History of FARC - Knowledge

199:(who had extensive landholdings in Colombia), the Colombian government began to pursue the policy of promoting large-scale industrial farms producing for export, rather than small farms producing for local consumption. The government heavily subsidized large-scale industrial farm owners, while violently forcing peasants off of their land, claiming that they were using it "inefficiently". A very large number of small landholders were pushed off of their land, and forced to migrate to urban centers, where they formed a cheap labor pool for the burgeoning industrial economy in the Colombian cities. By 1969, there were over 400,000 landless families in Colombia, with an annual increase of 40,000 per year since 1961. By 1970, 875:

Colombia and thousands worldwide. The protests were originally organized through the popular social networking site Facebook by a 33-year-old engineer, Oscar Morales, from his home in Barranquilla. Morales, along with other young professionals created a Facebook group called "Million Voices against the FARC", which quickly gained over 200,000 members from around the world. Morales was irritated with Hugo Chávez's suggestion that FARC–EP should be taken off of the European Union's list of international terrorist organizations and treated as a legitimate army. The organizing for the protests was also supported by local Colombian media outlets as well as the Colombian government.

615:(see below), the alleged training of FARC–EP militants in bomb making by them, and the kidnapping of several political figures, Pastrana ended the peace talks on February 21, 2002, and ordered the armed forces to start retaking the FARC–EP controlled zone, beginning at midnight. A 48-hour respite that had been previously agreed to with the rebel group was not respected as the government argued that it had already been granted during an earlier crisis in January, when most of the more prominent FARC–EP commanders had apparently left the demilitarized zone. Shortly after the end of talks, the FARC–EP kidnapped 234:

violence of large landholders. Members organized strikes, protests, seizures of land, and organized communist-controlled "self-defense communities" in southern Colombia that were able to resist state military forces, while providing for the subsistence needs of the populace. Many of the PCC's attempts at organizing peasants, were met with violent repression by the Colombian government, and landowning class. U.S. military intelligence estimates estimated that in 1962, the size of the PCC had grown to 8,000 to 10,000 active members, and an additional 28,000 supporters.

203:(large farms of over 50 hectares), held approximately 77% of the land in Colombia. In 1971, 70% of the farmland in Colombia was owned by 5.7% of the population. Much of this land was consolidated in the hands of urban industrialists—which had seen marked increases in profits due to the influx of landless, displaced peasants, willing to work for very low wages—and cattle ranchers. Malnutrition and lack of basic medical care were almost universal amongst rural workers in the early 1960s, leading to extremely high rates of preventable disease and infant mortality. 4878: 4832: 38: 485:) had come together under an umbrella organization known as the Guerrilla Coordinating Board (CNG). This group evolved in 1987 into the Simón Bolívar Guerrilla Coordinating Board (CGSB), which led negotiations between the numerous guerrilla groups and the government. While the CGSB did achieve some of its goals, its success was very limited. The CGSB's initiative led to the successful peace process with the M-19. The FARC–EP and ELN, on the other hand, decided to continue their struggle. 4865: 703: 320:

allowed them to expand into an irregular army, which would then stage large scale attacks on Colombian troops. They also began sending fighters to Vietnam and the Soviet Union for advanced military training. They also planned to move closer to middle-sized cities, as opposed to only remote rural areas, and closer to areas rich in natural resources, in order to create a strong economic infrastructure. It was also at this conference that FARC added the initials "EP", for "

4614: 4590: 192:. The two parties agreed to hold elections, but to alternate power between the two parties, regardless of the election results. They decided that the pact would remain in effect until 1974 (however, it lasted with only minor modifications until 1990). This enabled a consolidation of power amongst Colombian Conservative and Liberal elites, while simultaneously strengthening the military and preventing radical political alternatives and popular reforms. 393:"has no evidence that the FARC or ELN have been involved in the transportation, distribution, or marketing of illegal drugs in the United States. Furthermore it is doubtful that either insurgent group could develop the international transportation and logistics infrastructure necessary to establish independent drug distribution in the United States or Europe... DEA believes that the insurgents never will be major players in Colombia's drug trade." 4641: 4651: 4852: 4661: 4580: 4631: 4570: 840:, where the FARC–EP was tricked by the Colombian Government into releasing 15 hostages to Colombian Intelligence agents disguised as journalists and international aid workers in a helicopter rescue; the June 13, 2010, raid which released Police Colonel Luis Herlindo Mendieta Ovalle, Police Captain Enrique Murillo Sanchez, Police Lieutenante William Donato Gomez and Army Staff Sargeant Arbey Delgado Argote. 557:, with the help of local sympathizers and informants, FARC–EP forces annihilated an elite Colombian army unit, the 52nd counterguerrilla battalion of the 3rd Mobile Brigade. A force of 600–800 guerrillas attacked the battalion, and by the end of the engagement, 104 of the battalion's 154 men had been killed. In November 1998, FARC–EP forces overran the provincial capital 960:, President of Polo Democrático said that while the party disapproves of the crimes of FARC, such as kidnapping and extortion, they also did not support the decision of the protest organizers to avoid criticizing the crimes of the paramilitary groups and the government, citing murders of teachers and trade union leaders and millions of people who have been displaced. 305:. 16,000 Colombian troops, backed by the U.S., attacked the village of 1,000 inhabitants, only 48 of whom were armed. Marulanda and 47 others fought against government forces at Marquetalia, and then escaped into the mountains along with the other fighters. These 48 men formed the core of FARC, which quickly grew in size to hundreds of fighters. 941:". They acknowledged that the anti-FARC rallies were an example of how social software can "enhance political activism from a local to a worldwide scale" but also pointed out that the use of social networks remains a "privilege" given the "enormous part of the population" that is still excluded from the Internet as a whole. 1046:

in Latin America, reflect on this (FARC–EP), we are done with war ... enough with all this death". On June 8 Chavez repeated his call for a political solution and an end to the war, "The guerrilla war is history ... At this moment in Latin America, an armed guerrilla movement is out of place".

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stated his disapproval with the FARC–EP strategy of armed struggle and kidnapping, saying "I don't agree with kidnapping and I don't agree with armed struggle". On March 7 at the Cumbre de Rio, Chavez stated again that the FARC–EP should lay down their arms "Look at what has happened and is happening

721:, which led to the capture or desertion of many fighters and medium-level commanders. Uribe ran for office on an anti-FARC–EP platform and was determined to defeat FARC–EP in a bid to create "confidence" in the country. Uribe's own father had been killed by FARC–EP in an attempted kidnapping in 1983. 578:

In March 1999 members of a local FARC contingent killed 3 indigenous rights activists, who were working with the U'Wa people to build a school for U'Wa children, and were fighting against encroachment of U'Wa territory by multinational oil corporations. The killings were almost universally condemned,

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In 1982, FARC–EP held its Seventh Guerrilla Conference, which called for a major shift in FARC's strategy. FARC had historically been doing most of its fighting in rural areas, and was limited to small-scale confrontations with Colombian military forces. By 1982, increased income from the "coca boom"

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Visit to Colombia, South America, by a Team from Special Warfare Center, Fort Bragg, North Carolina, Headquarters, U.S. Army Special Warfare School, Feb 26, 1962, Kennedy Library, Box 319, National Security Files, Special Group; Fort Bragg Team; Visit to Colombia; 3/62, "Secret Supplement, Colombian

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Between 1986 and 1990, thousands of members of the UP and other leftist parties were murdered (estimates range from 4,000 to 6,000). In 1987, the President of the UP, Jaime Pardo, was murdered. In 1989 a single large landholder had over 400 UP members murdered. Over 70% of all Colombian presidential

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The UP performed better in elections than any other leftist party in Colombia's history. In 1986, UP candidates won 350 local council seats, 23 deputy positions in departmental assemblies, 9 seats in the House, and 6 seats in the Senate. The 1986 Presidential candidate, Jaime Pardo Leal, won 4.6% of

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report "acknowledged that the FARC had become increasingly involved in drugs through their 'taxing' of the trade in areas under their geographical control and that in some cases the insurgents protected trafficking infrastructure to further fund their insurgency," but also described the relationship

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Initially, the FARC–EP rejected any involvement in the emerging phenomenon of drug growing and trafficking, but during the 1980s the group gradually came to accept it as it became a burgeoning business. Taxes on drug producers and traffickers were introduced as a source of funding in the form of the

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experts to investigate Colombia's internal security situation. Among other policy recommendations the US team advised that "in order to shield the interests of both Colombian and US authorities against 'interventionist' charges any special aid given for internal security was to be sterile and covert

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There is more repression of individual freedom here than in any country we've been to, the police patrol the streets carrying rifles and demand your papers every few minutes ... the atmosphere here is tense, and it seems a revolution may be brewing. The countryside is in open revolt, and the army is

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This was the case in 1961, when the Republic of Marquetalia was declared by guerrilla leader Manuel Marulanda Velez (also known as 'Tiro Fijo' or Sure Shot). The Lleras government, fearing that a Cuban-style revolutionary situation might develop, launched a surprise attack against the area in early

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activities in Colombia. Their report alleged a longstanding connection between the IRA and FARC–EP, mentioned at least 15 IRA members who had been traveling in and out of Colombia since 1998, and estimated that the IRA had received at least $ 2 million in drug proceeds for training FARC–EP members.

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Beginning in 1996, FARC–EP began applying a new military strategy involving multi-front attacks on military objectives, and the use of both 61mm and 80mm mortars and of homemade mortars known as "cylinder bombs" (the use of which has been condemned by many, due to their inaccuracy and potential for

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declared an independent "Republic of Marquetalia". The Lleras government attempted unsuccessfully to attack the communities to drive out the guerrillas, due to fears that "a Cuban-style revolutionary situation might develop". After the failed attacks, several army outposts were set up in the area.

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in 1930. The PCC began establishing "peasant leagues" in rural areas and "popular fronts" in urban areas, calling for improved living and working conditions, education, and rights for the working class. These groups began networking together to present a defensive front against the state-supported

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was among the dead, along with at least 16 of his fellow guerrillas. Raúl Reyes was FARC–EP's international spokesman and hostage release negotiator and considered to be FARC–EP's second-in-command. This incident led to a breakdown in diplomatic relations between Ecuador and Colombia, and between

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ICT&S Center have argued that since the protest was primarily organized via Facebook and only 1 out of 5 Colombians were estimated to have regular access to the Internet in 2007, the movement would have been more representative of upper class sentiments than those of Colombians who lack such

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Towards the end of 1990, the army, with no advance warning and while negotiations were still ongoing with the group, attacked a compound known as Casa Verde, which housed the National Secretariat of the FARC–EP. The Colombian government argued that the attack was caused by the FARC–EP's lack of

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On February 4, 2008, several rallies were held in Colombia and in other locations around the world, criticizing FARC–EP for kidnapping and violence and demanding the liberation of hundreds of hostages. Participation estimates vary from the hundreds of thousands to several millions of people in

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in violent areas. Following Yarborough's recommendations, the Colombian military recruited civilians into paramilitary "civil defense" groups which worked alongside the military in its counter-insurgency campaign, as well as in civilian intelligence networks to gather information on guerrilla

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A concerted country team effort should be made now to select civilian and military personnel for clandestine training in resistance operations in case they are needed later. This should be done with a view toward development of a civil and military structure for exploitation in the event the

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Over this period in Colombia the cultivation of different drugs expanded and there were widespread coca farmers' marches. These marches brought to a halt several major arteries in southern Colombia in which the government claimed there was FARC–EP involvement, although it has not been fully

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Critics have argued that the protests were primarily by upper-class Colombians, promoted and supported by government or business elites and also involved right-wing paramilitaries. The exclusive focus on FARC, instead of also criticizing the actions of the government and government-aligned

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In early February 2005, a series of small scale military actions by the FARC–EP around the southwestern departments of Colombia, resulted in an estimated 40 casualties. The FARC–EP, in response to government military operations in the south and in the southeast, would now be displacing its

528:, Mexico. However, the war did not stop, and armed attacks by both sides continued. The negotiation process was broken off in 1993 after no agreement was reached. The Coordinating Board disappeared not long after that time, and guerrilla groups continued their activities independently. 449:. While many members of the UP were involved with the FARC–EP, the large majority of them were not and came from a wide variety of backgrounds such as labor unions and socialist parties such as the PCC. In the cities, the FARC–EP began integrating itself with the UP and forming 1025:' After speculations in several national and international media about the 'softening up' of the FARC and the announcement of Colombian President Álvaro Uribe that several FARC-leaders were ready to surrender and liberate hostages, the secretariat of the FARC sent out a 852:

urged European and Latin American governments on January 11, 2008, to stop branding Colombia's guerrillas as terrorists, a day after welcoming two hostages released by the rebels. "I am asking the governments (across Latin America) to take the FARC–EP and ELN

925:. Others said that right-wing paramilitary leaders played a role organizing the protests, businesses and government offices shut down for the day, bosses pressured workers to attend the gatherings and the mass media gave free advertising to the mobilization. 804:, three low-ranking police officers and a low-ranking soldier; the March 17, 2009, of Swedish hostage Erik Roland Larsson. The March 2010 release of Professional Soldier Josue Daniel Calvo Sanchez and Corporal Second Class Pablo Emilio Moncayo Cabrera. 296:

At the behest of the United States, the Colombian government began attacking many of the self-defense communities in the early 1960s, attempting to re-assimilate the territories under the control of the national government. FARC was formed in 1964 by

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was quick to respond, ruling out any change in the FARC–EP's or ELN's status. Álvaro Uribe later issued a statement saying the insurgents are indeed terrorists who fund their operations with cocaine smuggling, recruit children and plant

371:"we do not believe that the drug industry would be substantially disrupted in the short term by attacks against guerrillas. Indeed, many traffickers would probably welcome, and even assist, increased operations against insurgents." 271:

Colombian internal security system deteriorates further. This structure should be used to pressure toward reforms known to be needed, perform counter-agent and counter-propaganda functions and as necessary execute paramilitary,

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Several hostages also died or were killed during captivity, including: Julian Ernesto Guevara Castro, a Police Captain, who died of tuberculosis on January 28, 2006.; the killing of 11 out of 12 provincial deputies from the

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whom the guerrillas had kidnapped in 2002. The FARC–EP claimed that they were killed in the crossfire of a gun battle, while the Colombian government and Red Cross claim that they were killed by FARC–EP; the killing of

913:, had expressed their support of the protest through a communique. However, this move was rejected by organizer Carlos Andrés Santiago, who stated that such an endorsement was harmful and criticized the AUC's actions. 565:

near the border with Brazil. The Colombian government was unable to retake Mitú until three days later, after officials received permission to land Colombian troops in Brazilian military bases across the border.

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argues that it was not until the early part of the 1980s that the Colombian government attempted to move away from the counterinsurgency strategy represented by Plan Lazo and Yarborough's 1962 recommendations.

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During this period, the Colombian government continued its negotiations with the FARC–EP and other armed groups, some of which were successful. Some of the groups which demobilized at this time include the

385:"the independent involvement of insurgents in Colombia's domestic drug productions, transportation, and distribution is limited...there is no evidence that the national leadership of either the FARC or the 334:

That they try to present me as an associate of the guerrilla ... hurts my personal dignity ... I am a man of investments and therefore I cannot sympathize with the guerrillas who fight against property.

437:, more democratic local elections, political decentralization, and ending the domination of Colombian politics by the Liberal and Conservative parties. They also pursued socio-economic reforms such 604:

The demilitarization of this area had been among the FARC–EP's conditions for beginning peace talks. The peace process with the government continued at a slow pace for three years during which the

553:. Within 15 hours, the base had been completely destroyed, w/ 54 Colombian soldiers killed, 17 wounded, and 60 taken hostage. The 60 hostages were released in June 1997. In March 1998, in southern 188:

In 1958, Liberal and Conservative party elites, together with Church and business leaders negotiated an agreement that created an exclusively bipartisan political alternation system, known as the

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On February 15, 2002, the Colombia Three were charged with training FARC–EP members in bomb-making in Colombia. The Colombian authorities had received satellite footage, probably supplied by the

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said no deal had been done with Sinn Féin or the IRA over the three's return to Ireland adding that the Irish government would consider any request from the Colombian authorities for their

667:, of the men with FARC–EP in an isolated jungle area, where they are thought to have spent the last five weeks. They could have spent up to 20 years in jail if the allegations were proved. 185:("The Violence"), which lasted until about 1958. More than 300,000 people were killed in the violence, the large majority of whom were peasants and wage laborers living in rural areas. 255:

in nature." In February 1962, three years after the 1959 "US Special Survey Team", a Fort Bragg top-level U.S. Special Warfare team headed by Special Warfare Center commander General

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They were eventually found guilty of traveling on false passports in June 2004, but were acquitted of training FARC–EP members. That decision was reversed after an appeal by the

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President Uribe expressed "gratitude to all Colombians who today have expressed, with dignity and strength, the rejection of kidnapping and of the kidnappers." Vice President

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and international humanitarian law, as a result of the July 10 massacre of seven peasants and the subsequent displacement of eighty individuals in San Carlos, Antioquia.

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After a series of high-profile guerrilla terrorist actions, including the hijacking of an aircraft, the attack on several small towns and cities, the arrest of the Irish

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On July 20, 2008, a subsequent set of rallies against FARC included thousands of Colombians in Bogotá and hundreds of thousands throughout the rest of the country.

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has directed, as a matter of policy, that their respective organizations directly engage in independent illicit drug production, transportation, or distribution."

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and other news organizations reported that the FARC–EP also used the safe haven to import arms, export drugs, recruit minors, and build up their armed forces.

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On November 4, 2011, Colombian forces successfully attacked a FARC base in the jungle of the Cacua Department during "Operation Odysseus" killing FARC leader

2614: 956:, but unanimously accepted his subsequent request to hold a separate rally on the same date with the support of labor unions and human rights organizations. 4598: 3662:"Chavez Calls on Colombian Rebels to End Struggle, Free Hostages – International News | News of the World | Middle East News | Europe News" 2893: 4693: 828:, who was later named Minister of Foreign Relations and formerly Development Minister, and who escaped his captors on December 31, 2006; the escape of 780:

Notable releases include: two policemen in Putamayo; German hostage Lothar Hintze; the January 10, 2008, release of former vice presidential candidate

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This is considered the biggest blow against FARC–EP in its more than four decades of existence. This event was quickly followed by the death of

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In 2002 and 2003, FARC broke up ten large ranches in Meta, an eastern Colombian province, and distributed the land to local subsistence farmers.

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said that if the FARC continued their practices of kidnapping, that they would be politically marginalized. Supporters included freed hostage

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For most of the period between 2002 and 2005, the FARC–EP was believed to be in a strategic withdrawal due to the increasing military and

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granted FARC–EP a 42,000 km (16,200 sq mi) safe haven meant to serve as a confidence building measure, centered around the

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In 1985, members of the FARC–EP, along with a large number of other leftist and communist groups, formed a political party known as the

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Elizabeth F. Schwartz (Winter 1995–1996). "Getting Away with Murder: Social Cleansing in Colombia and the Role of the United States".

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1962. Although unsuccessful in driving the irregular forces from their stronghold, several army outposts were established in the area.

266:, Yarborough encouraged the creation and deployment of a paramilitary force to commit sabotage and terrorist acts against communists: 4664: 4389: 3379: 3255: 499: 379:

came to three similar conclusions. First, that any connections between drug trafficking organizations and Colombian insurgents were

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Manuel Marulanda Vélez died on March 26, 2008, after a heart attack. His death would be kept a secret, until Colombian magazine,

772: 21: 3661: 4920: 4617: 3912: 3327: 2338:«The Politics of Recognition and Citizenship in Putumayo and in the Baja Bota of Cauca: The Case of the 1996 cocalero movement» 906: 902:

guerrillas, acknowledged the protest march as a "democratic expression" of the citizenry against FARC and against kidnappings.

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The Politics and Ideology of the Colombian Peasant Movement: The Case of ANUC (National Association of Peasant Smallholders)

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discussing social problems, building support for the UP, and determining the socio-political stance of the urban peasantry.

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emphasizing the death of their founder would not change their approach towards the hostages or the humanitarian agreement.

857:) off their lists of global terrorist groups", Chávez told the National Assembly. His plea was futile: Colombian President 2945: 2568:. OFICINA EN COLOMBIA DEL ALTO COMISIONADO DE LAS NACIONES UNIDAS PARA LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS. July 13, 2004. Archived from 2536: 2382: 1106: 4573: 4526: 2849: 899: 854: 674:

and they were sentenced to 17-year terms. However, they vanished in December 2004 while on bail and returned to Ireland.

482: 386: 3545: 3102: 788:, which was a deal brokered by the government of Venezuela; the January 31, 2008, release of Luis Eladio Perez Bonilla, 357:" tax on growers and through the enforcement of other regulations affecting different stages of the production process. 4622: 4245: 4159: 1192: 1159: 1139: 728: 495: 474: 3866: 3305: 4154: 3903: 3768: 3754: 3740: 3726: 3577: 3503: 2828: 2440: 1938: 1745: 1254: 1116: 1078: 952:) party leadership voted 18 to 3 against participating in the main protest, rejecting an initial proposal by Senator 917:

paramilitaries responsible for many of the conflict's atrocities, was also questioned. Astrid Betancourt, sister of

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Transitions in Latin America and in Poland and Syria (Research in Political Economy) (Research in Political Economy)

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access. They also mention that the protests tended to take place in wealthier cities and nations as measured by the

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During the 1960s, under a plan known as "Accelerated Economic Development", conceived by a wealthy Canadian rancher

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Poder Capitalista y Violencia Política en Colombia: Terrorismo de estado y genocidio contra la Unión Patriótica

937:, in Colombia itself and worldwide, thus claiming that "even in geographical terms the protest was formed by a 3481: 3278: 2897: 4521: 4358: 3951: 972: 3428: 1955: 520:

On June 3, 1991, dialogue resumed between the Coordinating Board and the government on neutral territory in

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Raúl A. Fernández (1979). "Imperialist capitalism in the Third World: theory and evidence from Colombia".

981:'s territory, resulting in the death of over 20 people, with at least 17 of them being FARC–EP guerillas. 923:"it's propaganda, which while pretending to be against the FARC is completely organised by the government" 879: 686: 531:

Before the break off of dialogue, a letter written by a group of Colombian intellectuals (among whom were

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began discussing the possibility of peace talks with the guerrillas. Ultimately this resulted in the 1984

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and/or terrorist activities against known communist proponents. It should be backed by the United States.

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On August 30, 1996, the FARC–EP staged a surprise attack on a Colombian military base in Las Delicias,

425: 134: 4132: 4094: 825: 4754: 4276: 3807:"Guerrillas, Bandits, and Independent Republics: US Counter-insurgency Efforts in Colombia 1959–1965" 3021: 2871: 1689:"Guerrillas, Bandits, and Independent Republics: US Counter-insurgency Efforts in Colombia 1959–1965" 1646:"Guerrillas, Bandits, and Independent Republics: US Counter-insurgency Efforts in Colombia 1959–1965" 714: 222: 189: 176: 130: 2285:

Colombian labyrinth: the synergy of drugs and insurgency and its implications for regional stability

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Prato CIRN 2008 Community Informatics Conference, ICTs for Social Inclusion: What is the Reality?

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Communists were active throughout rural and urban Colombia in the period immediately following

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The politics of organized crime and the organized crime of politics: a study in criminal power

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The Politics of Organized Crime and the Organized Crime of Politics: a study in criminal power

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inspiration. It claims to represent the rural poor in a struggle against Colombia's wealthier

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publicly condemned the group, accusing the FARC–EP of violating article 17 of the additional

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The IRA/FARC–EP connection was first made public on August 11, 2001, following the arrest in

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Gomez, Alberto (1972) "Perspectives of the revolutionary armed forces of Colombia (FARC)".

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commitment to the process, since the organization was continuing its criminal activities.

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Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.

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Las Redes de Asesinos de Colombia. La asociación militar-paramilitares y Estados Unidos

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During Uribe's presidency, there were numerous hostage releases, rescues, and escapes.

616: 409: 4322: 801: 4470: 4394: 4105: 3985: 3784: 3764: 3750: 3736: 3722: 3665: 2542: 2388: 2314: 2289: 2220: 2149: 2117: 2089: 2018: 1961: 1934: 1888: 1848: 1823: 1779: 1741: 1619: 1594: 1555: 1530: 1423: 1392: 1367: 1342: 1315: 1304: 1250: 1188: 1155: 1135: 1112: 918: 910: 887: 736: 620: 543: 251: 126: 79: 4190: 4100: 4035: 3335: 4896: 4725: 4698: 4023: 3889: 3818: 1700: 1657: 756: 102: 4949: 4730: 4312: 3467: 3412: 3084: 2994: 2919: 2595: 2408: 2255: 4703: 4593: 4368: 4363: 4110: 4000: 3259: 3215: 3097: 2618: 2364: 2344: 2262: 1239: 837: 465:

candidates in 1990—and 100% of those from center-left parties—were assassinated.

446: 442: 345: 196: 118: 3749:, edited by Rebeca Toledo, Teresa Gutierrez, Sara Flounders and Andy McInerney, 2976: 2735: 2256:

Carta de los intelectuales colombianos a la Coordinadora Guerrilla Simón Bolívar

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