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of legitimacy on which they would be able to rely in their project to construct a constitutional framework limiting the kingâs power. When they established this competing legitimacy, the representatives, however, retained the absolutist conception of power that characterised the French monarchy and used it as the basis of the notion of national sovereignty. In the process, they were led to formulate what they saw as the ideal conditions of equality, even before they actually debated the institutions that would uphold these conditions. Furthermore, Gauchetâs book elucidates a contradiction central to the specifically French understanding of democracy â the paradoxical coalescence of the French revolutionaries' project to construct a new, cohesive social order, and of their ideal of individual freedom. According to
Gauchet, the French Revolutionâs idealistic bend, which had its roots in this need to challenge the monarch's considerable authority, birthed a tension, even a contradiction, between the âliberalâ and the âcollectivistâ understandings of democracy. This contradiction runs through the history of French political regimes until the two poles were reconciled within the Republican framework.
909:, also the longest of the tetralogy, scrutinises the reorientation of societies since the 1970s, the rise of neoliberalism and postmodernity, and their effects on the ideals of Western democracy. This volume discusses the capitalistic orientation of the economic identity of 21st century societies, while tackling questions to do with the individualistic and economy-driven craze of neoliberalism. Gauchet uncovers the nature of individualism in a new postmodern and neo-liberal form of democracy, wherein the individualistic identity is at odds with old understandings of collective (including national) identity. Gauchetâs analysis of the unprecedented power of âgeneralised capitalismâ, of a new project of artificialisation of human life through the combined effect of neo-liberal economic and legal rationalisation, leads him to plead for a new project of substantive autonomy to transcend the narrow, purely functional autonomy associated with the insatiable quest for absolute innovation. This project of self-reflection requires a deeper understanding of what makes human knowledge possible in order to combat the deintellectualisation encouraged by ultra-modern âstructuralâ autonomy.
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judgement of this third power. Gauchet uses these teachings from the French
Revolution to bring the focus back to the contemporary era in which the gap between the ideal sovereignty of the people, and the reality of representation by the elected members, is signalled not only by the role acquired by constitutional courts in the second half of the 20th century, but also by the role of the media and through them, of public opinion. In his later work, Gauchet went on to highlight the danger that the power of this third party potentially poses under the pressure of contemporary individualism: when its task is to regulate the action of government and society, it seeks to foster the rights of individuals, which comes at the risk of diminishing the peopleâs collective capacity to act. This tension, which is at the heart of contemporary liberal democracy, remains the leading theme of Gauchetâs work. In parallel, it shows how the law, as an instrument of rationalization of human relations, has acquired more prominence in a new perception of democracy, the democracy of control.
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aristocratism which traps intelligence in a political impasse. It encourages a pose of intellectual distinction from the rest of society, which appears to be challenging the established order but in reality, does little to destabilise it, not least because it does not provide in depth analyses of the phenomena it seeks to combat and transcend. This pose of âenlightenedâ radicalism âreplaces the content and becomes an end in itselfâ. It delivers only symbolic benefits for its supporters, freeing them from the arduous political work needed to change the status quo. At the same time, it confers upon them a sense of moral distinction derived from the feeling of not being tainted by any compromise with political reality; Gauchet thus contrasts what he describes as politically expedient radicalism with genuine intellectual radicalism. In keeping with the etymology of the word, intellectual radicalism goes to the root of contemporary problems based on both historical and anthropological knowledge. It informs
Gauchetâs project for a new critical philosophy.
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beings. Hence, they did not per se challenge the norms of society. Rather, they functioned as a foil for its identity. Gauchet and Swain argued that the perception of the âmadâ had changed at the end of the 18th century, such that they were seen to be part of societyâs ideals of humanity. Thus, with this new perception of shared humanity, their difference with the rest of society had begun to appear challenging. As a result, the rational attempts to address these unsettling individuals brought forth a fervour of therapeutics in psychiatry and the creation of asylums. In other words, the asylum functioned to hold the antithetical âinsaneâ individuals who were no longer considered as radically âotherâ in a type of society that increasingly accepted the idea of ontological equality. Gauchet and Swain used this observation to analyse the democratic culture that birthed the destruction of the monarchy and its hierarchical structure.
902:, examines the deepening hold of liberal democracy but also its paradoxical contribution to the appearance of totalitarianism in the 20th century. Gauchet discusses several key events such as the rise of Nazism, Stalinism and fascism, as well as socialismâs lack of imprint in the US at the time, as opposed to Europe. Its analysis of the journey through these events corroborates the rise of what Gauchet calls âideocraciesâ and âtheir secular religionsâ. These ideologies helped the totalitarian regimes establish their popular legitimacy by grounding themselves in the older religious contexts of spiritual communion, supposedly natural cohesion and hierarchical social order. In this respect, they were responding to the destabilization of European societies induced by the progress of democratic culture, and reasserted the ideal of an absolute collective unity transcending the aspiration to individual freedom.
720:, brings together political analysis and the study of the genesis of psychiatry and the creation of institutions to treat mental illness. Gauchet and Swain argue that asylums were an incarnation of the modern political utopia where sanity was preserved and individuals were supposedly saved from the brink of insanity. This book is of particular importance since Gauchet and Swain critique Foucaultâs theory on insanity and madness. Foucault postulated that contemporary societies had become increasingly normative, and any stark deviation from the norm would see the âdeviantâ individual being placed in mental asylums and institutions. Contrastingly, Foucault argued that in an earlier era, the strangely behaving individuals were allowed to function freely within society, despite the possibility of them challenging societyâs norms by virtue of their presence.
985:, which has promoted a distinct type of philosophy that many celebrated French intellectuals abided by. Gauchetâs views are relatively more centrist and reformist in comparison with those of other French theorists such as Foucault, whose ideas tend to be more binary and extreme. In other words, Gauchetâs work seems foreign to an English-speaking reader who awaits from his work another example of traditional French theory. In particular, Gauchet and Swain critiqued certain principles of Foucaultâs ideology surrounding institutions that treat mental illness. Despite their book having been translated to English, the ideas are however not cited as far and wide as Foucaultâs are. In a more general sense, there is an observation that Gauchet may not have been forgiven for having criticised Foucaultâs ideas.
814:, Gauchet furthered his analysis by moving away from the question of the founding ideals towards the debates of the national assembly that continued to shape this political experience of representation. After the French Revolution, as the people sought to innovate politically in a way that would allow society to govern itself autonomously, the attention of the legislators turned towards the relationship between the legislative and the executive and the question of making the peopleâs constituent power effective though the creation of an arbitrating power between the parliament and government. That is, they began discussing how to shape a third power â the judiciary. This third power was discussed under many names, but it can be seen as a precursor to what we now know as constitutional law.
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as having allowed the birth of democracy. He specifically considers this change not as a progress per se, but as a movement towards human autonomy. The ending of the book follows on from this analysis to tie the history of democracy to contemporary individualism. Gauchet states that democracy naturally paves the way for conflict between individuals and different groups within society, given that autonomous individuals are now free to define their own destiny and values. Gauchet proposes that this organic juxtaposition of conflicting ideals leads to the recognition that there is no perfect solution to human problems: conflict is present in potentially all societies. Denying this omnipresent conflict characterises heteronomous culture whereas autonomous culture accepts it.
843:, composed of Gauchetâs essays from the 1970s and 1980s, together with new texts responding to more recent events such as the creation of the European Union, Gauchet presents his post-Marxist understanding of the political foundations of all human societies. Its publication thus went against the depoliticized interpretations of the globalization process influential at the turn of the century, which emphasized the marginalization of the nation-state and the centrality of economic phenomena. Its overall theme, the âeclipse of the politicalâ in contemporary liberal democracies was then explored extensively in later works, within the general hypothesis that this eclipse explains the destabilization of European societies in the first decade of the 21st century.
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France and other powerful countries in the
European Union. When comparing this pessimistic viewpoint with those of a more positive nature, Gauchet brings to light the increasing discordance between the 'elites' and the rest of the population, a dissociation that widens social divisions in French society. In this book of conversation with Eric Conan and Francois Azouvi, Gauchet also explores the depths of so-called populism, as termed by the 'elites', and considers the implications for politicians in terms of responsible leadership. Ultimately, Gauchet scrutinises the role of neoliberalism as a determinant of Franceâs pursuit of legitimation in the EU, and the pessimism that ensues from the application of this economic and political framework.
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democracy started to exhibit from the turn of the 21st century, democracy being defined as âa way of beingâ, rather than simply a form of political regime. The book argues that the prominence gained by the quest to secure the rights of individuals in practice undermines their actual realization. This paradox summarized in the title as the tendency of democratic culture to work against itself, is characteristic of the new situation in which democracy finds itself: whilst it is no longer contested by
Marxist critique and now rests on the support of a wide social consensus, the victory of its principles is generating new problems. The triumph of individual rights, according to Gauchet, threatens to bring about a crisis of liberal democracy.
429:(July - August). In hindsight, this article appears as a major intellectual turning point marking Gauchetâs break from the political philosophy of his former intellectual mentor Lefort, and its emphasis on the symbolic emancipatory power of human rights. It heralded the development of his own analysis of the inner tensions of liberal democracy and their contemporary manifestation. In 1989, in what constitutes a major milestone of his career, Gauchet, sponsored by Nora and Furet, was appointed to the Centre de recherches politiques Raymond Aron (CERPRA), the political studies centre of the EHESS. Here, he met several other significant thinkers like Manent, Rosanvallon, Jacques Juillard, Philippe Raynaud, and
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immemorial. This leads
Gauchet to assert that Christianity as the religion which facilitated an âexit from religionâ played a major role in the advent of modernity and of a new understanding of human power. Through Christianity, the transcendental presence of God was no longer dispersed throughout nature, but was now represented as an omnipotent, singular power. Monotheism led to humans questioning the divine law, learning to think more freely and individually, and consequently, to place their rational trust in the State, which opened up the pursuit of collective autonomy, through a new understanding of the State that also transformed the place of the individual.
864:, acts as a prologue that sets the scene. It outlines the cultural and intellectual revolution that brought the ideal of autonomy to European societies between the 16th and 19th centuries, and ultimately ushered in the creation of democratic government. This volume examines, in particular, the development of new perspectives associated with the ideal of self-governance through a âmixed regimeâ associating three different perspectives. These underpin contemporary Western liberal democracy, but at the same time, constitute a permanent problem for it. The three dimensions of liberal democracy, constantly in tension with one another, are:
792:, the latter being co-authored with Gladys Swain. Gauchet turned his attention to an emblematic historical event in the genesis of modern democracy, the formulation of the French Declaration of the Rights of Man. In particular, he attempted to explore two enigmas â firstly, the purely French enigma that saw the Declaration being formulated to impose an unassailable principle of political legitimacy which ultimately saw democracy upheld in a country without democrats; secondly, the modern democratic enigma wherein society achieves consciousness of itself through the assertion of its constitution of power.
698:, or pedagogism, is ideological in nature. As such, it reproduces the negation of this necessity. From this point on, Gauchet is interested in themes such as authority and the transmission of knowledge. Learning is not just about assimilating knowledge into one's own psychology, it is also adapting oneâs mental processes to new methodologies. Here Gauchet is optimistic: democracy will give rise to a political consensus around schooling and its requirements, because schooling is an essential condition for the creation of the type of individuals needed by our societies through education.
938:, Gauchet discusses the presidency of Emmanuel Macron, and the phenomena that surround Macronâs succession to the post as well as his handling of Franceâs contemporary issues. Gauchet, while acknowledging the challenges of Macronâs presidency, analyses his election as the consequence of the collapse of the French political party system. According to Gauchet, Macron was able to benefit from a populist movement against the elites of France, and despite belonging to this elite population himself, he was able to show empathy towards the disadvantaged part of the population.
648:, Gauchet states that his theory can also be seen as elaborating what he calls a âtranscendental anthropo-sociologyâ. That is to say, it reveals the processes that constitute the conditions in which humanity, during its history, acquired a consciousness of itself as a subject. The subject is considered to be both part of the collective being and distinct from it, an idea conveyed through the notion of âthe politicalâ, which is central to Marcel Gauchet's work. The advent of this consciousness is explained in his books on the history of psychiatry and psychoanalysis:
891:, analyses the Western political landscapeâs successes and failures throughout the period 1880 to 1914. The increased pertinence of universal suffrage and the progress in representative politics shed light on the speed of the changes that accompanied the newfound freedom from hierarchy. It explores the return of the political triggered by the crisis of liberalism in the form of colonial imperialism and the significance of the first globalisation it paradoxically inspired, in an analysis that leads him to take distance from the
679:, âthe politicalâ, the force that binds human societies, ceases to function through vertical symbolic meaning encompassing the entirety of social life (such as monarchical structures of the political). The âpoliticalâ instead becomes an infrastructure underpinning collective life concretely from below. It becomes "modern" through a process of metamorphosis which was first encouraged by the liberal upheaval and its deconstruction of the previous regime of meaning encapsulated in the French revolutionary notion of
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rather, that the very status and role of religion changed, making possible the democratization of culture, first and foremost through an understanding of the representative role of the state with respect to the new notion of society. In contemporary democracies, individuals need to define this collective identity themselves. In other words, those who can now consciously determine their own fate and their sense of belonging no longer live in an âenchantedâ world.
624:âtaken out of religionâ. This political form is organised around the mastery of three activities â the law, politics, and history. Democracy thus always encounters the possible failure of this conjoint mastery of the three fundamental dimensions of human-social existence, once it is no longer informed by religion. The tragedies of the 20th century are examined as a response to the first âgrowth crisisâ of the young liberal democracies.
876:(future-oriented historical action). Through the evolution of modernity, the influence of âreligionâ has been eroded, which has consequently diminished the political function of metaphysical beliefs. Gauchet hypothesises that within contemporary societies, the three aforementioned perspectives have been developed unevenly, upsetting the balance that was established in the early form of liberal democracy. All four volumes of
741:, is Gauchetâs first and most well-known book and the work that first gained him recognition outside of France. Tracing the genesis of democracy back in history, Gauchet examines the role of hierarchy with that of the traditional framework within which human societies always secured their collective identity and cohesion, which he terms âreligionâ. Gauchet asserts that the most fully formed forms of religion are not the
31:
640:. The autonomy that has been achieved in our new world is in fact âtruncatedâ. Rather than being a âsolutionâ, it has become a âproblemâ. It is thus necessary to relaunch it, in both its deepest meaning and its practical manifestations, specifically through the reinvention of the democratic experience. As Gauchet puts it, âthe history of liberation is behind us; the history of freedom is only just beginningâ.
949:, appearing as an ideal centrist politician capable of transcending the left-right divide blamed for having paralysed the country and made it impossible for it to meet the contemporary challenges of globalisation and European economic integration. By detonating the tensions between the right and the left, Macron opened up a multitude of possibilities for new social and political protests, as seen in the
616:) of its own becoming as a species, mastered through the law and politics. This self-government is synonymous with the government of history. With modernity, both humanity's political and historical conditions â which, Gauchet argues, define its existence â thus progressively took over from the primordial religious form of social existence or âbeing-togetherâ.
552:'s term as the president of the French republic. Gauchet analyses how Macron dealt with the crisis caused by the unresolved issues he inherited from his predecessors. It examines how well Macron dealt with them and the extent to which he upheld his promises to the French people - leading Gauchet to the verdict that Macronâs presidency was a failure.
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individualsâ that gave birth to this new ideology, individuals cling to their rights and interests; they are both ultra-connected with and separated from one another, without the benefit of any consistent collective mediation. This loss of common reference points or purpose constitutes the âmalaiseâ examined in the main argument of
Gauchetâs
481:. As a whole, they express the central concern that runs throughout all of Gauchetâs writings: the need to try and understand the new and disconcerting form that democracy started to exhibit from the turn of the 21st century, democracy being defined by him as âa way of beingâ, rather than simply a form of political regime.
628:â understood as the âliberal upheavalâ, the eruption of historicity and âsocietyâ without democracy or political control of historicity â has indeed opened up the return of what Gauchet calls âthe politicalâ but still bearing the imprint of religion, which generated the totalitarian ideologies of the early 20th century.
275:. Lefort steered Gauchet towards political philosophy, which led him to study simultaneously for three majors in philosophy, history and sociology. During these years of study, Gauchet attempted to distance himself from the Marxist strain of theory which nonetheless continued to exercise influence over Lefort.
694:. According to him, schooling helps produce rational citizens and individuals, concerned with producing the members who shape the future. Gauchet argues however that the deepening of contemporary individualism encourages us to lose sight of the fact that this production supposes certain pre-conditions.
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examines the pessimism that is specific to France, especially in regards to the French populationâs perception of their countryâs position in Europe and the rest of the world. In specific, Gauchet analyses the views of certain groups in France on the phenomena of globalisation and the liaison between
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In 1789, at the outset of the French
Revolution, the representatives of the French people who created a new assembly that defined itself as ânationalâ, were confronted with the need to attack the authority of the monarchy, in order to pursue their desire to establish an independent and competing pole
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Extending from this, the law is no longer dictated from the perception of a transcendental power, but is instead created by individuals in their pursuit of a self-governing society. Gauchet neither criticises nor laments this shift away from transcendental laws â he objectively analyses this change
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By abandoning the âreligiousâ model of vertical hierarchy in favour of a model that grants individual autonomy, the collective identity ceased to be seen as imposed upon individuals by the transcendental world above. This is not to say that
European societies abandoned religious beliefs altogether;
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examines the triumphs of liberal democracy born of the defeat of totalitarianism. It shows that the contemporary âneoliberal ideological dominanceâ is a total phenomenon, with legal, sociological and anthropological dimensions, as well as implications for the communication media. In the âsociety of
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Another function of this third power was to embody the distance between the people and their elected representatives, thus preserving the ideal of popular sovereignty as distinct from empirical power. Hence, Gauchet stresses that a nationâs sovereignty acquires a symbolic effectiveness through the
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However, this argument by
Foucault is challenged by Gauchet and Swain to elucidate that, in earlier eras where these individuals were given their social liberty, it was only in fact due to the perception that these individuals were seen as radically different, whether it be as superior or inferior
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since its inception. These articles deal with different topics: human rights, religion, school education, contemporary psychology and liberalism. As a whole, they express the central concern that runs throughout Gauchetâs entire writings: to try and understand the new and disconcerting form that
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can hence be defined as a theory and re-conceptualization of democracy, from the point of view of historical anthropology. This approach leads him to show how modern democracy constitutes a âmixed regimeâ. It is the political form assumed by the autonomous form of collective existence once it is
563:. This book looks at how Robespierre embodied the two sides of the French Revolution: the promise of freedom and the danger of tyranny. This makes him a man whose life allows us today to gain a deeper understanding of the Revolution in its essential contradictions. Furthermore, Gauchet published
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form. As stated in his debate with Badiou his critique is not inspired by a fundamental disagreement over the need to imagine a different kind of society but by an assessment of its political ineffectiveness. For Gauchet, the radicalism of the extreme left amounts to a form of purely idealistic
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In Europe, in order to maintain a collective sense of belonging, European societies ordered themselves around the metaphysical principles of Christianity which, paradoxically, ultimately led them to overthrow the religious conception of social order, a feature of human experience from times
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established the genealogy of the democratic breakthrough from a negative angle, that of the âexit from religionâ; âreligionâ being the primeval symbolic framework of collective life pertaining to the transcendental, which shapes human societiesâ collective identity and their definition of
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reinterpretations â for example, that of Foucault. Gauchetâs approach thus constitutes a philosophy, as defined in La Condition historique: a way to engage with contemporary experience. His redefinition of what we call âthe modernâ attests to the political nature of this philosophy.
1028:, an annual conference that brings together intellectuals to discuss socio-historic topics. Lagasnerie and Louis deemed Gauchetâs ideas intolerable because they were, according to them, too conservative. In response, several intellectuals created a collective opinion piece in
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with Ăric Conan and François Azouvi. This book of interviews detailed Gauchetâs analysis of the increasing anxiety and pessimism of the French population, in regards to Franceâs diminished influence in an enlarged European Union, within the context of
996:, the latter being far more familiar to Anglo-Saxon intellectuals and readers. With its methodology relying heavily on the analysis of the logic of language, analytical philosophy characterises the works of famously-studied philosophers such as
981:, the reception of Gauchetâs work in the English-speaking world has been less pervasive. One of the main reasons for this disparity is the style of Gauchetâs philosophy, and its departure from classical âFrench theoryâ, is its close links to
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whose historical significance Gauchet discusses in "Les tĂąches de la philosophie politique". Through Gauchetâs predilection for abstract reconstructions of history from an anthropological perspective, often perceived as symptomatic of
753:, but rather the âprimevalâ religions that existed many millennia ago. In societies that were arranged around this religious model, all individuals were equal before the laws of the gods, who were themselves seen as one with nature.
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in order to analyse the debates around the creation of modern democracy that arose from this historically significant event. A few years later, the democratic dimension of the French Revolution resurfaced as the leading theme of
1034:. In this piece, they argued that the act of boycotting the convention went against the very spirit of democracy, a principle that is indeed based on respecting the diversity of opinions. This controversy, as analysed in
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In so far as it exposes the existence of parallel historical stages between the development of new forms of âbeing-togetherâ and that of the subject, this theory of democracy can be understood at a meta-level. In
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212:, after which he pursued additional teaching qualifications for secondary schooling. In 1962, he met Didier Anger, who was an active member of a union movement created by educators. Through him, Gauchet met
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to reflect on the place of political phenomena in socio-historical events. This book extends Gauchetâs central reflections on democratic equality, a theme that already pervaded his two major earlier works,
612:, analyses the genealogy of democratic culture from its positive side; that of humanityâs evolution, the creation of its self-government across time and space, which operates through the production (
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railway worker and a Catholic seamstress, Gauchet received both a Catholic education and a republican one in the French public schooling system. In 1961, he attended the teacher training college of
418:. This decision taken by Nora was, at the time, perceived as an indication of his desire to distance himself from Foucault, especially given Gauchetâs intense criticisms of Foucauldian theories in
453:. This bookâs narrative follows the history of the creation of Western democracy, and analyses the role that religion played in constructing a collective social identity. Four years later, in
961:â âle mitterrando-chiraquismeâ), but to have upheld it. Gauchet suggests that the dynamism unleashed by Macron may yet have more repercussions for French politics as a result, and that the
333:(âSur la dĂ©mocratie : le politique et lâinstitution du socialâ, named after a course delivered by Lefort). Together with Lefort, Castoriadis and Clastres, and in association with
663:âThe politicalâ is what gives human collectivities the power to govern themselves. This power is repressed in heteronomous political forms but manifests itself openly as such through
860:. Following the exit from religion, humanity turned to the idea of men establishing ways and processes to govern their own societies and their relationships. The first volume,
953:. Paradoxically, he then revealed himself not to have challenged the dominant elite political consensus of the previous three decades (as first crafted by former presidents
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Doyle, Natalie J. âThe Sacred, Social Creativity and the State.â Critical Horizons : Journal of Social & Critical Theory, vol. 7, no. 1, 2006, pp. 207â238.
1412:"Marcel Gauchet's Political Anthropology: Originary Social Division and the 'Processual' Autonomy of a Community", Marcel Gauchet and the Crisis of Democratic Politics
224:, a radical socialist journal also of an anti-Stalinian ideological orientation. In his first protest, he demonstrated against violent police repression during the
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Sullivan, Daniel. "Natalie J. Doyle and Sean McMorrow (eds), Marcel Gauchet and the Crisis of Democratic Politics (New York: Routledge, 2022): Book Reviews".
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The year before, Gauchet had gone back to the French Revolution to discuss the philosophy and historical significance of one of its most influential figures,
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466:. This book examines how the binary tension between the people and the officials ultimately played part in the failure of the French Revolutionâs ideals.
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Marcel Gauchet then began his journey through the world of intellectual journals. From 1970 to 1975, with its original instigator Marc Richir, he revived
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In the aforementioned works, Gauchet pointed out the paradoxes of modern democratic societies by placing them in a historical perspective. The sequel,
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168:. Gauchet is one of France's most prominent contemporary intellectuals. He has written widely on such issues as the political consequences of modern
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535:. These discussions brought Gauchetâs work to the attention of the public already cognisant of Badiouâs works. Further that year, he published
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Through a genealogy of "modernity", Marcel Gauchet's works propose to redefine "the modern", and to put it at a distance, especially in its
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since its inception. These essays deal with different topics such as: human rights, religion, school education, contemporary psychology and
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392:
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501:, a book of essays written in the 1970s and 1980s, together with new texts responding to more recent events such as the creation of the
395:(also known as CERPRA), a centre for political studies. Furet welcomed Gauchet to the EHESS and introduced him to his brother-in-law,
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left off, was subtitled - âPolitics, Anthropology, Philosophyâ. Eight issues were published through Payot et Rivage until 1980.
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Despite this dissimilarity with classical French theory, Gauchetâs work remains within the traditions of a certain strand of
810:, the revolutionaries established the idea of political representation as the very crux of democracy. Six years later, in
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Gauchet, Marcel (1985). "L'Ă©cole Ă l'Ă©cole d'elle-mĂȘme: Contraintes et contradictions de l'individualisme dĂ©mocratique".
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Weymans, Wim (2009). "Revising Foucault's Model of Modernity and Exclusion: Gauchet and Swain on Madness and Democracy".
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Doyle, Natalie J. âThe United States in the Work of Marcel Gauchet: A Critical Introduction to âPopulism as Symptomâ.â
667:. âThe politicalâ asserts itself explicitly not least through the invention of âpoliticsâ, after the invention of the
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1040:, illustrated the preference of the far left for radical moralistic indictments of ideas rather than their analysis.
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Weymans, Wim. âRevising Foucault's Model of Modernity and Exclusion: Gauchet and Swain On Madness and Democracy.â
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Doyle, Natalie J and Marcel Gauchet. "Neo-liberal ideology and the New World: An Interview with Marcel Gauchet".
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French Theory: How Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze, & Co. Transformed the Intellectual Life of the United States
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James D. Ingram (2006), "The Politics of Claude Lefort's Political: Between Liberalism and Radical Democracy",
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Even within France, the controversy of Blois exemplifies a common misunderstanding of Gauchetâs philosophy.
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309:, which was supported by a newly created editorial committee, composed of Gauchet himself, Richir, Lefort,
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who dominated the colleges that were training primary school teachers. Gauchet then came into contact with
527:. Translated into English in 2015, this book presented a debate between the two thinkers on the topics of
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was later published with Francois Azouvi and Sylvain Piron, a book of interviews discussing topics like
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In July 1980, Gauchet published "Les droits de lâhomme ne sont pas une politique" in the third issue of
1297:, 2nd ed., edited by Gerard Delanty and Stephen P.Turner, Abingdon, Oxon, New York, Routledge, 2021.
1146:"L'Ă©cole Ă l'Ă©cole d'elle-mĂȘme: Contraintes et contradictions de l'individualisme dĂ©mocratique", 1985
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Gauchet has also been interested in the question of the crisis of schooling and education, which, in
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influence, there is the possibility that Anglo-Saxon readers find his work difficult to comprehend.
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Marcel Gauchet and the Loss of Common Purpose: Imaginary Islam and the Crisis of European Democracy
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Marcel Gauchet and the Loss of Common Purpose: Imaginary Islam and the Crisis of European Democracy
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Doyle, Natalie J. âDemocracy as Socio-Cultural Project of Individual and Collective Sovereignty.â
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Doyle, Natalie J. âIntroduction to Marcel Gauchetâs âDemocracy: From One Crisis to Another.â
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Gauchet later resumed his higher education studies. From 1966 to 1971, under the guidance of
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473:, which brought together in one volume all the political articles published by Gauchet in
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In May 1980, Nora appointed Gauchet as the chief editor of his recently launched journal
213:
1091:
Que faire ? Dialogue sur le communisme, le capitalisme et lâavenir de la dĂ©mocratie
1085:
La Révolution des pouvoirs - La souveraineté, le peuple et la représentation (1789-1799)
1043:
Gauchet has, in a number of different contexts, made clear his critique of 21st century
464:
La Révolution des pouvoirs - La souveraineté, le peuple et la représentation (1789-1799)
243:. However, he decided to end his education before sitting the exam, and returned to the
2333:
Tanguay, Daniel (2021). "Why Read Gauchet?". In Doyle, Natalie; McMorrow, Sean (eds.).
2032:
1620:
La Révolution des pouvoirs- La souveraineté, le peuple et la représentation (1789-1799)
1036:
982:
486:
404:
191:. Gauchet was awarded the Prix européen de l'essai, fondation Charles Veillon in 2018.
96:
77:
2456:
Gauchet, Marcel (1984). "De l'avÚnement de l'individu à La Découverte de La Société".
1290:, edited by Suzi Adams and Jeremy C.A. Smith, London, Rowman & Littlefield, 2019.
2310:
2242:
2214:
2186:
2158:
2130:
2079:
2036:
1995:
1967:
1942:
1914:
1886:
1854:
1826:
1798:
1770:
1745:
1720:
1476:
458:
408:
100:
93:
2383:"Pourquoi il faut boycotter les Rendez-vous de l'histoire : un appel collectif"
1992:
La Pratique de l'esprit humain: l'institution asilaire et la révolution démocratique
1717:
What is to be Done? A Dialogue on Communism, Capitalism, and the Future of Democracy
1454:
1172:
La Pratique de lâesprit humain: lâinstitution asilaire et la rĂ©volution dĂ©mocratique
714:
La Pratique de lâesprit humain: l'institution asilaire et la rĂ©volution dĂ©mocratique
384:
236:
2673:
2646:
2619:
2592:
2565:
2538:
2511:
2484:
2361:
2024:
892:
880:
analyse this loss of balance, and delve into how phenomena like juridification and
727:
613:
1713:
Que faire? Dialogue sur le communisme, le capitalisme et l'avenir de la démocratie
1698:
Que faire? Dialogue sur le communisme, le capitalisme et l'avenir de la démocratie
680:
525:
Que faire? Dialogue sur le communisme, le capitalisme et l'avenir de la démocratie
317:. In 1971, Gauchet published his first articles in a special issue of the journal
2637:
Gauchet, Marcel; Doyle, Natalie (2015). "Democracy: From One Crisis to Another".
978:
974:
829:
brings together in one volume all the political articles published by Gauchet in
549:
445:
In 1985, Gauchet penned the work for which he first became known outside France,
376:. In April 1980, Gauchet published his first book, co-written with Gladys Swain,
373:
357:
334:
314:
138:
44:
279:
1314:
Gauchet, Marcel and Natalie Doyle (trans). "The Tasks of Political Philosophy".
958:
780:
668:
502:
571:
to ask if the ideological divide is still meaningful in the contemporary era.
2721:
2028:
1017:
1001:
946:
691:
584:
541:
400:
256:
181:
169:
2055:
Anderson, Brian (1998). "Books in Review: The Disenchantment of the World".
1293:
Doyle, Natalie J. "Marcel Gauchet and the Crisis of European democracy" in
348:
Gauchetâs other collaborative works included those written with his partner
2475:
Gauchet, Marcel (1980). "Les droits de l'homme ne sont pas une politique".
1719:] (in French). Translated by Susan Spitzer. UK: John Wiley & Sons.
1094:
750:
672:
580:
513:
506:
434:
349:
225:
2623:
2596:
2569:
2542:
2515:
2488:
1286:
Doyle, Natalie J. "The Political Imaginary of European Hypermodernity" in
2366:
2349:
1048:
1006:
706:
396:
151:
147:
831:
415:
360:. During his collaboration with Swain, he completed critical reviews of
209:
164:
2677:
2650:
997:
742:
625:
528:
478:
353:
217:
1237:
The following sources discuss the ideas of Marcel Gauchet in English.
2556:
Gauchet, Marcel (2000). "Les voies secrÚtes de la société libérale".
1020:, a writer, made an appeal to boycott Gauchetâs lectures at the 2014
881:
676:
532:
520:
283:
177:
143:
2211:
L'AvÚnement de la démocratie 3 : à l'épreuve des totalitarismes
1243:
Adventures of the Symbolic : Post-Marxism and Radical Democracy
1226:
L'AvĂšnement de la dĂ©mocratie 3 : Ă lâĂ©preuve des totalitarismes
941:
In doing so, Macron distanced himself from the far left politics of
187:
Two of Gauchet's books have been translated into English, including
2282:"Alexandre Devecchio: "Le clivage droite-gauche est-il bien mort?""
1549:
1137:"De lâavĂšnement de lâindividu Ă La DĂ©couverte de La SociĂ©tĂ©", 1984
1030:
695:
664:
509:
understanding of the political foundations of all human societies.
205:
173:
1574:
Le DĂ©senchantement du monde: Une Histoire politique de la religion
735:
Le DĂ©senchantement du Monde: Une Histoire politique de la religion
447:
Le DĂ©senchantement du monde: Une Histoire politique de la religion
746:
295:
30:
2267:
Macron, les leçons d'un échec: Comprendre le malheur français II
1962:
Blais, Marie-Claude; Gauchet, Marcel; Ottavi, Dominique (2008).
1578:
The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion
1119:
Macron, les leçons d'un échec. Comprendre le malheur français II
1073:
The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion
936:
Macron, les leçons d'un échec: Comprendre le malheur français II
821:
786:
The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion
739:
The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion
729:
The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion
451:
The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion
364:
by Clastres (with Gauchetâs review appearing in October 1974 in
189:
The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion
2712:
2664:
Gauchet, Marcel; Doyle, Natalie (2017). "Populism as Symptom".
1332:, vol.59, no. 4, 2022, pp. 1â3, DOI: 10.3828/AJFS.2022.00.
856:, Gauchetâs magisterial tetralogy, carries on from his work in
517:
494:
287:
244:
52:
48:
2713:
Blog also about Marcel Gauchet, not updated anymore since 2009
2707:
1473:
La SociĂ©tĂ© contre l'Ătat, recherches d'anthropologie politique
362:
La SociĂ©tĂ© contre lâĂtat, recherches dâanthropologie politique
1220:
L'AvÚnement de la démocratie 2 : La Crise du libéralisme
1121:(in collaboration with Ăric Conan and François Azouvi), 2021
1103:(in collaboration with Ăric Conan and François Azouvi), 2016
1025:
516:, a key figure in the French radical left and an advocate of
272:
268:
1459:
L'empire du sens : L'humanisation des sciences sociales
548:, where Gauchet reconvened with Conan and Azouvi to discuss
391:(also known as EHESS). This seminar later gave birth to the
1258:
Doyle, Natalie J. âAutonomy and Modern Liberal Democracy.â
1214:
L'AvÚnement de la démocratie 1 : La Révolution Moderne
278:
In Caen, Gauchet studied alongside Jean-Pierre Le Goff and
1342:
Weymans, Wim. âFreedom through Political Representation.â
1069:(with Gladys Swain), 1980, translated into English in 2007
1339:, 2022, pp. 266â272, DOI: 10.1177/08969205221115215.
1295:
The Handbook of Contemporary Social and Political Theory
1140:"Les droits de l'homme ne sont pas une politique", 1980
973:
In comparison to that of other French philosophers like
433:, all of whom could be said to be intellectual heirs to
341:
in March 1977. This journal, which picked up from where
337:
and Maurice Lucciani, Gauchet then launched the journal
2183:
L'AvÚnement de la démocratie 2 : Le Nouveau Monde
1883:
L'AvÚnement de la démocratie 4 : Le Nouveau monde
1532:
Madness and Democracy: The Modern Psychiatric Universe
1190:
La religion dans la démocratie: Parcours de la laïcité
1107:
L'AvÚnement de la démocratie 4 : Le Nouveau Monde
1067:
Madness and Democracy: The Modern Psychiatric Universe
790:
Madness and Democracy: The Modern Psychiatric Universe
768:
718:
Madness and Democracy: The Modern Psychiatric Universe
708:
Madness and Democracy: The Modern Psychiatric Universe
2502:
Gauchet, Marcel (1984). "Fin de la religion ?".
2127:
L'AvÚnement de la démocratie 1: La Révolution Moderne
2101:"Marcel Gauchet, La RĂ©volution des droits de l'homme"
1851:
La Religion dans la démocratie:Parcours de la laïcité
1335:
Sullivan, Daniel. "The Juridification of Democracy".
411:, and encountered once again, Cornelius Castoriadis.
2335:
Marcel Gauchet And The Crisis Of Democratic Politics
1309:
Marcel Gauchet and the Crisis of Democratic Politics
927:
294:
of the student revolts. After May 68, he broke with
440:
387:, a historian who conducted a seminar in the Paris
239:to prepare for the competitive entry exam into the
2380:
1961:
1149:"Les voies secrÚtes de la société libérale", 2000
675:and with it, of the individual and of history. In
389:School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences
2204:
2202:
1567:
1565:
1563:
1561:
1559:
912:
567:which revisits an iconic text first published in
449:with its English translation coming out later as
2719:
2583:Gauchet, Marcel (2004). "Le problÚme européen".
2381:de Lagasnerie, Geoffroy; Louis, Edouard (2014).
241:Ăcole normale supĂ©rieure de Fontenay-Saint-Cloud
2610:Gauchet, Marcel (2015). "L'enfant imaginaire".
846:
2433:"Is This the End of French Intellectual Life?"
2407:"Marcel Gauchet, victime d'une hargne aveugle"
2260:
2258:
2232:
2230:
2199:
1788:
1786:
1556:
1288:Social Imaginaries: Debates and Configurations
1158:"Democracy: From One Crisis to Another", 2015
16:French historian, philosopher, and sociologist
1710:
1695:
1651:
1649:
1281:Marcel Gauchet and the Loss of Common Purpose
822:Towards an analysis of contemporary democracy
799:
282:. With Le Goff, he took part in situationist
2663:
2636:
2309:(in French). University of Minnesota Press.
1989:
1936:
1795:Robespierre: l'homme qui nous divise le plus
1671:
1669:
1667:
1525:
1113:Robespierre, l'homme qui nous divise le plus
561:Robespierre: l'homme qui nous divise le plus
457:Gauchet turned to the historiography of the
393:Centre de recherches politiques Raymond Aron
160:Ăcole des Hautes Ătudes en Sciences Sociales
156:Centre de recherches politiques Raymond Aron
2255:
2227:
2050:
2048:
2046:
1985:
1983:
1904:
1902:
1844:
1842:
1783:
1613:
1611:
1609:
1405:
1403:
1401:
1321:Moyn, Samuel. âSavage and Modern Libertyâ.
1302:International Journal of Social Imaginaries
690:, he analyses in a similar vein to that of
247:department to take up teaching once again.
2328:
2326:
2120:
2118:
2076:Marcel Gauchet: La GenÚse de la démocratie
1932:
1930:
1876:
1874:
1872:
1870:
1823:La droite et la gauche: Histoire et destin
1646:
1125:La Droite et la gauche: Histoire et destin
565:La Droite et la Gauche: histoire et destin
29:
2365:
2279:
1816:
1814:
1691:
1689:
1687:
1664:
1633:
1631:
1629:
1593:
1591:
1589:
1587:
1521:
1519:
1517:
1515:
1513:
1511:
1262:, vol. 15, no. 3, 2012, pp. 331â347.
1165:
305:, the journal created by students at the
2430:
2350:"Les tĂąches de la philosophie politique"
2176:
2174:
2148:
2146:
2054:
2043:
1980:
1899:
1839:
1606:
1498:L'Histoire de la folie Ă l'Ăąge classique
1495:
1470:
1450:
1448:
1446:
1409:
1398:
1369:
1367:
1346:, vol. 4, no. 3, 2005, pp. 263â282.
1325:, vol. 4, no. 2, 2005, pp. 164â187.
1269:, vol. 1, no. 1, 2015, pp. 151â161.
370:LâHistoire de la folie Ă lâĂąge classique
2609:
2582:
2555:
2528:
2501:
2474:
2455:
2347:
2332:
2323:
2264:
2236:
2208:
2180:
2124:
2115:
2098:
2014:
1990:Gauchet, Marcel; Swain, Gladys (1980).
1937:Gauchet, Marcel; Swain, Gladys (1997).
1927:
1908:
1880:
1867:
1848:
1820:
1792:
1764:
1739:
1711:Gauchet, Marcel; Badiou, Alain (2015).
1696:Gauchet, Marcel; Badiou, Alain (2014).
1675:
1655:
1637:
1617:
1597:
1571:
1526:Gauchet, Marcel; Swain, Gladys (2007).
1353:, vol. 98, no. 1, 2009, pp. 33â51.
1252:, vol. 75, no. 1, 2003, pp. 69â95.
868:(the collective political imperative),
2720:
2458:Revue Européenne des Sciences Sociales
2304:
1811:
1684:
1626:
1584:
1545:Pierre Manent, grammairien de lâaction
1508:
2708:Blog about Marcel Gauchet, since 2009
2171:
2152:
2143:
2073:
1443:
1389:
1364:
660:, as well as his works on education.
352:, who introduced him to the field of
325:, no 46, p. 19-30) dedicated to
137:
1580:] (in French). Paris: Gallimard.
1538:
1534:] (in French). Paris: Gallimard.
1344:European Journal of Political Theory
1330:Australian Journal of French Studies
1323:European Journal of Political Theory
1307:Doyle, Natalie J and Sean McMorrow.
1131:
216:militants, quite different from the
1600:La RĂ©volution des droits de l'homme
1276:, vol. 3, no. 1, 2017, pp. 195â206.
1245:. Cambridge University Press, 2016.
1079:La RĂ©volution des droits de l'homme
808:La RĂ©volution des droits de l'homme
777:La RĂ©volution des droits de l'homme
770:La RĂ©volution des droits de l'homme
598:La RĂ©volution des droits de lâhomme
455:La RĂ©volution des droits de l'homme
13:
2768:University of Caen Normandy alumni
1475:(in French). Collection Critique.
1232:
1143:"Fin de la religion ?", 1984
399:. Throughn the EHESS, Gauchet met
286:rallies; and during the events of
250:
162:and former head of the periodical
154:. He is professor emeritus of the
14:
2794:
2688:
1767:Comprendre le malheur français II
1394:. Lexington Books. p. xviii.
1380:(1), 2006, pp. 33â50, esp. p. 39.
1260:European Journal of Social Theory
1060:
965:could still hold many surprises.
963:2022 French presidential election
929:Comprendre le malheur francais II
546:Comprendre le malheur français II
2743:21st-century French philosophers
2738:20th-century French philosophers
1318:, vol. 37, 2013, pp. 22â78.
1304:, no. 1, 2022, pp. 303â327.
806:As Gauchet first established in
505:. This book presented Gauchetâs
441:Timeline of main academic output
2778:Knights of the Legion of Honour
2758:French male non-fiction writers
2697:The Disenchantment of the World
2657:
2630:
2603:
2576:
2549:
2522:
2495:
2468:
2449:
2424:
2399:
2374:
2341:
2298:
2273:
2092:
2067:
2008:
1955:
1758:
1744:(in French). Paris: Gallimard.
1733:
1704:
1504:] (in French). Paris: Plon.
884:have contributed to this loss.
858:The Disenchantment of the World
590:The Disenchantment of The World
228:, in reaction to the so-called
2783:21st-century French historians
2753:20th-century French historians
2431:Caldwell, Christopher (2021).
2239:Comprendre le malheur français
1742:Comprendre le malheur français
1700:(in French). Paris: Gallimard.
1680:(in French). Paris: Gallimard.
1660:(in French). Paris: Gallimard.
1642:(in French). Paris: Gallimard.
1640:La DĂ©mocratie contre elle-mĂȘme
1622:(in French). Paris: Gallimard.
1602:(in French). Paris: Gallimard.
1528:La Pratique de l'esprit humain
1489:
1464:
1418:
1414:. Routledge. pp. 119â139.
1383:
1196:La DĂ©mocratie contre elle-mĂȘme
1101:Comprendre le malheur français
1055:
921:Comprendre le malheur français
914:Comprendre le malheur français
900:Ă l'Ă©preuve des totalitarismes
895:interpretation of the period.
827:La DĂ©mocratie contre elle-mĂȘme
650:La Pratique de l'esprit humain
631:The fourth and last volume of
602:La Religion dans la démocratie
537:Comprendre le malheur français
531:, communism, and contemporary
471:La DĂ©mocratie contre elle-mĂȘme
420:La pratique de lâesprit humain
378:La Pratique de l'esprit humain
290:, he remained faithful to the
230:Charonne metro station scandal
1:
2280:Devecchio, Alexandre (2021).
1357:
1152:"Le problÚme européen", 2004
905:The fourth and final volume,
737:, translated into English as
716:, translated into English as
574:
383:Lefort introduced Gauchet to
307:Université libre de Bruxelles
199:
2074:Padis, Marc-Olivier (1996).
1161:âPopulism as Symptomâ, 2017
1155:"L'enfant imaginaire", 2015
992:, standing in contrast with
968:
878:LâAvĂšnement de la dĂ©mocratie
854:L'AvÚnement de la démocratie
848:L'AvÚnement de la démocratie
633:LâAvĂšnement de la dĂ©mocratie
621:LâAvĂšnement de la dĂ©mocratie
610:LâAvĂšnement de la dĂ©mocratie
544:. This book was followed by
194:
7:
2099:Baczkow, Bronislaw (1991).
1075:, 1985, translated in 1997
469:In 2002, Gauchet published
261:University of Caen Normandy
41:1946 (age 77–78)
10:
2799:
1390:Doyle, Natalie J. (2017).
1174:(avec Gladys Swain), 1980
812:La RĂ©volution des pouvoirs
801:La RĂ©volution des pouvoirs
671:, then that of the modern
605:institutional legitimacy.
594:La RĂ©volution des pouvoirs
2305:Cusset, François (2008).
1964:Conditions de l'Ă©ducation
1496:Foucault, Michel (1961).
1471:Clastres, Pierre (1974).
1022:Rendez-vous de lâhistoire
945:and the far right leader
688:Conditions de l'Ă©ducation
292:revolutionary spontaneity
142:; born 1946) is a French
124:
112:
83:
73:
63:
59:
37:
28:
21:
2348:Gauchet, Marcel (2002).
2265:Gauchet, Marcel (2021).
2237:Gauchet, Marcel (2016).
2213:(in French). Gallimard.
2209:Gauchet, Marcel (2010).
2185:(in French). Gallimard.
2181:Gauchet, Marcel (2007).
2129:(in French). Gallimard.
2125:Gauchet, Marcel (2007).
2029:10.1177/0725513609105482
1994:(in French). Gallimard.
1941:(in French). Gallimard.
1913:(in French). Gallimard.
1909:Gauchet, Marcel (1992).
1885:(in French). Gallimard.
1881:Gauchet, Marcel (2017).
1853:(in French). Gallimard.
1849:Gauchet, Marcel (2001).
1825:(in French). Gallimard.
1821:Gauchet, Marcel (2021).
1797:(in French). Gallimard.
1793:Gauchet, Marcel (2018).
1765:Gauchet, Marcel (2021).
1740:Gauchet, Marcel (2017).
1676:Gauchet, Marcel (2005).
1656:Gauchet, Marcel (2003).
1638:Gauchet, Marcel (2002).
1618:Gauchet, Marcel (1995).
1598:Gauchet, Marcel (1989).
1572:Gauchet, Marcel (1985).
1502:Madness and Civilisation
1283:. Lexington Books, 2017.
701:
2700:by Paul J. Fitzgerald.
2153:Doyle, Natalie (2017).
2078:(in French). Michalon.
1658:La condition historique
1410:McMorrow, Sean (2022).
1202:La Condition historique
889:La Crise du libéralisme
872:(rights-based law) and
483:La condition historique
259:, his professor at the
172:, the relation between
106:Classical republicanism
68:Contemporary philosophy
1911:L'Inconscient cérébral
1678:La condition politique
1461:, La DĂ©couverte, 2013.
1426:"fondation-veillon.ch"
1208:La Condition politique
1178:LâInconscient cĂ©rĂ©bral
1166:Other French Originals
1014:Geoffroy de Lagasnerie
990:continental philosophy
841:La Condition politique
654:LâInconscient cĂ©rĂ©bral
646:La Condition politique
557:Maximilien Robespierre
523:, Gauchet co-authored
499:La Condition politique
380:(see synopsis below).
366:Les Ăditions de Minuit
321:(âLieu de la pensĂ©eâ,
222:Socialisme ou Barbarie
180:, and the dilemmas of
90:Continental philosophy
2624:10.3917/deba.183.0158
2597:10.3917/deba.129.0050
2570:10.3917/deba.111.0121
2543:10.3917/deba.037.0055
2516:10.3917/deba.028.0155
2489:10.3917/deba.003.0003
1016:, a philosopher, and
951:yellow vests movement
862:La RĂ©volution Moderne
619:Gauchet's project in
431:Monique Canto-Sperber
327:Maurice Merleau-Ponty
311:Cornelius Castoriadis
2704:59.3 (1998): 548-549
2367:10.3917/rdm.019.0275
2241:(in French). Stock.
1966:(in French). Stock.
1769:(in French). Stock.
1047:, especially in its
569:Les Lieux de mémoire
491:anti-totalitarianism
263:, Gauchet wrote his
119:Political philosophy
2748:French sociologists
2702:Theological Studies
2269:(in French). Stock.
2157:. Lexington Books.
1550:Le Monde des livres
994:analytic philosophy
955:François Mitterrand
887:The second volume,
493:and the effects of
235:He then joined the
214:anti-Stalinist left
2763:People from Manche
2678:10.5840/si20173110
2666:Social Imaginaries
2651:10.5840/si20151111
2639:Social Imaginaries
2437:The New York Times
1337:Critical Sociology
1311:. Routledge, 2022.
1279:Doyle, Natalie J.
1274:Social Imaginaries
1267:Social Imaginaries
1241:Breckman, Warren.
1037:The New York Times
983:post-structuralism
943:Jean-Luc MĂ©lenchon
898:The third volume,
487:post-structuralism
405:Pierre Rosanvallon
78:Western philosophy
1132:Selected articles
459:French Revolution
409:Vincent Descombes
128:
127:
101:French liberalism
94:Anti-totalitarian
2790:
2682:
2681:
2661:
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2012:
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2005:
1987:
1978:
1977:
1959:
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1437:
1428:. Archived from
1422:
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1407:
1396:
1395:
1387:
1381:
1371:
907:Le Nouveau monde
893:Marxist-Leninist
638:Le Nouveau monde
204:As the son of a
141:
136:
33:
19:
18:
2798:
2797:
2793:
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2773:French atheists
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2360:(19): 275â303.
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2303:
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2263:
2256:
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2151:
2144:
2137:
2123:
2116:
2097:
2093:
2086:
2072:
2068:
2053:
2044:
2013:
2009:
2002:
1988:
1981:
1974:
1960:
1956:
1949:
1939:Le Vrai Charcot
1935:
1928:
1921:
1907:
1900:
1893:
1879:
1868:
1861:
1847:
1840:
1833:
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1399:
1388:
1384:
1372:
1365:
1360:
1235:
1233:Further reading
1184:Le Vrai Charcot
1168:
1134:
1063:
1058:
979:Jacques Derrida
975:Michel Foucault
971:
932:
919:Gauchet's book
917:
851:
824:
804:
779:, Gauchet used
773:
732:
711:
704:
658:Le Vrai Charcot
577:
550:Emmanuel Macron
497:. In 2005 came
443:
374:Michel Foucault
358:anti-psychiatry
335:Miguel Abensour
315:Pierre Clastres
253:
251:Academic career
202:
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134:
115:
104:
92:
55:
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24:
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2690:
2689:External links
2687:
2684:
2683:
2672:(1): 207â218.
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2645:(1): 163â187.
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2618:(1): 158â166.
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2464:(68): 109â126.
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2354:Revue du MAUSS
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512:In 2014, with
503:European Union
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201:
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139:[ÉĄoÊÉ]
131:Marcel Gauchet
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2018:
2017:Thesis Eleven
2011:
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1958:
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1432:on 2018-10-11
1431:
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1375:Thesis Eleven
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1023:
1019:
1018:Edouard Louis
1015:
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1003:
1002:Richard Rorty
999:
995:
991:
986:
984:
980:
976:
966:
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948:
947:Marine Le Pen
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689:
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681:Ancien RĂ©gime
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585:postmodernist
582:
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542:globalisation
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257:Claude Lefort
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182:globalisation
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170:individualism
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27:
20:
2701:
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2615:
2611:
2605:
2591:(2): 50â66.
2588:
2584:
2578:
2561:
2557:
2551:
2537:(5): 55â86.
2534:
2530:
2524:
2507:
2503:
2497:
2480:
2476:
2470:
2461:
2457:
2451:
2440:. Retrieved
2436:
2426:
2415:. Retrieved
2410:
2401:
2390:. Retrieved
2386:
2376:
2357:
2353:
2343:
2337:. Routledge.
2334:
2306:
2300:
2289:. Retrieved
2285:
2275:
2266:
2238:
2210:
2182:
2154:
2126:
2108:
2104:
2094:
2075:
2069:
2060:
2057:First Things
2056:
2023:(1): 33â51.
2020:
2016:
2010:
1991:
1963:
1957:
1938:
1910:
1882:
1850:
1822:
1794:
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1573:
1548:
1540:
1531:
1527:
1501:
1497:
1491:
1472:
1466:
1458:
1434:. Retrieved
1430:the original
1420:
1411:
1391:
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1377:
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1195:
1189:
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1177:
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1100:
1095:Alain Badiou
1090:
1084:
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1042:
1035:
1029:
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918:
913:
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897:
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877:
873:
869:
866:le politique
865:
861:
857:
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840:
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811:
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805:
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759:
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751:Christianity
738:
734:
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728:
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713:
712:
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687:
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673:Nation State
662:
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601:
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593:
589:
581:Heideggerian
578:
568:
564:
560:
554:
545:
536:
524:
514:Alain Badiou
511:
507:post-Marxist
498:
482:
474:
470:
468:
463:
454:
450:
446:
444:
435:Raymond Aron
426:
424:
419:
413:
382:
377:
369:
365:
361:
350:Gladys Swain
347:
342:
338:
330:
322:
318:
302:
300:
298:altogether.
280:Alain Caillé
277:
254:
234:
229:
226:Algerian war
203:
188:
186:
163:
130:
129:
2728:1946 births
2483:(3): 3â21.
1056:Major works
1049:neo-Marxist
397:Pierre Nora
152:sociologist
148:philosopher
2722:Categories
2695:Review of
2442:2021-11-04
2417:2021-11-04
2392:2021-11-04
2387:Libération
2291:2021-11-04
1436:2020-03-24
1358:References
1045:radicalism
998:John Rawls
874:lâhistoire
745:faiths of
743:monotheist
626:Liberalism
575:Philosophy
529:capitalism
479:liberalism
354:psychiatry
267:thesis on
218:communists
200:Early life
2286:Le Figaro
2037:145728150
1316:Parrhesia
969:Reception
882:economism
677:modernity
533:democracy
521:communism
437:'s work.
368:) and of
329:, and in
284:anarchist
195:Biography
178:democracy
144:historian
2612:Le DĂ©bat
2585:Le DĂ©bat
2558:Le DĂ©bat
2531:Le DĂ©bat
2504:Le DĂ©bat
2477:Le DĂ©bat
2411:Le Monde
2063:: 55â57.
1097:), 2014
1031:Le Monde
1007:Hegelian
870:le droit
832:Le DĂ©bat
696:Pedagogy
665:autonomy
475:Le DĂ©bat
427:Le DĂ©bat
416:Le DĂ©bat
343:Textures
331:Textures
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210:Saint-LĂŽ
206:Gaullist
174:religion
165:Le DĂ©bat
2105:Annales
1228:, 2010
1222:, 2007
1216:, 2007
1210:, 2005
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1192:, 1998
1186:, 1997
1180:, 1992
1127:, 2021
1115:, 2018
1109:, 2017
1087:, 1995
1081:, 1989
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