemeinschaft
411:went so far as to claim that the "
157:Social Democratic Party of Germany
92:Social Democratic Party of Germany
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1125:"Der Interfraktionelle Ausschuss"
801:Mix, Andreas (1 September 2014).
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564:Internationalist–defencist schism
513:, USPD). Many of them joined the
60:[ˈbʊʁkfʁiːdn̩s.poliˌtiːk]
1252:Political terminology in Germany
1179:(in German). Düsseldorf: Droste.
716:Cinar, M. U.; Cinar, K. (2014).
218:Beginning of the political truce
83:'s parliamentary parties during
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992:Piper, Ernst (24 August 2018).
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652:"Burgfrieden und Innenpolitik"
650:Kruse, Wolfgang (6 May 2013).
591:Geschichte der Gerwerkschaften
552:German Revolution of 1918–1919
155:in 1907 and 1912. At the 1907
16:Political truce in WWI Germany
1:
927:Deutsches Historisches Museum
807:Deutsches Historisches Museum
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354:Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg
212:Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg
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1247:Political history of Germany
1242:German Empire in World War I
893:Brill online reference works
505:Independent Social Democrats
128:Independent Social Democrats
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923:"Karl Liebknecht 1871–1919"
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535:Interfraktionelle Ausschuss
10:
1268:
1078:Marxists' Internet Archive
736:– via Sage Journals.
697:. Freie Universität Berlin
691:"Burgfrieden/Union sacrée"
540:Reichstag Peace Resolution
515:Communist Party of Germany
470:
20:
857:100(0) Schlüsseldokumente
436:not in the spirit of the
159:(SPD) congress, chairman
1213:Verhey, Jeffrey (2000).
1186:Central European History
1175:Miller, Susanne (1974).
1156:Kruse, Wolfgang (1993).
887:Verhey, Jeffrey (2015).
803:"Der "Burgfrieden" 1914"
147:Before the start of the
1198:10.1163/156916100746301
734:10.1111/1467-9248.12062
527:Prussian House of Lords
461:By the end of the war,
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248:Heil Dir im Siegerkranz
1019:Loth, Wilhelm (1997).
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344:strike across Germany
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1099:Fowkes, Ben (2014).
758:. 1907. p. 255.
548:Supreme Army Command
449:Das Gebot der Stunde
153:Second International
96:Second International
955:. pp. 381–382
953:Deutsche Biographie
620:Deutscher Bundestag
362:German Constitution
306:Ermächtigungsgesetz
74:castle peace policy
50:Burgfriedenspolitik
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228:Emperor Wilhelm II
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108:Emperor Wilhelm II
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35:Emperor Wilhelm II
832:Project Gutenberg
722:Political Studies
622:(in German). 2014
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409:Pan-German League
335:Free Trade Unions
130:(USPD), in 1917.
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1080:. 19 June 1915
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