353:(1998) to say that this involves considering why someone guarded by the law is at risk and why someone would perceive oneself to be at risk. In this case, Bastarache found the purpose of section 329 was to promote the idea of each voter in Canada knowing as much as each other, as it may be unfair if some voters already know election results in other ridings while earlier voters do not know of any outcomes. This idea of section 329 would also build public trust in elections. Bastarache felt that voters aware of some results may base their own choices on that knowledge, and Bastarache recognized without demand for much proof that it is a principle of
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of the limitation on the freedom of expression are proportional to its harmful effects. Here, when the harm at which the blackout period in s 329 is aimed is considered in the context of staggered hours, there is only speculative and unpersuasive evidence to support the government's claim that the information imbalance is of sufficient harm to voter behaviour or perceptions of electoral unfairness that it outweighs any damage done to a fundamental and constitutional protected right.
380:
but section 329 is constitutional because it "relates to a pressing and substantial concern in a free and democratic society", thus satisfying one part of section 1 of the
Charter which can limit the rights of Canadians. Section 329 is also constitutional because according to Fish, the court is dealing with "an important element of Canada’s electoral system" so section 1 of the Charter of Rights can be invoked. Fish refers to both a
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on
Electoral Reform and Party Financing publication and a 2005 joint Decima Research-Carleton University Poll; both state Canadians do not want to know election results before their polls close. Fish believes even if there is no harm in releasing results early, the information release would create a
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of the
Charter, Bastarache found that fairness in elections should be a sufficient objective of the law, as should building public trust in elections. Additionally, banning the publishing of election results was needed to achieve this objective, and Parliament considered this to be the best method.
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Per McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, LeBel and Abella JJ: The s 329 publication ban is an excessive response to an insufficiently proven harm and a violation of s 2(b) of the
Charter that cannot be justified under s 1. The government's s 1 justification falters fatally in its submission that the benefits
379:
Justice Fish states election results from other ridings should not be published in a riding before its polls close so voters can vote without knowing how other voters have voted. Fish says section 329 of the Canada
Elections Act does violate section 2(b) of the Charter of Rights for a short while,
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On the topic of freedom of expression, Bastarache questioned the value of spreading election results, and said that there was no evidence this could outweigh the principles of democracy of section 329. On whether a violation of freedom of expression could be justified under
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were at risk of being swayed by special knowledge, saying that
Canadian voters should be trusted to have some "maturity and intelligence." Instead, Bastarache said what was at stake was the view that Canadian elections are fair, and pointed to polls to reinforce this idea.
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decision stated that the Court should be deferential to the government with respect to election legislation, and that the Court should consider the context of the law, citing
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that a person cannot base their choice in voting on special knowledge. In this case, Bastarache did not really emphasize the idea that
Canadian voters from
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outlawed publishing election results from other ridings in constituencies where polls were still open. However, in the
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on the
Internet despite being told not to by the authorities. Bryan was charged before the
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The majority of the Court produced three opinions upholding the law, one by
Justice
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also supported Bryan, hoping to "make election night a bigger event that [
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Abella J. (paras. 84-134), joined by McLachlin C.J., and Binnie and LeBel JJ.
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Paul
Charles Bryan v. Her Majesty the Queen and Attorney General of Canada
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329:, with the remaining three judges writing a brief opinion of agreement.
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343:(2004), which had also considered the Canada Elections Act. The
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legally learned of election results in other ridings during the
449:"Consolidated federal laws of Canada, Canada Elections Act"
424:"Consolidated federal laws of Canada, Canada Elections Act"
385:"perception" of unfairness, which in itself is a problem.
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473:"Election night results blackout a thing of the past"
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Justice Bastarache pointed to the Supreme Court case
303:"jackasses" and tried to raise money for Bryan. The
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Thomson Newspapers Co. v. Canada (Attorney General)
265:, but fought the charges as unconstitutional under
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744:Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms case law
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257:, one Paul Charles Bryan published results from
199:Deschamps, Charron and Rothstein JJ. (para. 83)
299:, who later became prime minister, labelled
241:, citing the increased use of social media.
447:Branch, Legislative Services (2003-01-01).
422:Branch, Legislative Services (2023-01-14).
273:, which protects freedom of expression and
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289:. However, Bryan lost his case before the
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233:The law was later repealed by a vote in
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113:is constitutional and justified under
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263:Provincial Court of British Columbia
410:SCC Case Information - Docket 31052
340:Harper v. Canada (Attorney General)
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305:Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
218:2007 SCC 12 is a decision by the
291:British Columbia Court of Appeal
87:British Columbia Court of Appeal
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81:Judgment for the Crown and the
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279:British Columbia Supreme Court
277:. Bryan's victory before the
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16:Supreme Court of Canada case
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183:Bastarache J. (paras. 1-53)
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228:Canadian federal elections
83:Attorney General of Canada
65:2007 SCC 12, 1 S.C.R. 527
43:Hearing: October 16, 2006
759:2007 in Canadian case law
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412:Supreme Court of Canada
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220:Supreme Court of Canada
35:Supreme Court of Canada
723:decision available at
313:] it already is."
275:freedom of association
191:Fish J. (paras. 54-82)
509: March 17, 2005).
281:meant that voters in
224:freedom of expression
503:1 S.C.C. 527
251:Canada Elections Act
110:Canada Elections Act
325:and one by Justice
249:Section 329 of the
107:Section 329 of the
169:Marshall Rothstein
134:Beverley McLachlin
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115:section 1 of the
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527:. 2007-03-25.
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498:R. v. Bryan
196:Concurrence
188:Concurrence
157:Morris Fish
149:Louis LeBel
738:Categories
535:2023-02-23
482:17 October
458:2023-02-23
433:2023-02-23
398:References
333:Bastarache
323:Bastarache
245:Background
235:parliament
145:Ian Binnie
70:Docket No.
707:Para. 78.
698:Para. 72.
689:Para. 70.
680:Para. 63.
668:Para. 61.
656:Para. 57.
638:Para. 47.
629:Para. 37.
620:Para. 35.
611:Para. 27.
602:Para. 25.
593:Para. 24.
584:Para. 22.
575:Para. 14.
566:Para. 12.
557:Para. 10.
368:section 1
355:democracy
267:section 2
215:R v Bryan
61:Citations
22:R v Bryan
548:Para. 9.
529:Archived
477:CBC News
317:Decision
180:Majority
389:Dissent
269:of the
204:Dissent
102:Holding
85:in the
729:CanLII
501:,
345:Harper
94:Ruling
73:31052
725:LexUM
727:and
484:2015
375:Fish
327:Fish
226:and
507:SCC
310:sic
222:on
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