349:, which elected him a member of their administrative council later that year. Tosco's and Ongaro's repeated stays in prison and continued pressure led to the CGTA's inactivity and, on Ongaro's release in January 1972, he disbanded the defunct trade union and founded the independent Argentine Printworkers' Sindicate (SGA). Increasingly focused on influencing Juan Perón, whose return from exile was imminent, he established "Basic Peronism," a leftist political advocacy group.
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232:(among whose 62 unions the FGB belonged) and forced Ongaro to pursue alliances within the fractious CGT union (then South America's largest). Ongaro's only ally among the 62 unions was initially the sanitary workers' Amado Olmos, and the duo were no match for Alonso's conciliatory strategy with the repressive new regime of General
396:, to support a sugarmill workers' strike led by Atilio Santillán. Reunited with other former CGTA allies including Agustín Tosco and steelworkers Francisco "Barba" Gutiérrez and Alberto Piccinini, Ongaro organized a conflict resolution committee geared for the defense of targeted unions. Piccinini's November election as
327:, who earned the enmity of his union's national leader Juan José Taccone, by joining the CGTA. The CGTA was the target of intense harassment by the dictatorship, who over the next year had around 5,000 of its members detained nationwide. Tosco's support of a local autoworkers' strike at the important Córdoba
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workers') and CGT elections in March 1968 pitted the steelworker's Vandor against Perón's own choice, Raimundo Ongaro. Vandor's steelworkers' union was the largest in the CGT and he still had allies such as Alonso and Coría; but Ongaro's allies now included the rail workers' Lorenzo Pepe and the
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encouraged a hard line in the regime's labor relations policy. Having detained Tosco and numerous others, the mysterious June 30 assassination of
Augusto Vandor provided a pretext for Ongaro's arrest and the banning of the CGTA. These struggles brought him to the attention of the
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workers' Julio Guillán, both of whose unions were in receivership. Where Ongaro had Perón's own support, Vandor could only boast the endorsement of Onganía's new Labor
Minister, Rubens San Sebastián, the architect of the President's "divide and conquer" strategy towards the CGT.
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in 1998, led to differences between affected employees and Ongaro, himself, who did not oppose the merger. The event led to strain between Ongaro and the FGB rank-and-file, though he has since been reelected as their
Secretary General. The FGB's relatively conciliatory stance in
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Ongaro was elected
Secretary General of the CGT on March 30, 1968, without a concession from the defeated Vandor and the Labor Minister annulled the election, impeding Ongaro's taking office. Writer Rodolfo Walsh and numerous adherents of the activist
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Ongaro was reelected
Secretary General of the FGB, which, despite its recent ordeal, still counted with around 25,000 members and remained Argentina's largest print workers' union. Welcomed into the CGT by Secretary General
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Ongaro also kept a low profile during the advent of free market policies that ushered in an unprecedented era of corporate takeovers and mergers in
Argentina during the 1990s. One such takeover, that of
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Drawing from his publishing background, Ongaro had the CGTA draft a weekly newsletter which, under
Ricardo de Luca's direction and with regular contributions from Walsh, Rogelio García Lupo and
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and the construction workers' Rogelio Coria, was shaken by
Security Committee head General Osiris Villegas' violent March 1967 assault on CGT headquarters done to impede a planned
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and its resulting advent of anti-labor policies led Ongaro to remove FGB leader
Osvaldo Vigna in a coup of his own, that November. This move, however, met with the disapproval of
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Allowed a radio, he learned of the May 7 murder of his teenage son, Alfredo Máximo Ongaro, at the hands of the Triple A, and, upon his August 29 release, he was deported to
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Supported by
Spanish sympathizers, European radio and TV interviews and remittances from the FGB itself, the Ongaros returned in March 1984, three months after Argentina's
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plant eventually led to the March 1975 mass arrests of those at the plant as well as those of Ongaro and others at the committee.
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Having led Argentina's largest print workers' unions, the FGB, since 1966, Ongaro became the dean of Argentine labor leaders.
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plant in May 1969 was decisive in the demonstrations' brutal May 29 repression, whose subsequent riots became known as the
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381:(Triple A), on July 31, 1974, and the Ongaro family's home in the
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Political pressure led the dictatorship to call for free and fair
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and schooled in music composition, Ongaro became an apprenticed
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won in a landslide; one Basic Peronism supporter, journalist
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joined Ongaro, Pepe and their CGT supporters in creating the
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to introduce to the CGT's benefactor, exiled populist leader
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Secretary General of the Buenos Aires Printworkers Federation
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560:"11 de enero de 1972"
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562:. Agustintosco.com.
469:Editorial Atlántida
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234:Juan Carlos Onganía
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681:2016 deaths
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226:José Alonso
159:, Argentina
142:, Argentina
62:Preceded by
670:Categories
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409:Lima, Peru
385:suburb of
371:party list
261:Juan Perón
164:Occupation
133:1924-02-13
620:La Nación
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342:Cordobazo
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196:from the
109:In office
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281:The CGTA
210:graphist
274:telecom
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650:CGTA
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