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814:. He noted that it would polarize readers between those whose anti-imperialist beliefs would be reinforced and those who would denounce Chomsky's ideas as conspiracy theories. He thought the book was important in reminding readers that the War on Terror was keeping the US public in fear and was ensuring an ongoing international market for weaponry. However, he thought that there were "recurring attribution problems" in Chomsky's text, for instance by referring to the international press as if it were a homogeneous entity with a single point of view. Ultimately, he thought that the book had something to teach educators of journalism: that "hen there is a desire of the power elite to move on an issue, and the population is generally opposed, then the issue is removed from the political arena and from the news media priorities – distraction being a primary method."
729:, elected to the presidency in 2001, differed from earlier administrations in one key respect: it was open about adhering to the Imperial Grand Strategy, outright declaring that it would be willing to use force to ensure U.S. global hegemony despite international condemnation. Chomsky sees this as being in contrast to previous administrations, who had never explicitly informed the public that they adhered to such a doctrine. Instead, earlier administrations had discussed their intentions within elite circles which were known only to specialists or readers of dissident literature. Thus, where once only the socio-economic elite and their left-wing critics knew of the Imperial Grand Strategy, now the entire American populace are potentially aware of it. He considers this a "significant difference."
867:"glib and caustic tone" are distracting. Furthermore, she highlights problems with his use of end notes, particularly when some of these notes simply reference his earlier publications. Although disagreeing with his arguments, she believed that reading his book was "sobering and instructive", having value in illustrating how many non-Americans viewed the U.S. and highlighting many of the "structural defects" in U.S. foreign policy. Furthermore, recognizing that Chomsky's "critiques have come to influence and reflect mainstream opinion elsewhere in the world," she concedes that Chomksy's analysis has a coherence that, for many, resolves much of the post-9/11 confusion and disillusionment stemming from the Bush administration's standard response to the question, "Why do they hate us?".
574:
797:(2003), considering both to be "well-considered if imperfect arguments" that the Bush administration's foreign policy was in keeping with a long history of U.S. interference in global affairs. Praising its "prescient" appearance and its analysis of the historical evidence, Boyle did present some criticism of the book. In stressing the Bush administration's continuity with earlier presidencies, Boyle argued that Chomsky had neglected to highlight the differences between the Bush administration and its predecessors, in particular its willingness to break relationships with long-standing allies. Furthermore, Boyle opined that Chomsky had failed to offer a "compelling explanation" for why the U.S. government was willing to declare war on
827:. She considered it similar to other books criticizing Bush's administration, such as those of Michael Moore, John Dean, and Bob Woodward, but thought it novel in acknowledging prior policy. She thought some of his research to be "inadequate" in supporting his arguments, relying too heavily on newspaper reports and not verifying secondary sources. In other instances, she thought it unsatisfactory that Chomsky used his own work as a reference. She thought that despite being aimed at a wide audience, the text was not "light reading", and expressed dislike at Chomsky's "sarcastic tone".
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Considering the country "virtually defenseless" against the superior might of the western armed forces, he also notes that securing control of the country would be an important move for the U.S. socio-economic elite, gaining unlimited access to the country's lucrative oil resources and asserting their own military might to intimidate other nations into compliance. He also argued that government and media propaganda also set out to forge an erroneous link between Iraq
President Saddam Hussein and
961:" that avoided nationalistic or ethnocentric intentions. Highlighting Chomsky's "wry humor and sarcasm", he notes that the author "successfully shows that the American emperor, while preaching modesty to the rest, himself struts about rather ostentatiously." Mathur also turned his attention to the most prominent press reviews of the book that appeared in the U.S. and U.K., those of Power and Cohen. He argues that the former's review was "hardly charitable", and that she had narrowly framed
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713:", which he argues can be justifiable under international law in cases of self-defence. Examining examples of preventative war waged by the United States, he notes that all of the nations that have been attacked have shared the same three characteristics: 1) they are "virtually defenseless", 2) they are "important enough to be worth the trouble" and 3) there has been a way to portray them as "the ultimate evil and an imminent threat to our survival."
618:, a disabled American murdered by Palestinian militants in 1985, contrasting it with the complete U.S. ignorance of the Israeli military's killing of a disabled Palestinian, Kemal Zughayer, in 2002. Focusing in on the Afghan War – widely described as a "just war" in the U.S. press – he criticizes such a description, arguing that the conflict was opposed by the majority of the world's population, including the Afghan people.
692:, he argues that this elite play a dominant role in this Imperial Grand Strategy because they consistently maintain a strong influence over successive U.S. governments. As a result, he argues that U.S. foreign policy has focused on gaining and maintaining unrestricted access to markets, energy supplies, and strategic resources across the world. Chomsky goes on to categorize the specific purposes of the doctrine as:
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986:. Chávez praised the work as an "excellent book to help us understand what has been happening in the world throughout the 20th century". He urged everyone present to read it, including those in the U.S., remarking that "I think that the first people who should read this book are our brothers and sisters in the United States, because their threat is right in their own house." A vocal
709:. Preventative war refers to conflict waged to prevent a nation ever reaching the stage where it could become a potential threat, and according to Chomsky, under the regimes of Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush and his son George W. Bush it has actively involved attacking "an imagined or invented threat" such as Grenada and Iraq. He differentiates this "preventative war" from "
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invasion would cause a worldwide anti-American backlash. Exploring the dismissive attitude that the U.S. took towards
European governments who opposed the war, namely France and Germany, he critiques the idea that the U.S. wanted to install a democratic government in Iraq, arguing that they wanted to install a puppet regime that would be obedient to U.S. corporate interests.
610:". He argues that these truisms are continually ignored when it comes to the actions of the U.S. and her allies. Exploring the concepts of "terror" and "terrorism", he argues that the U.S. only use the term to refer to the actions of their enemies, and never to their own actions, no matter how similar they may be. As an example of such
900:, claiming that his writing style was "a monumental turnoff" and that only those who already agreed with Chomsky's political views would read the book. Claiming that his opinions constituted "conspiracy theories", she compared his arguments to adding "two and two" together and getting "minus six". Conversely,
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And it is essential to demand, as
Chomsky does, that a country with the might of the United States stop being so selective in applying its principles. We will not allow our sovereignty to be infringed by international treaty commitments in the areas of human rights or even arms control, but we demand
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was genuinely concerned about threats to U.S. security, he criticises their attempts to undermine international efforts to prevent the militarization of space, the abolition of biological warfare, and the fight against global pollution, as well as the fact that they ignored all warnings that the Iraq
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he portrays the U.S. as "the prime oppressor, can do no right", meanwhile overlooking the crimes of the oppressed. Arguing that he completely ignores the concept that the U.S. might undertake any foreign interventions with good intentions, she asserts that his book is not easy to read, and that his
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Chomsky is wrong to think that individuals within the
American government are not thinking seriously about the costs of alliances with repressive regimes; he is also wrong to suggest that it would be easy to get the balance right between liberty and security, or democracy and equality – or to figure
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Maintaining a hold on political power and enhancing US control of the world's primary energy sources are major steps toward the twin goals that have been declared with considerable clarity: to institutionalize a radical restructuring of domestic society that will roll back the progressive reforms of
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Chapter two, "Imperial Grand
Strategy", looks at the U.S. government's belief that it should take part in "preventative war" against states who threaten its global hegemony, despite the illegality of these actions under international law. Chomsky argues that the targets of U.S. preventative war must
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in the early 20th century. Speaking through an interpreter, Chomsky replied that "I write about peace and criticize the barriers to peace; that's easy. What's harder is to create a better world ... and what's so exciting about at last visiting
Venezuela is that I can see how a better world is being
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to be used against the U.S. or its allies. Chomsky remarks that the 2003 invasion of Iraq is particularly significant because it signals the "new norm" in international relations, and that in future the U.S. might be willing to wage a preventative war against "Iran, Syria, the Andean region, and a
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Chapter three, "The New Era of
Enlightenment", explores further examples of U.S. interventionism in world affairs. Criticising the standard U.S. government claim that such interventionism is for humanitarian purposes, Chomsky maintains that it is an attempt to further the power of U.S. capitalism,
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systems and encouraging the militarization of outer space, he notes that the U.S. government have continually undermined international treaties to decrease the number of weapons of mass destruction, because the
American socio-economic elite believe that "hegemony is more important than survival."
378:
Chomsky's first chapter, "Priorities and
Prospects", provides an introduction to U.S. global dominance at the start of 2003. He looks at the role of propaganda – employed by government and mass media – in shaping public opinion in both the U.S. and United Kingdom, arguing that it allows a wealthy
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that he would be "happy to meet" the
Venezuelan President, asserting that he was "quite interested" in what his administration had achieved and thought many of Chávez's views to be "quite constructive". This meeting came about in August 2009, when Chomsky visited the Latin American country. In a
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as a critique purely of the Bush administration, something Mathur stated it clearly was not. Turning to Cohen's "venomous" review, he highlights that it actually dealt very little with Chomsky's book, instead offering a diatribe against the Left, one which consisted of a "thoroughly convoluted
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In Chomsky's view, the invasion of Iraq by a U.S. and U.K. coalition must be seen in the wider context of the U.S. government's Imperial Grand Strategy. He claims that the Iraq invasion fits the three criteria that he has highlighted for being classified as a U.S. target for preventative war.
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What sets Chomsky's work apart from so many others who write social and political theory today is that he is equally critical of the Democratic party as he is of the Republican party. Chomsky's theory portrays America's foreign policy as being consistent across partisan lines. Democrats and
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would not read it, remarking that "I don't know anybody who's ever read a Chomsky book". Furthermore, he related that the MIT professor "does not write page turners, he writes page stoppers. There are a lot of bent pages in Noam Chomsky's books, and they are usually at about Page 16."
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that others should. We rebuff the complaints of foreigners about the 650 people who remain holed up in Guantánamo kennels, denied access to lawyers and family members, with not even their names released. Yet we expect others to take heed of our protests about due process. We have
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containing other centers of global power within the "overall framework of order" managed by the United States; maintaining control of the world's energy supplies; barring unacceptable forms of independent nationalism; and overcoming "crisis of democracy" within domestic enemy
1057:. He also expressed cautious support for the leftist reforms being implemented by Chávez's administration, remarking his opinion that their moves "toward the creation of another socio-economic model could have a global impact if these projects are successfully carried out".
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is that the United States government has pursued an "Imperial Grand Strategy" in order to maintain its status as the world's foremost superpower since at least the end of the Second World War. Adopting the term "Imperial Grand Strategy" from international affairs specialist
765:, Chomsky returns to themes that have motivated most of his political writing, including the blindness of western states to their own moral failures and inconsistencies and the ruthless insistence of successive US administrations that the world will do their bidding.
490:
in the 1980s, who focused their military efforts in Central America and the Middle East. Chomsky argues that Reagan's administration utilized fear and nationalist rhetoric to distract the public from the poor economic situation that the U.S. was facing, finding
931:" regime of Saddam Hussein. Focusing his critique primarily on Chomsky and his readership than the book itself, he refers to its "convoluted prose", and remarks that its argument is "dense and filled with non sequiturs". In a shorter review published in
877:-- those whose police abuses, arms shipments and electoral thefts we eagerly expose (Zimbabwe, Burma, North Korea, Iran). But the sins of our allies in the war on terror (Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Israel, Pakistan, Russia, Uzbekistan) are met with
625:. He argues that rather than helping to eradicate nuclear, chemical and biological weaponry, the U.S. has continually increased its number of nuclear warheads, thereby encouraging other nations to do the same, putting the world in jeopardy of
1114:"According to a recent survey by the Institute for Scientific Information, only Marx, Lenin, Shakespeare, Aristotle, the Bible, Plato, and Freud are cited more often in academic journals than Chomsky, who edges out Hegel and Cicero." (
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in the United States. They agreed to publish with Metropolitan because it was co-run by Engelhardt and Sara Bershtel. In conjunction with the publication of the book, Chomsky answered a series of public questions on the website of
188:, in stark contrast to the US government's professed support for those values. He further argues that this continual pursuit of global hegemony threatens the existence of humanity itself because of the increasing proliferation of
558:, something Chomsky believes threatens peace in the Middle East by encouraging nations like Iran and Iraq to do the same. He explores the longstanding western exploitation of the Middle East for its oil resources, first by the
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vagueness". Ultimately, Mathur notes that the "strangely defensive and rather parochial posture" adopted by Power and Cohen was "entirely in line" with the reception that Chomsky had received from the Anglo-American world.
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out what the hell to do about Pakistan. But he is right to demand that officials in Washington devote themselves more zealously to strengthening international institutions, curbing arms flows and advancing human rights.
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elite to thrive at the expense of the majority. As evidence for the manner in which the media shapes public opinion on foreign policy, he discusses the role of the U.S. government in protecting its economic interests in
1064:, who had been detained since December 2009. He asserted that he was "convinced that she must be set free, not only due to her physical and psychological health conditions, but in conformance with the human dignity the
681:, he quotes Ikenberry on the nature of this doctrine and the manner in which it considers the "rule of force" to be more important than the "rule of law", thereby ignoring international law. Quoting liberal statesman
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The eighth chapter, "Terrorism and Justice: Some Useful Truisms", looks at what Chomsky calls "a few simple truths" regarding the criteria that is accepted for a conflict to be internationally recognized as a
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be weak, yet important and easy to depict as a threat to the U.S. populace. Using the 2003 invasion of Iraq as an example, he discusses how the U.S. government and media portrayed the Iraqi government of
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presents as a goal." In December 2011, Chomsky reiterated this position, sending a letter to Chávez asking him to include the judge in his "Christmas-time pardons". Afiuni was released on June 14, 2013.
481:
Chomsky considers the 2003 U.S.-U.K. invasion of Iraq – contravening international law and rejecting the opinions of the world's populace – as an attempt to secure lucrative natural resources and global
411:, who had remained resistant to western demands for years. He asserts that western criticism of foreign human rights abuses is politically motivated, highlighting that while the U.S. were intervening in
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press conference to commence the meeting, Chávez made reference to the intellectual's work, remarking "Hegemony or survival; we opt for survival", before comparing Chomsky's thesis with the concept of "
359:
that were critical of U.S. foreign policy. Engelhardt informed an interviewer that the series reflected their "counterinterventionary impulse" and represented an attempt to reclaim "the word" from the
1127:"Judged in terms of the power, range, novelty and influence of his thought, Noam Chomsky is arguably the most important intellectual alive today. He is also a disturbingly divided intellectual." (
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described the book as a "raging and often meandering assault" on U.S. foreign policy. Believing that Chomsky divides the world into two camps, the oppressor and the oppressed, she asserts that in
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957:, a joint Thai-Hong Kongese publication. Praising the book, Mathur argued that by being a U.S. citizen who was willing to criticise his own government, Chomsky was showing "a way beyond
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474:. He furthermore discusses the U.S. government's role in training Latin American right wing paramilitary squads, who have perpetrated widespread human rights abuses across the region.
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Republicans for that matter appear more as two wings of a capitalist, imperialist party than the two vastly different political ideologies that are presented in the popular media.
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as an example, he argues that western forces intervened not to protect Albanian Kosovans from Serbian aggression (as they claimed), but to humiliate and weaken Serbian President
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and with East Asia since the Second World War. In the former, Chomsky argues, the U.S. has allied itself with the capitalist reformers who have advocated privatization and
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In the fourth chapter, "Dangerous Times", Chomsky focuses primarily on U.S. interventionism throughout Latin America, which the government has defended through its
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207:—namely El Salvador, Colombia, Turkey, Israel, Egypt, South Africa, and Indonesia. He also discusses US support for militant dissident groups widely considered "
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566:, continually supporting Israel both militarily and politically, furthering human right abuses against the Palestinian people and repeatedly sabotaging the
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to maintain global hegemony through military, political, and economic means. He argues that in doing so they have repeatedly shown a total disregard for
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considered it "highly readable" and thought it both "cogent and provocative", representing a significant addition to the debate on U.S. foreign policy.
507:. He examines the long relationship that the U.S. had with the Hussein's Iraqi government, noting that they actively supported Hussein throughout the
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In the sixth chapter, "Dilemmas of Dominance", Chomsky explores the relationship that the U.S. has had with Eastern Europe since the collapse of the
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in 1992, Chomsky was cited as a source more often than any other living scholar from 1980 to 1992, and was the eighth most cited source overall.
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and prominent critic of U.S. foreign policy, particularly in his native Latin America, Chávez went on to describe U.S. President Bush as the "
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685:, Chomsky asserts that the purpose of this strategy is to prevent any challenge to the "power, position, and prestige of the United States".
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Chapter five, "The Iraq Connection", looks at the background to the 2003 Iraq War, beginning with an analysis of the activities of the
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Mainstream press reviews in the US were mixed and were largely negative in the UK, although a review in Asia was more positive. In a
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Drawing historical examples from 1945 through to 2003, Chomsky looks at the US government's support for regimes responsible for mass
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923:, describing Chomsky as a "master of looking-glass politics", exemplifying a trend in the western Left for being more interested in
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Noting that economic decision making in the United States is highly centralized among a select socio-economic elite who control
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is that the socio-economic elite who control the United States have pursued an "Imperial Grand Strategy" since the end of
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In the U.S., demand for the book dramatically increased. Within a week, sales had risen tenfold; it reached number 1 on
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Chapter seven, "Cauldron of Animosities", opens with a discussion of U.S. support for the increasing militarization of
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administrations—pursues the same agenda of gaining access to lucrative resources and maintaining US world dominance.
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of 1951 – in supporting capitalist development, but trying to ensure its own economic hegemony at the same time.
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militias, in both instances leading to mass human rights abuses which were ignored by the mainstream U.S. media.
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Chomsky is the author of over 100 books, and has been described as a prominent cultural figure. According to the
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In summer 2011, Chomsky expressed criticism of Chávez's government over the controversial imprisonment of judge
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and its financial backing for militant groups that attack Cuban targets, including the perpetrators of the
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Chomsky argues that U.S. government attempts to solve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, such as the 1994
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as a threat to the U.S. and other Middle Eastern states, something which Chomsky argues it was not.
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Boyle, Michael T. (2005). "Review: Hegemony or survival: America's quest for global dominance".
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Politically, Chomsky had held radical leftist views since childhood, identifying himself with
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However, he argues that there is still hope for humanity if the citizens of the world – the "
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and subsequently by the U.S. post-World War II, and then looks at the U.S.' role in the
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openly praised the work. Sales of the book surged after the recommendation, its rank on
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a century, and to establish an imperial grand strategy of permanent world domination.
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1001:'s best-seller list, and number 6 in the best-seller lists of the bookstore chains
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Chomsky argues that as a part of this strategy, the U.S. has regularly engaged in "
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581:(shown here), have been a sham, continually favoring Israeli-U.S. interests.
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In the final chapter, "A Passing Nightmare", Chomsky turns his attention to
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1850:"Noam Chomsky criticises old friend Hugo Chávez for 'assault' on democracy"
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rising to No. 1 in paperback and No. 6 in hardcover in only a few days.
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454:. He discusses the U.S. campaign to topple the socialist government of
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with little interest in the welfare of the people involved. Using the
1997:"Taking Back the Word: PW Talks with Steve Fraser and Tom Engelhardt"
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2133:"Noam Chomsky pleads with Hugo Chávez to free judge in open letter"
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2246:"Noam Chomsky in Venezuela: 'A better world is being created'"
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Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media
227:, to further its power and grasp of resources. He argues that
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Views in the British press were largely negative. Writing in
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305:, he arose to public attention for these views in 1967, when
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1984:"HEGEMONY OR SURVIVAL: America's Quest for Global Dominance"
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Robinson, Paul (February 25, 1979). "The Chomsky Problem".
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Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance
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The Chomsky Effect: A Radical Works Beyond the Ivory Tower
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The Decline of American Power: The U.S. in a Chaotic World
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theory, achieving international recognition for his work.
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Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance
132:
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415:, they were simultaneously supporting the governments of
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2071:. Hong Kong. Archived from the original on July 11, 2004
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355:. The series had been devised as a vehicle for works of
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Carol Armbrust discussed Chomsky's book critically in
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2226:"Noted Leftist Urges Chávez to Release Ailing Judge"
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Phillips, Tom; Lopez, Virginia (December 21, 2011).
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Views in the U.S. press were mixed. In a review for
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written by American political activist and linguist
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1009:. A prominent critic of Chomsky's political views,
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2929:Distorted Morality – America's War on Terror?
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1031:In response to Chávez's endorsement, Chomsky told
523:in 1990. Proceeding to critique the idea that the
2899:Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the Media
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1588:
1579:
1544:
1505:
1280:
737:, playing on the American people's horror of the
3034:
2174:"Chomsky book a best-seller after Chavez speech"
1612:
717:The Bush administration and the invasion of Iraq
1884:
1789:
1271:
1247:
1174:
646:
2528:New Horizons in the Study of Language and Mind
629:. Discussing the role of the U.S. in creating
2314:
2130:
1702:
3058:Anti-American sentiment in the United States
2834:Chomsky's Universal Grammar: An Introduction
969:
383:, first by supporting the military junta of
2919:Power and Terror: Noam Chomsky in Our Times
2488:The Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory
2321:
2307:
2278:OnTheIssues.org's book review and excerpts
804:Journalism lecturer David Blackall of the
495:in the form of the leftist governments of
427:, all of whom were involved in widespread
27:
3088:Cultural depictions of Slobodan Milošević
2949:Peace, Propaganda & the Promised Land
1967:
1259:
2644:The Prosperous Few and the Restless Many
2212:
2191:
2097:
1776:
1718:
1606:
1567:
1538:
1526:
1128:
974:In September 2006, Venezuelan President
572:
476:
261:
246:in September 2006, Venezuelan President
2243:
1907:
1847:
1826:
1678:
1666:
1642:
1499:
1487:
1475:
1463:
1451:
1439:
1424:
1412:
1400:
1388:
1376:
1364:
1352:
1340:
1328:
1316:
1150:
660:
437:Kurdish–Turkish conflict (1978–present)
347:The book was published as the first in
3035:
2223:
2062:
2014:
1872:. London: BBC News. September 25, 2006
1751:
1690:
1630:
1235:
1223:
1211:
1199:
1115:
1023:that he believed most of those buying
821:published a review of the book in the
3108:Cultural depictions of Saddam Hussein
3103:Cultural depictions of George W. Bush
2357:Colorless green ideas sleep furiously
2302:
2151:
1994:
1946:
1805:
1594:
1555:
1514:
1289:
280:Massachusetts Institute of Technology
270:Noam Chomsky (born 1928) was born in
244:speech before the UN General Assembly
3098:Cultural depictions of Ronald Reagan
2558:American Power and the New Mandarins
2171:
2041:
1827:Carroll, Rory (September 25, 2006).
1777:Blackall, David (December 1, 2003).
1618:
1187:
951:Piyush Mathur reviewed the work for
151:United States and its foreign policy
3093:Cultural depictions of Fidel Castro
2939:Noam Chomsky: Rebel Without a Pause
2664:Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship
2549:The Responsibility of Intellectuals
2410:Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
2172:Rich, Motoko (September 23, 2006).
2152:Power, Samantha (January 4, 2004).
2098:Matthews, Eliza (2004). "Review of
2015:Hughes, Samuel (July–August 2001).
1927:Chomsky, Noam (November 26, 2003).
1779:"Book Review: Hegemony or Survival"
1719:Armbrust, Carol (2005). "Review of
978:held up a Spanish-language copy of
754:
721:Chomsky argues that the Republican
313:The Responsibility of Intellectuals
13:
2870:The Cambridge Companion to Chomsky
2498:Lectures on Government and Binding
2244:Suggett, James (August 28, 2009).
2065:"A case against self-annihilation"
1968:Dellinger, Matt (March 24, 2003).
1870:"Chavez boosts Chomsky book sales"
464:its economic embargo of the island
342:Arts and Humanities Citation Index
161:and then in the United Kingdom by
14:
3119:
2266:
2192:Robinson, Oliver (May 23, 2004).
1947:Cohen, Nick (December 14, 2003).
781:journal, Michael T. Boyle of the
641:
2328:
2063:Mathur, Piyash (July 10, 2004).
1970:"Sounds and Sites: Noam Chomsky"
830:
808:reviewed Chomsky's book for the
405:1999 NATO intervention in Kosovo
337:theory for examining the media.
2852:Noam Chomsky: A Life of Dissent
2765:9-11: Was There An Alternative?
2420:Aspects of the Theory of Syntax
1995:Hogan, Ron (December 8, 2003).
1929:"Books: 'Hegemony or Survival'"
1711:
1121:
1108:
1053:to overthrow leftist President
554:and its illegal development of
333:, an analysis articulating the
2694:Requiem for the American Dream
2578:Counter-Revolutionary Violence
2224:Romero, Simon (July 2, 2011).
1848:Carroll, Rory (July 3, 2011).
1144:
1040:" advocated by German Marxist
783:Australian National University
668:Chomsky's primary argument in
503:and Nicaragua, as well as the
1:
2959:Is the Man Who Is Tall Happy?
2469:Conditions on Transformations
2104:Journal of Australian Studies
1829:"Chávez boosts Chomsky sales"
824:Journal of Australian Studies
257:
2450:The Sound Pattern of English
1949:"By the left ... about turn"
1138:
725:administration of President
647:U.S. Imperial Grand Strategy
564:Israeli–Palestinian conflict
7:
2273:The American Empire Project
2046:. About.com. Archived from
1886:"Chomsky is Citation Champ"
1783:Asia Pacific Media Educator
1072:
811:Asia Pacific Media Educator
743:weapons of mass destruction
623:weapons of mass destruction
387:and then by supporting the
373:
190:weapons of mass destruction
172:Chomsky's main argument in
68:November 2003, January 2024
10:
3124:
3048:American non-fiction books
2154:"The Everything Explainer"
1752:Barsky, Robert F. (2007).
749:
545:San Francisco Peace Treaty
349:The American Empire Series
217:NATO bombing of Yugoslavia
3010:
2970:
2889:
2813:
2705:
2539:
2460:Remarks on Nominalization
2390:
2381:
2336:
2116:10.1080/14443050409387982
2089:: CS1 maint: unfit URL (
2037:– via chomsky.info.
1703:Phillips & Lopez 2011
1655:BBC News: book sales 2006
1051:2009 Honduran coup d'Ă©tat
982:during his speech at the
970:Hugo Chávez's endorsement
631:ballistic missile defense
585:: Israeli Prime Minister
517:Halabja poison gas attack
445:1999 East Timorese crisis
130:
118:
104:
92:
84:
72:
62:
48:
38:
26:
3083:Metropolitan Books books
3053:American political books
2994:Valeria Wasserman (wife)
2654:World Orders Old and New
2022:The Pennsylvania Gazette
1758:. Cambridge: MIT Press.
1101:
1047:Venezolana de TelevisiĂłn
1045:created." He went on to
819:University of Queensland
806:University of Wollongong
770:—Michael T. Boyle, 2005.
505:international drug trade
329:(1988), co-written with
311:published his article, "
165:. It was republished by
3019:Chomsky–Foucault debate
2861:The Anti-Chomsky Reader
2478:Reflections on Language
1085:Full-spectrum dominance
919:wrote disparagingly of
231:—whether controlled by
3043:2003 non-fiction books
2634:Letters from Lexington
2518:The Minimalist Program
2194:"Why do they hate us?"
2044:"Hegemony or Survival"
1912:. Metropolitan Books.
1908:Chomsky, Noam (2003).
1038:Socialism or Barbarism
943:
927:than in opposing the "
882:
879:intentional ignorance.
840:
767:
656:
602:
539:at the expense of the
525:Bush II administration
483:
315:", a criticism of the
301:. A staunch critic of
267:
3073:Books by Noam Chomsky
2879:The Kingdom of Speech
2725:Middle East Illusions
2601:Manufacturing Consent
2508:Knowledge of Language
2430:Cartesian Linguistics
2283:June 3, 2015, at the
2029:on September 29, 2007
1808:International Affairs
1066:Bolivarian revolution
938:
870:
835:
817:Eliza Mathews of the
778:International Affairs
759:
651:
576:
488:Reagan administration
480:
299:libertarian socialism
265:
2674:Hegemony or Survival
2591:The Fateful Triangle
2568:For Reasons of State
2400:Syntactic Structures
2100:Hegemony or Survival
1910:Hegemony or Survival
1721:Hegemony or Survival
1157:Hegemony or Survival
1062:MarĂa Lourdes Afiuni
1025:Hegemony or Survival
980:Hegemony or Survival
963:Hegemony or Survival
921:Hegemony or Survival
864:Hegemony or Survival
791:Immanuel Wallerstein
787:Hegemony or Survival
763:Hegemony or Survival
679:Princeton University
670:Hegemony or Survival
468:Bay of Pigs invasion
462:, highlighting both
174:Hegemony or Survival
149:is a book about the
16:Book by Noam Chomsky
2624:Deterring Democracy
2614:Necessary Illusions
2372:Political positions
2050:on December 6, 2003
2042:Mann, Kate (n.d.).
1990:. October 13, 2003.
1933:The Washington Post
1541:, pp. 146–147.
1529:, pp. 169–171.
1415:, pp. 217–237.
1403:, pp. 187–216.
1391:, pp. 157–185.
1379:, pp. 145–156.
1367:, pp. 109–143.
1303:The Washington Post
1248:chomsky.info: Books
1160:. Haymarket Books.
746:number of others."
470:and the bombing of
367:The Washington Post
303:U.S. foreign policy
295:anarcho-syndicalism
197:human rights abuses
33:First edition cover
23:
2735:Imperial Ambitions
2230:The New York Times
2216:The New York Times
2178:The New York Times
2158:The New York Times
1725:The Antioch Review
1355:, pp. 73–108.
1214:, pp. 86–102.
1033:The New York Times
1020:The New York Times
1015:Harvard Law School
1007:Barnes & Noble
897:The Antioch Review
855:The New York Times
603:
583:From left to right
521:Invasion of Kuwait
484:
409:Slobodan Milošević
308:The New York Times
268:
159:Metropolitan Books
126:327.73/009/0511 22
53:Metropolitan Books
21:
3028:
3027:
2809:
2808:
2775:Making the Future
2440:Language and Mind
2349:Chomsky hierarchy
2069:Asia Times Online
2001:Publishers Weekly
1988:Publishers Weekly
1919:978-0-8050-7400-0
1765:978-0-262-02624-6
1581:Publishers Weekly
1502:, pp. 17–22.
1454:, pp. 15–16.
1343:, pp. 51–72.
1331:, pp. 11–49.
1080:Cultural hegemony
994:" in his speech.
954:Asia Times Online
903:Publishers Weekly
636:Second Superpower
627:nuclear holocaust
589:, U.S. president
513:Al-Anfal Campaign
472:Cubana Flight 455
447:, respectively).
288:universal grammar
284:Chomsky hierarchy
229:US foreign policy
169:in January 2024.
142:
141:
3115:
3063:Anti-imperialism
3021:
3003:
2995:
2990:
2982:
2963:
2953:
2943:
2933:
2923:
2913:
2903:
2882:
2873:
2864:
2855:
2846:
2843:Decoding Chomsky
2837:
2828:
2802:
2789:
2779:
2769:
2759:
2749:
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2729:
2719:
2698:
2688:
2678:
2668:
2658:
2648:
2638:
2628:
2618:
2608:
2606:Edward S. Herman
2595:
2585:
2583:Edward S. Herman
2572:
2562:
2552:
2532:
2522:
2512:
2502:
2492:
2482:
2472:
2463:
2454:
2444:
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2414:
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2388:
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2374:
2367:
2365:Honorary degrees
2360:
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2316:
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2127:
2094:
2088:
2080:
2078:
2076:
2059:
2057:
2055:
2038:
2036:
2034:
2025:. Archived from
2011:
2009:
2007:
1991:
1979:
1964:
1962:
1960:
1943:
1941:
1939:
1923:
1904:
1902:
1900:
1895:. April 15, 1992
1881:
1879:
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1865:
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1861:
1844:
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1823:
1802:
1800:
1798:
1786:
1773:
1772:on May 14, 2008.
1768:. Archived from
1748:
1706:
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1694:
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1676:
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1664:
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1319:, pp. 1–10.
1314:
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1203:
1202:, pp. 9–11.
1197:
1191:
1185:
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1171:
1154:(January 2024).
1148:
1132:
1125:
1119:
1112:
988:anti-imperialist
947:
925:anti-Americanism
890:
875:official enemies
848:
771:
755:Academic reviews
703:preventative war
664:
616:Leon Klinghoffer
612:double standards
433:ethnic cleansing
357:anti-imperialism
335:propaganda model
331:Edward S. Herman
201:ethnic cleansing
134:
108:
64:Publication date
31:
24:
20:
3123:
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3118:
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3112:
3033:
3032:
3029:
3024:
3017:
3006:
2998:
2993:
2989:(deceased wife)
2985:
2979:William Chomsky
2977:
2966:
2956:
2946:
2936:
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2909:Last Party 2000
2906:
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2285:Wayback Machine
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2110:(83): 146–147.
2082:
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2005:
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1011:Alan Dershowitz
972:
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833:
775:Writing in the
773:
769:
757:
752:
723:neoconservative
719:
666:
658:
649:
644:
556:nuclear weapons
452:Monroe Doctrine
376:
361:political right
321:media criticism
266:Chomsky in 2004
260:
167:Haymarket Books
123:
73:Media type
65:
57:Haymarket Books
34:
17:
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5:
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2755:Gaza in Crisis
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1965:
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1814:(1): 260–261.
1803:
1793:. chomsky.info
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1731:(3): 594–595.
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718:
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711:preemptive war
699:
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675:John Ikenberry
663:, p. 125)
650:
648:
645:
643:
642:Main arguments
640:
560:British Empire
397:Saddam Hussein
385:General Somoza
375:
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353:Tom Engelhardt
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2988:
2987:Carol Chomsky
2984:
2980:
2976:
2975:
2973:
2969:
2961:
2960:
2955:
2951:
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2798:(2015), with
2797:
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2781:
2777:
2776:
2771:
2767:
2766:
2761:
2757:
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2746:
2745:Interventions
2741:
2737:
2736:
2731:
2727:
2726:
2721:
2717:
2716:
2715:Class Warfare
2711:
2710:
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2704:
2696:
2695:
2690:
2686:
2685:
2684:Failed States
2680:
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2604:(1988), with
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2587:
2584:
2581:(1973), with
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2179:
2175:
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2138:
2134:
2129:
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2117:
2113:
2109:
2105:
2101:
2096:
2092:
2086:
2070:
2066:
2061:
2049:
2045:
2040:
2028:
2024:
2023:
2018:
2013:
2002:
1998:
1993:
1989:
1985:
1981:
1977:
1976:
1971:
1966:
1954:
1950:
1945:
1934:
1930:
1925:
1921:
1915:
1911:
1906:
1894:
1892:
1887:
1883:
1871:
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1668:
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1627:
1620:
1615:
1608:
1607:Robinson 2004
1603:
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1591:
1584:
1582:
1576:
1569:
1568:Armbrust 2005
1564:
1557:
1552:
1550:
1548:
1540:
1539:Matthews 2004
1535:
1528:
1527:Blackall 2003
1523:
1516:
1511:
1509:
1501:
1496:
1490:, p. 16.
1489:
1484:
1478:, p. 17.
1477:
1472:
1466:, p. 12.
1465:
1460:
1453:
1448:
1442:, p. 14.
1441:
1436:
1434:
1427:, p. 11.
1426:
1421:
1414:
1409:
1402:
1397:
1390:
1385:
1378:
1373:
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1268:
1261:
1256:
1249:
1244:
1237:
1232:
1226:, p. 95.
1225:
1220:
1213:
1208:
1201:
1196:
1189:
1184:
1182:
1180:
1178:
1169:
1167:9798888901458
1163:
1159:
1158:
1153:
1152:Chomsky, Noam
1147:
1143:
1130:
1129:Robinson 1979
1124:
1117:
1111:
1107:
1096:
1095:Pax Americana
1093:
1091:
1088:
1086:
1083:
1081:
1078:
1077:
1070:
1067:
1063:
1058:
1056:
1055:Manuel Zelaya
1052:
1048:
1043:
1039:
1034:
1029:
1026:
1022:
1021:
1016:
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1003:Borders Group
1000:
995:
993:
989:
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831:Press reviews
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826:
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815:
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812:
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784:
780:
779:
772:
766:
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619:
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613:
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600:
599:Yasser Arafat
596:
592:
588:
587:Yitzhak Rabin
584:
580:
575:
571:
569:
568:peace process
565:
561:
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548:
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542:
541:welfare state
538:
537:neoliberalism
534:
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509:Iran–Iraq War
506:
502:
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494:
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448:
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441:Plan Colombia
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163:Penguin Books
160:
156:
152:
148:
147:
138:E902.C47 2003
137:
135:
133:LC Class
129:
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121:Dewey Decimal
117:
114:
111:
109:
103:
100:
99:9798888901458
97:
95:
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87:
83:
79:
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19:
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2897:
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2832:
2823:
2795:On Palestine
2793:
2783:
2773:
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2753:
2743:
2733:
2723:
2713:
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2486:
2476:
2448:
2438:
2428:
2418:
2408:
2398:
2384:bibliography
2342:Bibliography
2330:Noam Chomsky
2254:. Retrieved
2249:
2233:. Retrieved
2229:
2214:
2202:. Retrieved
2198:The Observer
2197:
2181:. Retrieved
2177:
2161:. Retrieved
2157:
2141:. Retrieved
2137:The Guardian
2136:
2107:
2103:
2099:
2073:. Retrieved
2068:
2052:. Retrieved
2048:the original
2033:September 3,
2031:. Retrieved
2027:the original
2020:
2004:. Retrieved
2000:
1987:
1973:
1957:. Retrieved
1953:The Observer
1952:
1936:. Retrieved
1932:
1909:
1899:September 3,
1897:. Retrieved
1889:
1874:. Retrieved
1858:. Retrieved
1854:The Guardian
1853:
1837:. Retrieved
1833:The Guardian
1832:
1811:
1807:
1795:. Retrieved
1782:
1770:the original
1754:
1728:
1724:
1720:
1712:Bibliography
1698:
1686:
1679:Carroll 2011
1674:
1667:Suggett 2009
1662:
1650:
1643:Carroll 2006
1638:
1626:
1614:
1602:
1590:
1580:
1575:
1563:
1534:
1522:
1500:Chomsky 2003
1495:
1488:Chomsky 2003
1483:
1476:Chomsky 2003
1471:
1464:Chomsky 2003
1459:
1452:Chomsky 2003
1447:
1440:Chomsky 2003
1425:Chomsky 2003
1420:
1413:Chomsky 2003
1408:
1401:Chomsky 2003
1396:
1389:Chomsky 2003
1384:
1377:Chomsky 2003
1372:
1365:Chomsky 2003
1360:
1353:Chomsky 2003
1348:
1341:Chomsky 2003
1336:
1329:Chomsky 2003
1324:
1317:Chomsky 2003
1312:
1302:
1297:
1272:
1267:
1255:
1243:
1231:
1219:
1207:
1195:
1156:
1146:
1123:
1110:
1059:
1032:
1030:
1024:
1018:
996:
979:
973:
962:
959:parochialism
952:
950:
944:
939:
933:The Observer
932:
920:
912:The Observer
910:
908:
901:
895:
893:
883:
878:
874:
871:
863:
853:
851:
841:
836:
822:
816:
809:
803:
799:Iraq in 2003
794:
786:
776:
774:
768:
762:
760:
739:9/11 attacks
731:
720:
700:
690:big business
687:
683:Dean Acheson
669:
667:
661:Chomsky 2003
657:
652:
620:
604:
591:Bill Clinton
582:
579:Oslo Accords
549:
533:Soviet Union
530:
485:
456:Fidel Castro
449:
429:human rights
401:
393:
377:
365:
346:
339:
324:
306:
292:
272:Philadelphia
269:
241:
194:
186:human rights
178:World War II
173:
171:
155:Noam Chomsky
145:
144:
143:
43:Noam Chomsky
18:
2942:(2003) (TV)
2890:Filmography
2816:works about
2706:Collections
2391:Linguistics
2294:archive.org
1893:News Office
1691:Romero 2011
1631:Mathur 2004
1236:Barsky 2007
1224:Barsky 2007
1212:Barsky 2007
1200:Barsky 2007
1116:Hughes 2001
976:Hugo Chávez
946:—Kate Mann.
431:abuses and
317:Vietnam War
276:linguistics
248:Hugo Chávez
213:Vietnam War
199:—including
3037:Categories
3002:(daughter)
2800:Ilan Pappé
2143:August 17,
2054:August 19,
1986:. Review.
1876:August 15,
1860:August 15,
1839:August 15,
1797:August 30,
1595:Cohen 2003
1556:Power 2004
1515:Boyle 2005
1290:Hogan 2003
999:amazon.com
917:Nick Cohen
789:alongside
697:territory.
493:scapegoats
258:Background
252:Amazon.com
237:Democratic
233:Republican
221:Afghan War
209:terrorists
2290:Full text
2250:Rabble.ca
2124:216136757
2085:cite news
2017:"Speech!"
2006:March 30,
1938:August 1,
1188:Rich 2006
1139:Citations
785:reviewed
707:war crime
597:chairman
482:hegemony.
425:Indonesia
381:Nicaragua
182:democracy
78:Paperback
49:Publisher
3078:Hegemony
2981:(father)
2814:Academic
2551:" (1967)
2540:Politics
2471:" (1973)
2462:" (1970)
2281:Archived
2252:. Canada
2200:. London
2139:. London
1955:. London
1856:. London
1835:. London
1619:Mann n.d
1090:Hegemony
1073:See also
735:Al-Qaeda
608:just war
515:and the
421:Colombia
374:Synopsis
286:and the
225:Iraq War
205:genocide
113:52798943
3011:Related
2825:Chomsky
2256:July 8,
2235:July 8,
2204:July 8,
2183:July 5,
2163:July 8,
2075:July 8,
1959:July 8,
1820:3569230
1791:"Books"
1745:4614867
1017:, told
929:fascist
889:, 2004.
847:, 2004.
750:Reviews
501:Grenada
76:Print (
2971:Family
2962:(2013)
2952:(2004)
2932:(2003)
2922:(2002)
2912:(2001)
2902:(1992)
2788:(2012)
2785:Occupy
2778:(2012)
2768:(2011)
2758:(2010)
2748:(2007)
2738:(2005)
2728:(2003)
2718:(1996)
2697:(2017)
2687:(2006)
2677:(2003)
2667:(1997)
2657:(1994)
2647:(1993)
2637:(1993)
2627:(1991)
2617:(1989)
2594:(1983)
2571:(1973)
2561:(1969)
2531:(2000)
2521:(1995)
2511:(1986)
2501:(1981)
2491:(1975)
2481:(1975)
2453:(1968)
2443:(1968)
2433:(1966)
2423:(1965)
2413:(1964)
2403:(1957)
2382:Select
2122:
1916:
1818:
1762:
1743:
1164:
593:, and
552:Israel
417:Turkey
413:Kosovo
389:Contra
319:. His
39:Author
2292:from
2120:S2CID
1816:JSTOR
1741:JSTOR
1102:Notes
992:devil
497:Libya
435:(see
85:Pages
2258:2012
2237:2012
2206:2012
2185:2014
2165:2012
2145:2012
2091:link
2077:2012
2056:2013
2035:2007
2008:2011
1961:2012
1940:2013
1914:ISBN
1901:2007
1878:2012
1862:2012
1841:2012
1799:2011
1760:ISBN
1583:2003
1305:2003
1275:1992
1162:ISBN
1005:and
460:Cuba
423:and
297:and
223:and
203:and
184:and
107:OCLC
94:ISBN
2112:doi
2102:".
1891:MIT
1733:doi
1723:".
1013:of
793:'s
761:In
677:of
595:PLO
458:in
235:or
88:304
3039::
2248:.
2228:.
2196:.
2176:.
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2135:.
2118:.
2108:28
2106:.
2087:}}
2083:{{
2067:.
2019:.
1999:.
1972:.
1951:.
1931:.
1888:.
1852:.
1831:.
1812:81
1810:.
1781:.
1739:.
1729:63
1727:.
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1507:^
1432:^
1282:^
1176:^
570:.
511:,
499:,
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2167:.
2147:.
2126:.
2114::
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2079:.
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2010:.
1978:.
1963:.
1942:.
1922:.
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1880:.
1864:.
1843:.
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1785:.
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1735::
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1645:.
1633:.
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1131:)
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885:—
843:—
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601:.
80:)
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