349:, argued that Brahmans had always respected lower-caste individuals. He claimed that Brahmans respected the great saints and holy men who were born into the lowest castes and elevated to positions of respect by merit. He argued that the Samaj was simply trying to expose Brahmans in an attempt to gain favor with the British colonial government and gain some small rights. To critics like Chiplunkar, the Samaj’s attempts to gain social and political rights for Shudras and women by lobbying the colonial government were seen as begging India’s oppressors to help them reject Hindu tradition. The upper-caste leaders of Maharashtra disliked the Samaj’s friendly relations with Christian missionaries and its appeals to the British Raj and so treated the organization with scorn.
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406:. He also sponsored religious ceremonies that did not need a Brahmin priest to officiate. By the 1920s, the samaj had established strong roots among the rural masses in Western Maharashtra and Vidarbha and took a strong economic overtone in its message. At that time the organization styled itself the representative of the Bahujan samaj. It also defined the Brahmins, merchants and moneylenders as the oppressors of the masses. The Samaj also conducted activities in
333:, and broke idols. Poor, low caste peasants had accepted a social ideology which argued that their status was not legitimized in any religious texts and gave them the right to revolt against their brahman landlords in order to achieve a better lifestyle. These peasant revolts in Maharashtra showed that the Satyashodhak Samaj's ideology was salient to common people and capable of stimulating group action.
353:
it seemed to lack any ethical or theological purpose. They asserted that the claims that Phule made lacked consistency. In response to his argument that brahmans were Aryan invaders who established and enforced a religion and social system to benefit them and keep them in power, they argued that Phule did not have the authority to rewrite history. For how could he go against the writings of the
244:, and government officials. Phule thought that the Samaj could uplift disadvantaged communities through collective action and organized movement, and the first step to doing so was educating low caste individuals about the misdeeds of the Brahmans. In order to spread their ideas more effectively, the Samaj published the
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Brahmans also questioned the religious framework of the
Satyashodhak Samaj, noting the Christian ties inherent in the Satyashodhak belief that all beings were granted universal rights at birth by a generous and loving creator. Brahmans argued that Phule was attempting to make a new religion, and that
456:
and equality and the Samaj's arguments against brahman domination of social, religious, and political life. The Dalit political movement, which was separate from the non-Brahman one (as the non-Brahman movement did not often emphasize the particular political and social difficulties associated with
262:
at the time. They cultivated relations with
British officials in order to seek benefits for low caste groups and saw the British government as the most likely power to offer low caste groups fair treatment. In fact, when Phule was criticized by Brahmans about his unwillingness to fight for national
250:
newspaper from 1877 to 1897. In addition, the Samaj emphasized the special importance of
English education because it played a vital role in building occupational skills and served as the basis for the intellectual emancipation of disadvantaged groups. Phule also believed that an English education
414:
and other places in this area that were designed to harass
Brahmins, and to drive them from their positions as priests, government officials, money-lenders, and teachers in the rural areas. Prior to 1920s, the samaj opposed the Indian national movement because it was a movement led by the elites.
324:
newspaper describes the event: “Brahman land rent had greatly soared… no profit remained to the peasants – then they decided they didn’t want such a low contract on
Brahman lands. In this way, the Satyashodhak Samaj freed them from every type of Brahman slavery.” The process of rebellion in other
192:
tilt of Phule's education strongly affected the theoretical underpinnings of the
Satyashodhak Samaj. The Satyashodhak movement espoused a framework that could be called religious. It emphasized the equality inherent in all men, as bestowed upon them by a divine creator. It maintained faith in one
219:
were manufactured in a strategic move meant to establish and protect priestly social standing. The artificial origins of the system gave low caste communities the right to contest it at the time. The Samaj insisted that, in order to reclaim their social standing, low caste groups should oppose
231:
The Samaj's original commitment to education and charitable activities was combined with the espousal of this anti-brahman rhetoric as the organization spread across
Maharashtra. The organization attracted individuals of all castes, religions, and professions, including Brahmins,
141:
167:, on 24 September 1873. The society endeavoured to mitigate the distress and sufferings of Dalits and women. It espoused a mission of education and increased social rights and political access for underprivileged groups, focused especially on women, peasants, and
381:
The non-Brahmin movement, that was embodied in
Satyashodhak Samaj, had not made much difference to any sections of the society in the 19th century and languished after the death of Phule. However, it was revived in the early 20th century by the
316:, the Samaj was able to connect its activities and those of non-Brahman leaders with general peasant interests. The inculcation of Satyashodhak and non-Brahman ideology in the peasant masses led to rebellion in some parts of Maharashtra. In
451:
The doctrine of the Samaj left a major impact on India's intellectual and political spheres, especially in relation to non-brahman and Dalit politics. The non-Brahman movement owed a great deal to the
Satyashodhak doctrines of
187:
Phule was born into a Mali family in 1827 and was educated at a
Christian missionary school. After he completed his own education, he and his wife focused on expanding educational opportunities for low caste communities. The
212:
but he mistrusted them to successfully bring more rights for lower castes. This mistrust caused Phule to establish Satyashodhak Samaj. The Samaj argues that priestly dominance is not an inherent trait; rather, the
275:
class of intelligentsia and the moneylender-landlord. In the early 20th century, the Samaj faced difficulty in connecting with the peasant areas of Maharashtra. Finding lectures ineffective, the Samaj turned to
304:
was therefore an invocation to the people as a source of rule. The plays continued with a discussion of brahman tyranny, followed by a story about the efforts of brahmans to cheat peasants. These Satyashodhak
365:, and who was he to declare the truth of the alternate history he had created? Chiplunkar declared that Phule was luring his worshippers into what would ultimately be a fruitless search after truth.
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priests as middleman between men and god in religious rituals and ceremonies. The Samaj also advocated for social changes that went against prevalent traditions, including less expensive weddings,
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While the Samaj found great allies in low caste groups, Brahmans and elite subcastes of Kshatriya, such as CKPs and Pathare Prabhu, found Phule’s efforts to be
806:
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liberation, he responded that Shudras should expand their scope of freedom by directing their complaints to a benevolent, if misguided, British government.
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and anti-nationalist. They fought back against the idea of Brahmins and Prabhus as opportunistic invaders and greedy elites. One particular critic,
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god, rejected any kind of intermediary between god and man (referring here to the necessity of priests in religious rituals), and rejected the
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that mocked brahman superiority. Peasants stopped relying on brahmans for religious ceremonies, interrupted brahman ceremonies, violated
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The other intellectual class, the Prabhus were once again subdivided in the Chnadraseniya Kayastha Prabhu and the Pathare Prabhus
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The Samaj's critiques of Brahmanical tradition in Maharashtra formed the basis for a peasant-based mass movement against the
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in 1919, tenants revolted against their brahman landlords in coordination with the Samaj's anti-religious ideology. The
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followed the traditional format but subverted the pro-Brahman elements of the dramas. They began with an invocation to
757:
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Caste, conflict, and ideology : Mahatma Jotirao Phule and low caste protest in nineteenth-century western India
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was the head of women's section of the society. The Samaj disbanded during the 1930s as leaders left to join the
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496:
572:
Bhadru, G. (2002). "Contribution of Shatyashodhak Samaj to the Low Caste Protest Movement in 19th Century".
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398:. In 1902, Shahu reserved 50 per cent civil service posts in Kolhapur state for all communities other than
259:
890:
501:
852:
Rege, Sharmila (2000). "Understanding popular culture:The Satyashodhak and Ganesh mela in Maharashtra".
292:, a traditional brahman deity, but *added* an explanation that the actual meaning of the word came from
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the Dalit experience), continued to be affected by Phule's teachings into the early twentieth century.
718:
Demystifying Brahminism and Re-Inventing Hinduism: Volume 2 - Re-Inventing Hinduism, p. 46, Satya Shri
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cities in Maharashtra took a similar shape – the Satyashodhak Samaj arrived with its ideology and its
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Vendell, Dominic (2014). "Jatirao Phyle's Satyashodh and the Problem of Subaltern Consciousness".
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443:, the samaj leaders such as Jedhe joined the Congress, and the samaj activities withered away.
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were also used by non-brahman elites for political purposes, including as election propaganda.
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Later followers of the Samaj during 20th century included educationalist
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Omvedt, Gail (1973). "The Satyashodhak Samaj and Peasant Agitation".
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Chhatrapati Shahu who revived Samaj activities in early 20th century
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837:(1. publ. ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 220–251.
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The Samaj's view of the colonial government went against
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Omvedt, Gail (1973). "Non-Brahmans and Communists".
251:might open opportunities for employment with the
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119:Advocating the rights of women, peasants, and
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574:Proceedings of the Indian History Congress
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507:Indian independence movement
419:and Maratha leaders such as
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502:List of Hindu organisations
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