Negative raising - Knowledge

374: 634: 301: 342: 811:) is embedded in a matrix clause (consisting a "Neg-raiser" verb), the negation could appear before or after the "Neg-raiser" verb. In both cases, the sentence would remain grammatical. However, when a non "Neg-raiser" verb is used in the matrix clause, the negation is only allowed after the verb, before the embedded clause. 550:

negative inversion can still occur by satisfying its requirements. Because the resulting negatives would not give a meaning similar to that of the above sentence, an additional covert NEG is added to the complement clause. Both occurrences of NEG in the complement clause would then undergo deletion.

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This is analyzed as having both an overt NEG in the main clause, which unlike the CNRP analysis, does not raise up from the embedded clause, and a NEG in the embedded clause. The NEG in the main clause accounts for the semantic negation of the main clause. The NEG in the embedded clause ensures that

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While the standard view of fronted NPIs is that they are indefinites or existentials, this raises an issue for the existence of Horn clauses, as negative Inversion is prevented. However, the nonstandard view of NPIs containing an instance of negation can explain how NEG is able to raise to the host.

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In the syntactic view of classical Neg-raising, a NEG raises from its origin, the place in which it originates underlyingly, to the host, the place in which sits in the surface representation. In English, negative raising constructions utilize negation in the form of, "not," where it is then subject

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have also written in more recent times in defense of the classical argumentation to negative raising. These early accounts attributed negative raising to be derived syntactically, as they thought that the NEG element was c-commanding onto two verbs. Not all agreed with the syntactic view of negative

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In Japanese, NPIs need to occur within the scope domain of the negator. What this means is that if the NPI were to occur in the matrix clause and the negator in the embedded clause, it would be considered to be ungrammatical, as it would not be within the scope domain of the negator. Another aspect

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originates in the lower embedded DP, and raises to the matrix, leaving behind a copy. Only the upper copy of the word is pronounced, so there is no possibility of an incorrect double negation analysis of the meaning. This can be seen as analogous to English sentences that contain a NEG internal to

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In this data, it appears that the way in which the possible responses 'si'/'oui' are distributed relies upon the polarity of that to which it is a response. This statement further infers that negative raising is a process involved, given that ii) and iii) both permit the answer “Mais si!” or “Mais

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Through this depiction, with both the matrix clause negation in ii) and embedded clause negation in iii) possessing the ability to take a tag, evidence is given that ii) surfaces via negative raising from the structures like iii). Thus, despite the movement of the negative "ne...pas" to the matrix

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In this regard, “It does not look like ” is seen as a paraphrase of “It looks like ." This is because even with the raising of the negation to the matrix clause, both sentences convey the same meaning, thus the matrix clause negation is to be interpreted as if it were within the embedded clause.

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The use of corrective responses in French is similar to that of tag questions, with the exception that there are three attested answers to corrective responses: 'oui', 'si,' and 'non.' 'Oui' or 'non' are used to express affirmation, while negative questions are expressed by 'si' or 'non.'

793:αkόmα) as it imperfectivises it. This clause cannot stand as an independent clause if the negation is not present, showing that the pair appear together in the same context (for it to be grammatical, another verb form would have to be used). However, when the ungrammatical clause (e.g. * 100:

based account. However, it is suggested by Chris Collins, Paul Postal, and Laurence R. Horn that the divide between these approaches is not necessary. An approach combining the two is argued for by Chris Collins and Paul Postal, who claim that using an exclusionist method is not viable.

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undergoing movement first, filling the space in spec CP. Once this happens, negation can no longer participate in cyclic movement by stopping in spec CP before moving to the host NM in the main clause. The resulting violation of cyclic movement gives us the ungrammatical sentence.

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This is due to the conditions of the phrases that can be fronted in negative Inversion being met by the NEG as a part of the fronted NPI. Under the CNRP analysis of Horn clauses, the posited underlying structure does not yet have main clause negation or negative inversion.

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orders with respect to other operators (in this case Verb). When we look at negative raising - we are thus looking at the operator NEG, and its scope over the Verbs in a phrase. Sentence with negative raising are thus ambiguous in terms of NEG -

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non!” despite the negation surfacing in separate clauses. This prompts evidence that they depict the same meaning despite the movement of the negation in the phrase, and thus, both structures originating their negation in the embedded clause.

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Neg-raising is not permitted in wh- islands. Consider the following examples, where negation is only permitted in the embedded clause and not the main clause, despite the ability of negation in the main clause to license strict NPIs:

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and can therefore raise up to the main clause while still being interpretable in the embedded clause. The second sentence is viewed as impossible because the Horn clause is a main clause, and lacks an initial complementizer, such as

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which differentiates Japanese from English, in reference to Japanese NPIs, is that NPIs are considered to be legitimate regardless of whether they appear in the subject or the object position in simple verbal clauses.

643:, thus satisfying the locality of selection, being in the embedded clause before participating in raising, moving first to spec CP, and then to its host in the main clause. The analysis proposed by Chris Collins and 799:αkόmα) is embedded in a matrix clause, a negation appears before a "Neg-raiser" verb that is located in the higher clause - suggesting that the negation was moved from the embedded clause into the matrix clause. 651:, where the negation moves up to the specifier position of the functional projection, Negative Merge Phrase (NMP). Though the phrase is covert, the spec NM position acts as the host to the raised negation. 988:

has been to attributed to being responsible for clause-wide negative scope in Japanese. This is different from English in that the negative scope in Japanese extends over the tense phrase (TP) because of

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and a number of others argued that a syntactic analysis was insufficient to explain all the components of the neg raising (NR) theory. Instead they developed a presuppositional, otherwise known as a

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negative raising can be demonstrated through the observation that when the negation is in the embedded clause, it is able to take a tag. This can be seen through the use of the verb 'supposer,'

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This tree illustrates how NEG can be raised from the embedded clause to the Matrix clause; thus it can be pronounced in the higher position while retaining its scope from the lower position.

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In English, syntactically we can have negative phrase structures with the NEG in the matrix clause - the semantic interpretation of these phrases can be ambiguous;

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To account for this fact, Laurence Horn has identified 5 distinct classes to account for the general predicates involved negative raising, as seen below in English:

980:'not'. It is suggested that one of the main differences between Japanese and English is that the extent of negative scope is based on whether there is or is not any 835:

When analyzing French tag questions, the tags 'oui' or 'non' are both seen with affirmative statements, while the tag 'non' is only selected by negative statements.

40:. The higher copy of the negation, in the matrix clause, is pronounced; but the semantic meaning is interpreted as though it were present in the embedded clause. 1083:

but it seems presently to only be raised when with a predicate with some verbal properties, as is shown by the NPI data. The evidence provided from the negative

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and Robin Lakoff have written on the theory of negative raising, which is now considered to be the classical argumentation on this theory. Chris Collins and

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creates the reading "Mary didn’t say it would snow," which holds a different meaning than "Mary said it would not snow," where the negation resides in the

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Chris Collins and Paul Postal refer to these predicates as classical negative raising predicates (CNRPs). It is important to note that some CNRPs such as

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Movement of negation from the embedded clause to the main clause is blocked in a variety of cases where a syntactic island is formed, as exemplified by

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While Horn clauses are claimed to only be licensed by CNRPs, it is the case that other predicates which are non-CNRPs can also license them, such as

2029: 1487: 1491: 1784: 1463: 1264: 399:, and further undergoing subject-auxiliary inversion. Take, for example, the following clause where the NPI is highlighted: 212:"If NEG raises from one clause B into the next clause above B, call it clause A, then the predicate of clause A is a CNRP." 132:

As seen in this example, "say" is not a predicate that can be used for Neg-raising, as the raising of the negation to the

209:, exhibit more dialectal variation in their acceptability to speakers. They define what constitutes a CNRP as follows: 121:

Consider the following example proposed by Paul Crowley, in which the verb "say" attempts to display negative raising:

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moves from only being in the negative phrase (NegP) to extending over the tense phrase (TP). Additionally, when

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and corrective responses, where negation is primarily depicted by the negative construction, "ne...pas."

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a DP external NEG. Thus sentences in Serbo-Croatian, lacking a clausally located NEG are ungrammatical.

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In the phenomenon of negative raising, this negation cannot be raised freely with any given predicate.

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Iatridou, Sabine; Sichel, Ivy (October 2011). "Negative DPs, A-Movement, and Scope Diminishment".

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Aside from English, negative raising has been an apparent phenomenon in a variety of languages:

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Prince, Ellen F. (1976). "The Syntax and Semantics of Neg-Raising, with Evidence from French".

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They must be a complement of a CNRP as these manifest a strong reading for main clause negation

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Consider the Perception predicate, "look like," in which we can posit the following readings:

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I don't think that ever before have the media played such a major role in a kidnapping.

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I do think that have the media <have> played such a major role in a kidnapping.

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Seligson, Gerda; Lakoff, Robin T. (1969). "Abstract Syntax and Latin Complementation".

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This suggests that the negation originates in the embedded clause, as sister to the VP

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I don't know that ever before have the media played such a major role in a kidnapping.

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I don't know that ever before have the media played such a major role in a kidnapping.

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I do think that have the media <have> played such a major role in a kidnapping.

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has been accredited to the early transformational analysis as an instance of movement.

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This syntactic approach was supported in the early beginnings by evidence provided by

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Horn, Laurence (2020). "Neg-raising". In Déprez, Viviane; Espinal, Teresa (eds.).

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Kishimoto, Hideki (January 2007). "Negative scope and head raising in Japanese".

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Collins, C., & Postal, P. M. (2017). "NEG raising and serbo-croatian NPIs".

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The first sentence is grammatical as the Horn clause is a complement of a CNRP

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Dispelling the Cloud of Unknowing: More on the Syntactic Nature of Neg Raising

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but there appears to be clearer evidence of its existence in the language.

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I that before] have the media played such a major role in a kidnapping].

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I that before] have the media played such a major role in a kidnapping].

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I that the media have before] played such a major role in a kidnapping].

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I do think that the media have played such a major role in a kidnapping.

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Collins, Chris; Postal, Paul (2018). Horn, Laurence; Turner, Ken (eds.).

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IRAL - International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching

1510: 1407: 1872: 1364: 823:, evidence of negative raising can be demonstrated through the use of 609:, require a clause internal licenser as they are subject to syntactic 97: 1888:"Negative polarity, A-movement, and clause architecture in Japanese" 1581: 1562: 1391: 1856: 1348: 901:, negative raising can be demonstrated in the following examples: 368:

Phrase structure showing NEG raising - from lower to upper position

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Zeijlstra, Hedde (2017). "Does Neg-Raising Involve Neg-Raising?".

665:"If K is a clause and an island, then NEG cannot extract from K." 247:

Phrase structure with ambiguous and unambiguous NEG interpretation

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in the other reading NEG has scope over the clausal verb (Tree 2)

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before have the media played such a major role in a kidnapping.

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Classical NEG raising : an essay on the syntax of negation

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there is obligatory NEG raising in sentences which contain the

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The following table shows examples of permitted Horn clauses:

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think, believe, suppose, imagine, expect, reckon, feel, guess

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The structure of the sentence in these cases is as follows:

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be supposed to, ought, should, be desirable, advise, suggest

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Kakouriotis, A. (1987). "Negative Raising in Modern Greek".

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Crowley, Paul (2019-03-01). "Neg-Raising and Neg movement".

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Instead the raising process is employed; the underlying NEG

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clause, the meaning of ii) is seen as a paraphrase of iii).

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Phrase structure showing NEG- raising licensing a strict NPI

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The negation could apply to the verb in the embedded clause

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As seen through the continued use of the verb 'supposer,'

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define rules that Horn clauses must abide by a few rules:

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clause complement containing an extracted NPI, triggering

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In one reading NEG has scope over the matrix verb (Tree 1)

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I don't believe that there's going to be a review session

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To counter the syntactically derived theory of neg raising

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I believe that there is not going to be a review session

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I believe that there is not going to be a review session

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The negation could apply to the verb in the matrix clause

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Milan not see something

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Corrective responses in French with the verb 'supposer'

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Steps of Neg-raising in cloud of unknowing predicates

1453: 1099:, it results in subject-object/complement asymmetry. 60:

was the first to propose a syntactic approach called

1602:. Cornell University Library. København, A. F. Høst. 1119:. This happens, as unlike English, SC does not have 1971:Kishimoto, Hideki (2008-11-03). "On Verb Raising". 1563:"Disentangling two Distinct Notions of NEG raising" 1012:Listed below are some example of Japanese NPIs. 943:iii) Je ne suppose pas que Jean vienne de Djibouti 1277: 1275: 230: 113: 1675: 1420: 1335:Lakoff, George (September 1970). "Global Rules". 932:ii) Je suppose que Jean ne vient pas de Djibouti 846:Tag Questions in French with the verb 'Supposer' 2040: 1170:Grammatical sentence structure with NEG raising 995: 935:I suppose that Jean does not come from Djibouti 802: 661:The Island Sensitivity of NEG Raising Condition: 534: 147:Horn's classification of Neg-raising predicates 1272: 946:I do not suppose that Jean comes from Djibouti 867:ii) Je ne suppose pas que Max soit parti, non? 171:seem, appear, look like, sound like, feel like 1377: 1281: 875:iii) Je suppose que Max n'est pas parti, non? 1770: 1560: 741:Negative raising works similar to English in 347:The English language has a rich inventory of 313:Phrase structure with NEG in embedded clause 2028:: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list ( 1486:: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list ( 1000:In Japanese there are two types of NPIs: an 859:i) Je suppose que Max est parti, oui / non? 1799: 1509:. 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198830528.001.0001: 1136:Ungrammatical sentence lacking clausal NEG 778: 753: 484:The steps are detailed in the table below: 258:Phrase structure with NEG in matrix clause 1490:) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list ( 1130: 807:When an embedded clause (consisting of an 765: 632: 1970: 1935: 1885: 1730: 1637: 1595: 1580: 1303: 921:i) Je suppose que Jean vient de Djibouti 787:) makes the clause grammatical (e.g. δεν 462:would I agree to such a course of action 104: 924:I suppose that Jean comes from Djibouti 48:The NEG-element was first introduced by 1981:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195307344.013.0005 1615: 1599:Negation in English and other languages 888: 714:to tell a living soul about the money. 698:to tell a living soul about the money. 387:Horn clauses, named after the linguist 2041: 1842: 1334: 762:) (the time αdverb) in this language. 720:This can be explained by the wh- word 1766: 1764: 1726: 1724: 1722: 1720: 1708: 1611: 1609: 1561:Collins, Chris; Postal, Paul (2018). 1060: 654: 601:Strict negative polarity items (NPIs) 488:Steps of Neg-raising in Horn clauses 1556: 1554: 1552: 1550: 1548: 1546: 1544: 1504: 1242: 1240: 1238: 1236: 1234: 1232: 1230: 1228: 1226: 1071:is also evidenced from the negative 972:This is evidenced, in part, through 1996:The Canadian Journal of Linguistics 984:to a higher position. In addition, 729:Negative raising in other languages 72:, who used, in part, strong/strict 13: 1793: 1761: 1717: 1606: 870:I don't suppose Max has left, no? 862:I suppose Max has left, yes / no? 748:This is evidenced in the usage of 179:be probable, be likely, figure to 24:is a phenomenon that concerns the 14: 2060: 1895:Journal of East Asian Linguistics 1711:The semantics of scope in English 1541: 1223: 1102: 1016:Japanese negative polarity items 28:of negation from the embedded or 1886:Kishimoto, Hideki (2017-02-03). 830: 372: 340: 299: 1987: 1964: 1929: 1879: 1836: 1702: 1507:The Oxford Handbook of Negation 878:I suppose Max hasn't left, no? 736: 382: 231:Analysis of English NEG-raising 114:Examples of English NEG-raising 1589: 1498: 1454:Collins, Chris, 1963- (2014). 1447: 1414: 1371: 1328: 1257:10.7551/mitpress/9704.003.0008 1152:Mary will see no-one-ACC 1087:'not' shows that the scope of 668: 1: 1678:A natural history of negation 1423:A natural history of negation 1217: 1163:the DP combined with an NPI. 996:Negative polarity item (NPIs) 916:Possible responses in French 803:Negative polarity items (NPI) 575:Result of negative inversion 535:Cloud of unknowing predicates 509:Result of negative inversion 125:Mary didn't say it would snow 43: 1950:10.1016/j.lingua.2006.01.003 1814:10.1515/iral.1987.25.1-4.303 1115:-NPI accompanied by the NEG 591:Resulting surface structure 525:Resulting surface structure 128:Mary said it would not snow. 7: 1200: 1123:i.e. Unary NEG structures, 959: 187:want, intend, choose, plan 64:but is now known solely as 10: 2065: 1680:. Stanford, Calif.: CSLI. 1676:Horn, Laurence R. (2001). 1618:Natural Language Semantics 1421:Horn, Laurence R. (2001). 1144:*Marija ce videti niko-ga 620:believe that Carolyn will 567:Underlying representation 501:Underlying representation 1907:10.1007/s10831-016-9153-6 1747:10.1007/s11245-017-9461-0 1709:Kroch, Anthony S (1974). 1630:10.1007/s11050-018-9148-0 968:, there are instances of 814: 779: 754: 583:Result of additional NEG 446:I didn't expect that for 430:Examples of Horn clauses 419:They must be complements. 1596:Jespersen, Otto (1917). 1568:Semantics and Pragmatics 1533:: CS1 maint: location ( 450:she would agree to that 222:“It does not look like ” 1973:Oxford Handbooks Online 1251:, The MIT Press, 2014, 1131:Examples of NEG raising 1006:floating modifier type. 974:negative polarity items 750:negative polarity items 927:Mais oui! / Mais non! 517:Result of NEG raising 105:NEG-raising in English 1249:Classical NEG Raising 949:Mais si! / Mais non! 938:Mais si! / Mais non! 1296:10.1162/ling_a_00062 1207:Verb phrase ellipsis 1075:'not'. The negative 1024:English translation 913:English translation 889:Corrective responses 854:English translation 611:locality constraints 110:to clausal raising. 1380:The Classical World 1171: 1137: 1017: 906: 847: 679: 555: 543:Take, for example: 489: 431: 402:I don't think that 307: 252: 152:Class of predicate 148: 58:Charles J. Fillmore 2008:10.1017/cnj.2017.2 1284:Linguistic Inquiry 1212:Minimalist program 1169: 1135: 1015: 904: 845: 677: 655:Island constraints 605:Strict NPIs, like 553: 487: 429: 411:Chris Collins and 397:negative inversion 306: 251: 146: 62:neg transportation 30:subordinate clause 1786:978-90-04-36544-5 1465:978-0-262-02731-1 1266:978-0-262-32384-0 1198: 1197: 1156: 1155: 1058: 1057: 1002:argument modifier 991:neg-head raising. 976:and the negative 970:neg-head raising. 953: 952: 882: 881: 769:(the time adverb) 752:and the usage of 718: 717: 649:minimalist syntax 598: 597: 532: 531: 466: 465: 333: 332: 292: 291: 285:Interpretation 2 277:Interpretation 1 199: 198: 66:negative raising. 36:to the matrix or 2056: 2034: 2033: 2027: 2019: 1991: 1985: 1984: 1968: 1962: 1961: 1933: 1927: 1926: 1892: 1883: 1877: 1876: 1840: 1834: 1833: 1797: 1791: 1790: 1768: 1759: 1758: 1728: 1715: 1714: 1706: 1700: 1699: 1673: 1660: 1659: 1641: 1613: 1604: 1603: 1593: 1587: 1586: 1584: 1558: 1539: 1538: 1532: 1524: 1502: 1496: 1495: 1485: 1477: 1451: 1445: 1444: 1418: 1412: 1411: 1375: 1369: 1368: 1332: 1326: 1325: 1307: 1279: 1270: 1269: 1244: 1172: 1168: 1138: 1134: 1097:neg-head raising 1095:doesn't undergo 1081:neg-head raised, 1069:Neg-head raising 1018: 1014: 986:neg-head raising 982:neg-head raising 907: 903: 848: 844: 782: 781: 773:When the adverb 757: 756: 680: 676: 636: 556: 552: 490: 486: 432: 428: 389:Laurence R. Horn 376: 344: 308: 305: 303: 253: 250: 219:“It looks like ” 149: 145: 78:Laurence R. Horn 22:negative raising 2064: 2063: 2059: 2058: 2057: 2055: 2054: 2053: 2039: 2038: 2037: 2021: 2020: 1992: 1988: 1969: 1965: 1934: 1930: 1890: 1884: 1880: 1841: 1837: 1798: 1794: 1787: 1769: 1762: 1729: 1718: 1707: 1703: 1688: 1674: 1663: 1614: 1607: 1594: 1590: 1582:10.3765/sp.11.5 1559: 1542: 1526: 1525: 1521: 1503: 1499: 1479: 1478: 1466: 1452: 1448: 1433: 1419: 1415: 1392:10.2307/4346936 1376: 1372: 1333: 1329: 1280: 1273: 1267: 1247:"NEG Raising", 1246: 1245: 1224: 1220: 1203: 1183: 1141:Serbo-Croatian 1133: 1105: 1066: 998: 962: 891: 833: 817: 805: 798: 792: 771: 739: 731: 683:Grammaticality 671: 657: 603: 537: 435:Grammaticality 385: 370: 326:Interpretation 249: 233: 138:embedded clause 116: 107: 52:, but the term 46: 12: 11: 5: 2062: 2052: 2051: 2036: 2035: 2002:(3): 339–370. 1986: 1963: 1944:(1): 247–288. 1928: 1901:(2): 109–161. 1878: 1857:10.2307/412568 1851:(2): 404–426. 1835: 1792: 1785: 1760: 1741:(3): 417–433. 1716: 1701: 1686: 1661: 1605: 1588: 1540: 1519: 1497: 1464: 1446: 1431: 1413: 1370: 1349:10.2307/412310 1343:(3): 627–639. 1327: 1290:(4): 595–629. 1271: 1265: 1221: 1219: 1216: 1215: 1214: 1209: 1202: 1199: 1196: 1195: 1192: 1186: 1185: 1181: 1178: 1176:Serbo-Croatian 1154: 1153: 1150: 1146: 1145: 1142: 1132: 1129: 1109:Serbo-Croatian 1104: 1103:Serbo-Croatian 1101: 1065: 1059: 1056: 1055: 1052: 1046: 1045: 1042: 1036: 1035: 1032: 1026: 1025: 1022: 997: 994: 961: 958: 951: 950: 947: 944: 940: 939: 936: 933: 929: 928: 925: 922: 918: 917: 914: 911: 890: 887: 880: 879: 876: 872: 871: 868: 864: 863: 860: 856: 855: 852: 832: 829: 816: 813: 804: 801: 794: 788: 770: 764: 738: 735: 730: 727: 716: 715: 704: 703:Ungrammatical 700: 699: 692: 688: 687: 684: 670: 667: 656: 653: 641:breathe a word 622:breathe a word 607:breathe a word 602: 599: 596: 595: 592: 588: 587: 584: 580: 579: 576: 572: 571: 568: 564: 563: 560: 536: 533: 530: 529: 526: 522: 521: 518: 514: 513: 510: 506: 505: 502: 498: 497: 494: 464: 463: 456: 455:Ungrammatical 452: 451: 444: 440: 439: 436: 424: 423: 420: 384: 381: 369: 366: 365: 364: 361: 331: 330: 327: 323: 322: 319: 315: 314: 311: 290: 289: 286: 282: 281: 278: 274: 273: 264: 260: 259: 256: 248: 245: 244: 243: 240: 232: 229: 224: 223: 220: 197: 196: 193: 189: 188: 185: 181: 180: 177: 173: 172: 169: 165: 164: 161: 157: 156: 153: 130: 129: 126: 115: 112: 106: 103: 94:Renate Bartsch 74:polarity items 45: 42: 9: 6: 4: 3: 2: 2061: 2050: 2047: 2046: 2044: 2031: 2025: 2017: 2013: 2009: 2005: 2001: 1997: 1990: 1982: 1978: 1974: 1967: 1959: 1955: 1951: 1947: 1943: 1939: 1932: 1924: 1920: 1916: 1912: 1908: 1904: 1900: 1896: 1889: 1882: 1874: 1870: 1866: 1862: 1858: 1854: 1850: 1846: 1839: 1831: 1827: 1823: 1819: 1815: 1811: 1807: 1803: 1796: 1788: 1782: 1778: 1774: 1767: 1765: 1756: 1752: 1748: 1744: 1740: 1736: 1735: 1727: 1725: 1723: 1721: 1712: 1705: 1697: 1693: 1689: 1687:1-57586-336-7 1683: 1679: 1672: 1670: 1668: 1666: 1657: 1653: 1649: 1645: 1640: 1639:1721.1/131773 1635: 1631: 1627: 1623: 1619: 1612: 1610: 1601: 1600: 1592: 1583: 1578: 1574: 1570: 1569: 1564: 1557: 1555: 1553: 1551: 1549: 1547: 1545: 1536: 1530: 1522: 1520:9780198830528 1516: 1512: 1508: 1501: 1493: 1489: 1483: 1475: 1471: 1467: 1461: 1458:. MIT Press. 1457: 1450: 1442: 1438: 1434: 1432:1-57586-336-7 1428: 1424: 1417: 1409: 1405: 1401: 1397: 1393: 1389: 1385: 1381: 1374: 1366: 1362: 1358: 1354: 1350: 1346: 1342: 1338: 1331: 1323: 1319: 1315: 1311: 1306: 1301: 1297: 1293: 1289: 1285: 1278: 1276: 1268: 1262: 1258: 1254: 1250: 1243: 1241: 1239: 1237: 1235: 1233: 1231: 1229: 1227: 1222: 1213: 1210: 1208: 1205: 1204: 1193: 1191: 1188: 1187: 1179: 1177: 1174: 1173: 1167: 1164: 1161: 1151: 1148: 1147: 1143: 1140: 1139: 1128: 1126: 1122: 1118: 1114: 1110: 1100: 1098: 1094: 1090: 1086: 1082: 1078: 1074: 1070: 1064: 1053: 1051: 1048: 1047: 1043: 1041: 1038: 1037: 1033: 1031: 1028: 1027: 1023: 1020: 1019: 1013: 1010: 1007: 1003: 993: 992: 987: 983: 979: 975: 971: 967: 957: 948: 945: 942: 941: 937: 934: 931: 930: 926: 923: 920: 919: 915: 912: 909: 908: 902: 900: 895: 886: 877: 874: 873: 869: 866: 865: 861: 858: 857: 853: 851:French + tag 850: 849: 843: 841: 836: 831:Tag questions 828: 826: 825:tag questions 822: 812: 810: 800: 797: 791: 786: 776: 768: 763: 761: 751: 746: 744: 734: 726: 723: 713: 709: 705: 702: 701: 697: 693: 690: 689: 685: 682: 681: 675: 666: 663: 662: 652: 650: 646: 642: 637: 635: 630: 629: 625: 623: 619: 614: 612: 608: 593: 590: 589: 585: 582: 581: 577: 574: 573: 569: 566: 565: 561: 558: 557: 551: 547: 544: 542: 527: 524: 523: 519: 516: 515: 511: 508: 507: 503: 500: 499: 495: 492: 491: 485: 482: 478: 476: 471: 461: 457: 454: 453: 449: 445: 442: 441: 437: 434: 433: 427: 421: 418: 417: 416: 414: 409: 407: 406: 400: 398: 394: 390: 380: 377: 375: 362: 359: 358: 357: 354: 350: 345: 343: 338: 337: 336:Syntax Tree 2 328: 325: 324: 320: 317: 316: 312: 310: 309: 304: 302: 297: 296: 295:Syntax Tree 1 287: 284: 283: 279: 276: 275: 271: 270: 265: 262: 261: 257: 255: 254: 241: 238: 237: 236: 228: 221: 218: 217: 216: 213: 210: 208: 204: 194: 191: 190: 186: 183: 182: 178: 175: 174: 170: 167: 166: 162: 159: 158: 154: 151: 150: 144: 141: 139: 135: 134:matrix clause 127: 124: 123: 122: 119: 111: 102: 99: 95: 92: 88: 83: 79: 75: 71: 67: 63: 59: 55: 51: 41: 39: 35: 31: 27: 23: 19: 2024:cite journal 1999: 1995: 1989: 1972: 1966: 1941: 1937: 1931: 1898: 1894: 1881: 1848: 1844: 1838: 1805: 1801: 1795: 1772: 1738: 1732: 1710: 1704: 1677: 1621: 1617: 1598: 1591: 1572: 1566: 1506: 1500: 1455: 1449: 1422: 1416: 1383: 1379: 1373: 1340: 1336: 1330: 1305:1721.1/71143 1287: 1283: 1248: 1189: 1175: 1165: 1159: 1157: 1124: 1120: 1116: 1112: 1106: 1096: 1092: 1088: 1084: 1080: 1076: 1072: 1068: 1067: 1062: 1049: 1039: 1029: 1011: 1005: 1001: 999: 990: 985: 981: 977: 969: 963: 954: 898: 896: 892: 883: 839: 837: 834: 818: 806: 795: 789: 784: 774: 772: 766: 759: 747: 743:Modern Greek 740: 737:Modern Greek 732: 721: 719: 711: 707: 695: 691:Grammatical 678:Wh- islands 672: 664: 660: 658: 640: 638: 631: 627: 626: 621: 617: 615: 606: 604: 548: 545: 540: 538: 483: 479: 474: 469: 467: 459: 447: 443:Grammatical 425: 410: 404: 403: 401: 392: 386: 383:Horn clauses 378: 371: 346: 339: 335: 334: 298: 294: 293: 268: 267: 234: 225: 214: 211: 206: 202: 200: 176:Probability 142: 131: 120: 117: 108: 98:semantically 90: 86: 70:Robin Lakoff 65: 61: 53: 50:Edward Klima 47: 21: 15: 2049:Linguistics 1624:(1): 1–17. 1575:(5): 1–22. 1054:'ken'-only 1004:type and a 669:Wh- islands 645:Paul Postal 413:Paul Postal 168:Perception 82:Paul Postal 54:neg raising 38:main clause 32:of certain 18:linguistics 1511:OUP Oxford 1386:(9): 364. 1218:References 1184:, vidi ] 899:to suppose 840:to suppose 694:I planned 460:ever again 448:any reason 192:Judgement 76:as proof. 44:Background 34:predicates 2016:149148203 1958:0024-3841 1923:254597133 1915:0925-8558 1865:0097-8507 1830:143874137 1822:0019-042X 1755:255112493 1656:254865743 1648:1572-865X 1529:cite book 1482:cite book 1474:890535311 1400:0009-8418 1357:0097-8507 1314:0024-3892 1079:'not' is 1063:nai 'not' 1061:Negative 1021:Japanese 686:Sentence 647:draws on 624:about it 562:Sentence 496:Sentence 438:Sentence 349:operators 321:believe 272:believe 184:Volition 155:Examples 2043:Category 1845:Language 1696:47289406 1441:47289406 1425:. CSLI. 1337:Language 1322:57567517 1201:See also 1180:Mian NEG 1121:no-forms 1050:ken-sika 966:Japanese 960:Japanese 616:Stanley 160:Opinion 1808:(1–4). 1408:4346936 1125:without 1034:anyone 1030:dare-mo 910:French 696:how not 618:doesn't 470:expect, 318:Phrase 263:Phrase 85:raising 26:raising 2014: 1956: 1938:Lingua 1921: 1913: 1873:412568 1871: 1863: 1828: 1820: 1783: 1753: 1694: 1684: 1654: 1646: 1517: 1472: 1462: 1439: 1429: 1406: 1398: 1365:412310 1363: 1355: 1320: 1312: 1263: 1149:Gloss 821:French 815:French 796:aorist 790:aorist 706:I did 203:reckon 2012:S2CID 1919:S2CID 1891:(PDF) 1869:JSTOR 1826:S2CID 1777:Brill 1751:S2CID 1734:Topoi 1652:S2CID 1404:JSTOR 1361:JSTOR 1318:S2CID 1190:Gloss 1044:very 1040:amari 775:akόma 767:akόma 760:akóma 755:ακόμα 710:plan 559:Step 541:know. 493:Step 353:scope 207:guess 2030:link 1954:ISSN 1911:ISSN 1861:ISSN 1818:ISSN 1781:ISBN 1692:OCLC 1682:ISBN 1644:ISSN 1535:link 1515:ISBN 1492:link 1488:link 1470:OCLC 1460:ISBN 1437:OCLC 1427:ISBN 1396:ISSN 1353:ISSN 1310:ISSN 1261:ISBN 475:that 405:ever 393:that 205:and 2004:doi 1977:doi 1946:doi 1942:117 1903:doi 1853:doi 1810:doi 1743:doi 1634:hdl 1626:doi 1577:doi 1388:doi 1345:doi 1300:hdl 1292:doi 1253:doi 1107:In 1093:nai 1089:nai 1085:nai 1077:nai 1073:nai 978:nai 964:In 819:In 809:NPI 785:den 780:δεν 722:how 712:how 708:not 269:not 266:do 16:In 2045:: 2026:}} 2022:{{ 2010:. 2000:62 1998:. 1975:. 1952:. 1940:. 1917:. 1909:. 1899:26 1897:. 1893:. 1867:. 1859:. 1849:52 1847:. 1824:. 1816:. 1806:25 1804:. 1779:. 1775:. 1763:^ 1749:. 1739:37 1737:. 1719:^ 1690:. 1664:^ 1650:. 1642:. 1632:. 1622:27 1620:. 1608:^ 1573:11 1571:. 1565:. 1543:^ 1531:}} 1527:{{ 1513:. 1484:}} 1480:{{ 1468:. 1435:. 1402:. 1394:. 1384:62 1382:. 1359:. 1351:. 1341:46 1339:. 1316:. 1308:. 1298:. 1288:42 1286:. 1274:^ 1259:, 1225:^ 1160:ne 1117:ne 1113:ni 477:. 140:. 20:, 2032:) 2018:. 2006:: 1983:. 1979:: 1960:. 1948:: 1925:. 1905:: 1875:. 1855:: 1832:. 1812:: 1789:. 1757:. 1745:: 1698:. 1658:. 1636:: 1628:: 1585:. 1579:: 1537:) 1523:. 1494:) 1476:. 1443:. 1410:. 1390:: 1367:. 1347:: 1324:. 1302:: 1294:: 1255:: 1182:1 783:( 758:( 458:* 91:, 87:.

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