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Gottlieb von Jagow

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333:. But by 29 July he was "very depressed" that Austria's Note policy of duality had hastened war. After the war, Jagow attributed deeper reasons for the outbreak of war to "this damned system of alliances." He had tried before war's outbreak to persuade the Chancellor to allow a debate at the Reichstag on war aims in 1916, but a veto was imposed, and a ban on all criticism of the government. Long conferences with the Chancellor and Kaiser did nothing to change his mood. He wrongly believed Britain would respect Germany's access to Rotterdam, part of the catalogue of grievances that caused the war. Consequently, he was perceived as the "weak" link in a weak government before being replaced. But he had always been aware of the French alliance with Britain. Furthermore, he made no secret of the racial Slavic nationalism threatened from Russia; as soon as her railways were complete she would invade. Jagow also indulged in taunting ally Austria as "nervous" while at the same time ignoring Serbia's pleadings for peace. He attempted to lull Britain into a false sense of security, while "cutting the lines" of diplomatic communication after it was too late. In fact the fortnight's delayed response to Austria's commencement of hostilities gave Jagow the opportunity to blame Russia for starting the war. On 24 July the British thought he was "quite ready to fall in with suggestion as to the four Powers working in favour of moderation at Vienna and St Petersburg" But he was already ill and exhausted from his exertions, acknowledging that Serbia was the victim of bullying. He was a member of the Foreign ministry team that denied a British offer for a Five Power Conference, having already agreed to Moltke's plan two days 1067: 854: 31: 983: 1111: 540: 1170: 382:. He sent a Memorandum on 11 September to Falkenhayn, who rejected any possibility of an alliance with Austria's "slipshod" army. By 30 October Jagow had developed the idea that Courland and Lithuania should be annexed in return for Austrian-Poland "chaining" the Dual Monarchy's destiny to Germany's. An able and skilful diplomat, he persuaded the General Staff to drop objections to the political proposal to impose 378:
ruled by Dualism and "very extensive autonomy" Austrian suzerainty. However, as in Belgium he sought "Pan-Germanisation", and a customs area from Austria-Hungary, safeguarding German exports. More sinister was a program for ethnic cleansing of Poles and Jews conditional on an Austro-German military alliance. Jagow himself favoured the latter policy of annexation and
435:. He recognised that Austria's defeat had collapsed the front to Germany's detriment. but Germany ignored Jagow's former policy of a 'preventive war' now discredited; for he had to do something that "assures our future". The new Ludendorff alternative would make Poland "also completely dependent on her economically". 415:
Jagow remained steadfastly anti-Russian, to the extent he sacked staff to get a putative alliance with Ushida, the Japanese ambassador. His meddling with Ushida in St Petersburg got him 'discarded' too for attempting a separate peace with Russia on Germany's behalf; he even confessedly admitted on
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in Constantinople: the aim was "the complete destruction of Tsarism and the dismemberment of Russia into smaller states". Nonetheless Jagow was naturally cautious and particularly skeptical of the Turks' commitment to the alliance. At the same time however, he successfully secured Turkish sovereign
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if it was militarily involved with Mexico. Nonetheless Jagow was responsible for the Longwiy-Breiy Plan to occupy the plateau that overlooked the city of Verdun made possible by Baron Romberg's visit to Berlin. But it was merely a pretext for a new extension of German strategy deeper into France
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Jagow subscribed to the school of thought that Russia had to be pushed back deep into her hinterland. The irredentist solution was one of the Polish Kingdom's independent enfranchisement, preventing the sullied blood to dilute German racial superiority. He told Baron Burian that the state must be
357:"to collaborate with Turkey in raising the Sudan in revolt." Stirring revolt dominated German foreign policy in the East; at the heart of which was Jagow's dialogue for the "liberation of Poland". Instrumental was Under Secretary Zimmerman, one of Bethmann's governmental supporters, who ran Agent 345:
The Offensive Plan was revised by Jagow and his Chancellor and delivered to the King of the Belgians the next day as an ultimatum in a sealed envelope with a note demanding "an unequivocal answer" to Germany's demand for her troops to be allowed to march through the country on the way to France.
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that summer. Jagow's policy had woefully failed: he was scheming to introduce a Grand Duchy of Poland as Germany conspired to divide the country in half adopted Falkenhayn's policy idea of a Germano-Polish Kingdom was declared on 5 November 1916; and a
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rights over the Dardanelles on 18 April 1915. Yet determined to continue the fight in Galicia, when Jagow received President Wilson's offer of an international peace congress negotiations, American mediation was flatly refused. He called it a
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and was particularly concerned with German relations with Austria-Hungary. He was the first member of the German government in Berlin to become acquainted with the terms of the ultimatum of 18 October 1913 to
259:, he returned as First Secretary to the embassy in Rome in March 1901, where he stayed until 1906, when he was transferred to the Foreign Office in Berlin. He first made his mark as private secretary to 337:
Austria's declaration against Serbia on 28 July 1914. The following day Lichnowsky's cable telegram was ignored for hours, which Jagow argued was responsible for Bethmann-Hollweg's "misstep."
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The diminutive bureaucrat was eternally optimistic by character that German superiority would triumph. When the Ottoman Empire declared war on the Entente in November 1914, Jagow directed
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to try to persuade the government of Abyssinia to also join the Central Powers. The Tripolitana as it was known managed by the Mannesmann brothers was determined by economic
366:; but as the war dragged on he became domineered by Zimmerman's pretensions for the Chancellery. Successes in Russia encouraged him to keep Austria-Hungary in the war by 255:
but quickly switched again to Rome, where he advanced to the position of Second Secretary (legation counsellor). After a short interlude with the German mission at
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wrote, "War seemed unlikely in the spring and summer of 1914." The illusion of peace masked debates over aims of colonial annexation and supremacy in
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In 1913, he was appointed Secretary of State (Foreign Minister) for Germany. He played an active part in the negotiations preceding the outbreak of
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was not yet prepared for a continental war. This belief was incorrect: the Chancellor was more sceptical, which indirectly led to the outbreak of
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Austria-Hungary was divided between the Magyars and Germans as defined by the Treaty of 7 October 1879, revived for the Kaiser's government.
446:, said Jagow was forced out of office by an agitation against him on account of his lack of force in defending government policy in the 827: 1004: 1310: 403:, Jagow was the principal supporter of a failed plan designed to involve the United States and Mexico in a war. At the time the 107: 399:, reassured Jagow that US policy in 1916 was not designed to blame the civilian politicians but only the military: according to 843: 1330: 820: 807: 579: 438:
Jagow retired in November 1916. A quiet, unassuming and scholarly man, he was one of the worst speakers in the Reichstag.
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had created rising tensions between both countries. As a result, Jagow expected that the United States would not enter
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was persuaded to accept the ultimatum after Serbia had failed to accommodate the Austrian note.
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on 6 July 1914, Jagow was confident that an Austro-Serbian war would be localized, and that
302:, and attempts to compete with British sea power. On 13 July 1914, Austro-Hungarian Emperor 260: 243:. He entered the diplomatic service in 1895 and was first assigned to the German embassy in 1335: 1290: 1285: 1093: 910: 263:, a former Imperial Chancellor. In December 1907, he was appointed Envoy Extraordinary to 8: 1049: 1034: 935: 905: 421: 404: 389: 240: 184: 1257: 1239: 1039: 950: 870: 268: 100: 1029: 648:
Deutsche Telegrams, I, no.214, Jagow to charge d'affaires, Bucharest, 26 July 1914
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Sazonov Telegram to Russian Embassy, London, Foreign Policy Documents, p.362
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17 May 1916 that the "whole swindle ceases to matter". Any diplomatic
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British Foreign Policy Documents, 1861-1914, (London 1920), no293
457:(“Causes and the outbreak of the World War”), published in 1919. 252: 200: 442:, United States ambassador to Germany at the time, in his book 299: 295: 284: 248: 236: 180: 267:, in May 1909 he became German ambassador at Rome. During the 510:
This article incorporates text from a publication now in the
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Jagow married Countess Luitgard Ernestine zu Solms-Laubach (
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Letter from Jagow to Wangenheim, June 1915; Fischer, p. 195
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was broken as it was unplanned, when Russia launched the
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Burian to Andrian, 14 August 1916; Ludendorff, pp. 298
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Stevenson, First World War and later Politics, p.27
340: 670:Rumbold to Grey (3:16 pm), 24 July 1914, no.122, 637:Hindeburg & Ludendorff on the First World War 1277: 842: 453:Jagow wrote a defence of German policy entitled 287:, the first indication of the July 1914 crisis. 219:(22 June 1863 – 11 January 1935) was a German 828: 777:Letter from Jagow to Tchirschky, 19 June 1916 800:Newspaper clippings about Gottlieb von Jagow 58:11 January 1913 â€“ 22 November 1916 835: 821: 388:on Vienna. The threat in Jagow's mind was 316: 223:. He served as the State Secretary of the 29: 548: 1301:People from the Province of Brandenburg 1316:Members of the Prussian House of Lords 1278: 816: 515: 455:Ursachen und Ausbruch des Weltkrieges 120:9 May 1909 â€“ 11 January 1913 506: 504: 247:and then to the Prussian mission at 46:State Secretary for Foreign Affairs 13: 657:Jagow to Tschirsky, 24 July 1914; 14: 1347: 793: 532: 516:Rines, George Edwin, ed. 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Index


State Secretary for Foreign Affairs
Wilhelm II
Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg
Alfred von Kiderlen-Waechter
Arthur Zimmermann
German Ambassador to Italy
Wilhelm II
Anton von Monts
Hans von Flotow
Berlin
Kingdom of Prussia
Potsdam
Germany
diplomat
German Foreign Office
Berlin
University of Bonn
Rome
Munich
Hamburg
The Hague
Bernhard von BĂĽlow
Luxembourg
Italo-Turkish War
Austria-Hungary
World War I
Serbia
Martin Gilbert
Africa

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