333:
program, which will offer political orientation based on historical reflection.... The second book is to...shed light on the great crises in the political and intellectual history of
Germany, and will thus explain the present state of mind of the German people. This second book will serve two purposes. It will develop a new concept of the history of our nation... and it will help deepen the notion of the idea of German nationality and national consciousness after a time which this idea has in public use become unbearably trivial. New tasks are crowding in upon us. In our era the historian acquires a distinctive national function, an educational function. Certainly, for the time being no one wants to listen to him, because everyone is still running after noisy political agitators. But I am confident that a time will come when everyone will be thoroughly fed up with the din of national phrase-making and will long for a pure drink instead of the inebriating potion administered by the Nazis. The historian has to prepare positions for the reserves...".
957:, Ritter commented that it was only after Bismarck's sacking in 1890 that militarism first appeared in Germany. Accordingly, a review of the first years of the 20th century was "not without a sense of psychological shock". Ritter wrote that "the prewar Germany of my own youth, which has for an entire lifetime been illuminated in my memory by the radiant splendor of a sun that seemed to grow dark only after the outbreak of the war of 1914" was "in the evening of my life" darkened by "shadows that were much deeper than my generation-and certainly the generation of my academic teachers-was able to perceive at the time".
1192:(1930-2004) was a German historian of Britain and Germany on the 19th and the 20th centuries. His 1990 work credited Fischer's work in part for opening up the discussion. However, Mommsen characterised Fischer's "central notion of Germany's will to power" from 1911 to 1915 as being seriously flawed, as Fischer "has allowed himself to be carried away". The nature of his methodology worked to obscure his perspective, and Fischer's conclusions displayed a neglect of the historical context. According to Mommsen, Fischer blamed Germany alone for a
1218:"Yet there is a fundamental flaw in Fischer's reasoning which too many historians have let pass. It is the assumption that Germany's aims as stated after the war had begun were the same as German aims beforehand." Ferguson then recited how a September 1914 program of German aims "is sometimes portrayed as if it were the first open statement of aims which had existed before the outbreak of war.... But the inescapable fact is that no evidence has ever been found by Fischer and his pupils that these objectives existed
1177:, the outcome of the Fischer Controversy and of Ritter's role in it "only succeeded in giving Fischer's massive, scholarly and extremely detailed book a national prominence it would probably not otherwise have achieved". Evans notes that after his death, Ritter was usually cast as the "villain of this affair, as Fischer's views, at least in their more moderate forms, gained widespread acceptance among a younger generation of historians".
412:(a state upheld by law) made him increasingly concerned at Nazi violations of legal codes. In 1935, while remaining very cautious about his public comments on Nazism generally, he attempted to defend his mentor, Oncken, against attacks by Nazis. The party officials had objected to a paper by Oncken, which implied that the Nazi revolution was not the greatest revolution of all time.
620:. Ritter declares that Germany had to follow the realism of Machiavelli because of the security requirements of its geographic position. Ritter describes two sorts of values as generated by two different types of polities: one traditionally Anglo-Saxon and the other continental, as personified by the contrast of More and Machiavelli.
320:. Ritter argued that Bismarck was the ultimate power politician and that Stein was the ultimate anti-power politician. Ritter argued that Stein's success as a politician was limited by his moralism but contended that despite his lack of political sense, he was nonetheless successful because of his strong moral character.
1075:. Ritter argued, ironically against Fischer, that the main impetus for war within Austria-Hungary came from domestic politics and was internally driven. There were divisions about the best course to pursue in Vienna and Budapest, but it was not German pressure that led Austria-Hungary to choose war as the best option.
1106:, about the necessity of a "speedy attack" on Serbia. Ritter claimed the importance that Fischer attached to the report of the German Army's quartermaster that the army was "ready" for war in 1914 was simply mistaken since the quartermaster always reported every year that the army was "ready" for war.
1078:
In Ritter's opinion, Germany may be criticized for its mistaken evaluation of the state of
European power politics in July 1914. According to Ritter, the German government had underrated the state of military readiness in Russia and France, falsely assumed that the British were unwilling to go to war
708:
Two major themes of Ritter's writings after 1945 were attempts to prove that the
Bismarckian tradition in German life had nothing to do with national socialism and that it was democracy of the masses, rather than aristocratic conservatism, that had caused the Nazi movement. After World War II, Ritter
525:
over "historism". Meinecke argued in favor of the idea of celebrating the "valuable individual quality" of all the phenomenon of history, which was judged not by universal standards but only in regard to its own values. Ritter attacked that position by arguing that without universal notions of values
1090:
Ritter felt that in retrospect, it was not necessary for
Germany to maintain Austria-Hungary as a great power but claimed that at the time, most Germans regarded the Dual Monarchy as a "brother empire" and viewed the prospect of the Balkans being in the Russian sphere of influence as an unacceptable
830:
had confiscated German archives at the end of World War II and had begun to publish a critical edition of German foreign policy records without the participation of German historians. He used his official position as the first postwar head of the German
Historical Association to demand the return of
442:
Ritter's biography was designed as a challenge to Nazi ideology, which claimed a continuity between
Frederick and Hitler. Dorpalen wrote: "The book was indeed a very courageous indictment of Hitler's irrationalism and recklessness, his ideological fanaticism and insatiable lust for power". Dorpalen,
362:
Initially, Ritter supported the Nazi regime despite severe doubts about the Nazis, particularly over the regime's persecution of the churches. He reconciled himself to refraining from censure of the regime and its foreign policy. In 1940, he stated that "the sword is always more ready to the hand of
187:
from 1858 to 1876. The
Junkers felt that Bismarck's policy was a menace to their traditional privileges. A source of special conflict between Bismarck and the Junkers was their opposition to Bismarck's compromises with the southern German states, which were seen as a threat to the traditional powers
1164:
In 1964, Ritter successfully lobbied the West German
Foreign Ministry to cancel the travel funds that had been allocated for Fischer to visit the United States. In Ritter's opinion, giving Fischer a chance to express his "anti-German" views would be a "national tragedy" and so Fischer should not be
1120:
Contrary to
Fischer's interpretation, Ritter maintained that Bethmann Hollweg's warnings to Vienna were sincerely meant to stop a war, rather than not window dressing intended to distract historical attention from Germany's responsibility for the war. Ritter claimed that Fischer's interpretation of
785:
was the essential precondition of totalitarianism because it created the window of opportunity for a strongman to make himself the personification of the "popular will". That led Ritter to conclude that "the system of 'totalitarian' dictatorship as such is not a specifically German phenomenon" but
623:
Ritter praised
Machiavelli as the ideal thinker who understood the "paradox of power", state power to be effective always involvin the use of or the threat of violence. Accordingly, society could not function without an armed police power to hold it together and a military against foreign threats.
1038:
were taken up with the goal of rebutting Fischer's arguments. Ritter claimed that Germany had not started a war of aggression in 1914 but admitted that the situation of the German government had required a foreign policy, which contained the immediate risk of war. Against Fischer's thesis, Ritter
973:
Though many regarded Ritter's work as an apologia for German nationalism and conservatism, Ritter was at times critical of aspects of the German past. Though Ritter commented that many nations had bent their knees in submission to false values, "the Germans accepted all of that with special ardor
764:
According to Ritter, World War I had caused a general collapse in moral values throughout the West, and it was that moral degeneration that led to the decline of Christianity, the rise of materialism, political corruption, the eclipse of civilization by barbarism and demagogic politics, which, in
290:
In particular, Ritter agreed with Luther's argument that the moral values of Christianity were relevant to only the individual, not the state. Citing Luther, Ritter argued that the state had to hold power and that as part of the messy business of politics, it could be guided only by the Christian
1227:
Ferguson also criticised Fischer for seizing on the notion that right-wing officeholders in Germany used an aggressive foreign policy to gain domestic political advantage over the German left. Such misuse of foreign policy, Ferguson noted, "was hardly the invention of the German Right", which in
1184:
was published in 1973 and held that as a result of Fischer's theories, "two opposing schools of thought" formed. The first agreed with Fischer. The second admitted that Fischer showed that much political talk in high circles that sounds quite warlike, but it held that Fischer failed to find the
964:
established his "silent dictatorship", which Ritter believed was a huge break with Prussian and German traditions. It was the unhappy results of that war that finally led to the "proletarian nationalism" of the Nazis gaining a mass audience and to the "militarism of the National Socialist mass
103:
After World War II, Ritter worked to restore German nationalism by attempting to separate it from Nazi ideology and favored pursuit of German national interests, rather than reconciliation with the victims of German aggression. At the end of his career, he argued against theories of the German
923:(power politicians), not militarists, since in Ritter's view, Frederick was opposed to "the ruthless sacrifice of all life to the purposes of war" and instead was interested in creating "a lasting order of laws and peace, to further general welfare, and to moderate the conflict of interests".
332:
I am planning to write two books. One will be entitled 'What is Liberalism?', and will be the attempt to pave the way for the founding of a large national party of the center, a party which we need today more than ever before. The book will contribute to the drafting of a new liberal national
867:
During the war, as a result of his underground work, Ritter came to know a number of Catholic and Calvinist members of the German opposition, which caused Ritter to abandon his former prejudices against Calvinists and Catholics. Ritter came to the conclusion that whatever differences divided
822:
Ritter saw his main task after 1945 of seeking to restore German nationalism against what he regarded as unjust slurs. Ritter argued that Germans needed a positive view of their past but warned against the appeal of "false concepts of honor and national power". He belonged to group of German
404:
government in Germany that would make his country Europe's foremost power. In an article published in early 1933, "Eternal Right and Interests of the State", he argued that the German people needed most was a government "in which a strong authoritarian leadership will gain voluntary popular
282:
Ritter's Luther biography was written in large part under the impact of the defeat of 1918 and so Ritter went to great lengths to defend what he regarded as the unique German spirit against what Ritter saw as the corrupt materialist spiritual outlook of the West. Throughout his life,
1132:(the Prussian war minister) on 30 July 1914. Rather than a conscious decision to wage an aggressive war, as Fischer argued, Ritter's claim was that news of Russia's mobilisation led the German generals into persuading a reluctant Bethmann Hollweg to activate the Schlieffen Plan.
1117:, to end Francophobic remarks in the German-language press in Alsace, Ritter claimed that was proof of Germany's desire not to have a wider war in 1914. He accordingly claimed also that Fischer's contrary interpretation of Bethmann Hollweg's order was not supported by the facts.
466:, Ritter wrote in a letter to his mother that for his children "who had never seen German soldiers from close up, this is one of the greatest experiences ever.... Truly a great and magnificent experience. May God grant that it does not lead to some international catastrophe".
1228:
effect repeated the charge made by Mommsen (see above) that Fischer neglected the historical context. In fact, conservative office holders in Germany were articulate and aware that a European war could lead to the ascendancy of the left whether the war was won or lost.
291:
values of its leaders. Taking up of the ideas of Rudolf Kjellén and Friedrich Patzel, Ritter argued that the state should be regarded as a living entity, which, to live successfully, required economic and territorial growth. Using that argument, Ritter contended that
635:
was material that was inserted to allow the book to be passed by the censors and how much was the expression of Ritter's own beliefs. Weeks argued that if Ritter was no Nazi, he was certainly a German nationalist who wished to see Germany as the world's great power.
760:
and the FĂĽhrer justifies its existence". Ritter argued that throughout the 19th century, there had been worrisome signs in Germany and the rest of Europe caused by the entry of masses into politics but that it was World War I that marked the decisive turning point.
985:, have shut their ears to the teachings of the most recent past. Never was our political responsibility greater, not only to Germany, but also to Europe and the world. And yet never has our path been so dangerously narrow between Scylla and Charybdis as today".
965:
movement" coming to power. Moreover, Ritter placed great emphasis on the "Hitler factor" as an explanation for Nazi Germany. In 1962, Ritter wrote that he found it "almost unbearable" that the "will of a single madman" had unnecessarily caused World War II.
755:
Along the same lines, Ritter wrote that "not any event in German history, but the great French Revolution undermined the firm foundation of Europe's political traditions. It also coined the new concepts and slogans with whose help the modern state of the
664:" philosophy of General Ludendorff as a form of indirect protest against Nazi Germany. Censorship prevented the book from being published during the war, and after 1945, Ritter revised his work to publish it as a four-volume study of German militarism.
307:
During the last years of the Weimar Republic, Ritter changed his focus from the medieval period to the early modern period to the modern period and from cultural history to biographies of political figures. In 1931, Ritter wrote the biography of the
604:
was a luxury that only militarily-secure states could afford. Ritter argued that because Britain is an island, that provides a degree of security that allows democracy. By contrast, Ritter argued that Germany, with its location in
1248:
school, which considered history as an art. He concerned himself with an imaginative identification with his subjects, focused on the great men of the times studied and was primarily concerned with political and military events.
1059:
as a great power; thus, German foreign policy was largely defensive although Fischer claimed that it was mostly aggressive. Ritter claimed that the significance that Fischer attached to the highly-bellicose advice about waging a
1139:
for the German attack on France to be cancelled was for logistical concerns, rather than a desire to provoke a world war. Finally, Ritter faults Fischer for his reliance on the memories of Austro-Hungarian leaders such as Count
880:
in 1945. Goerdeler was a devout Lutheran and the son of a conservative Prussian politician. Ritter pushed for the translation of his Goerdeler biography into English to counter the publication of John W. Wheeler-Bennett's book
1222:
Britain's entry into the war.... All that Fischer can produce are the pre-war pipedreams of a few Pan-Germans and businessmen, none of which had any official status, as well as the occasional bellicose utterances of the
2983:
659:
During World War II, Ritter became involved in work on a study of civilian-military relations in Germany from the 18th century to the 20th century. The original intent behind this work was to offer a critique of the
1030:
and that it was Germany that had caused World War I. During the ferocious "Fischer Controversy", which engulfed the West German historical profession in the 1960s, Ritter was the best known of Fischer's critics.
916:. For Ritter, militarism was the "one-sided determination of political decisions on the basis of technical military considerations" and foreign expansionism, and it had nothing to do with values of a society.
909:(power politics) of Bismarck in which military policy was subjected to carefully limited political goals and the endless expansionism that was motivated by militarism and bizarre racial theories of the Nazis.
454:
and "orderly reason" on Fredrick were intended by Ritter to disprove Hitler's claim quietly of being Frederick's successor. The inspiration behind the Fredrick biography was Ritter's personal reaction to the
773:
but that it had too much democracy. He argued that the democratic republic had left the German state open to being hijacked by the appeals of rabble-rousing extremists. In Ritter's view, if his much beloved
1091:
threat. As opposed to Fischer's claim that Germany was deliberately setting off a war of aggression, Ritter argued that Germany's support for Austria-Hungary's retributive plan to invade Serbia was an
1071:
Likewise, Ritter felt that Fischer had been dishonest in his portrayal of Austro-German relations in July 1914. Ritter charged that Germany had not pressured a reluctant Austria-Hungary into attacking
2869:, In de schaduwen van morgen, Kap. 14 (deutsch: Im Schatten von morgen, in: Ders.: Schriften zur Zeitkritik, Pantheon-Verlag 1948); 2) Julius Ebbinghaus, Philosophie der Freiheit, Bonn 1988, S. 11 ff.
1135:
Ritter was strongly critical of what he regarded as Fischer's "biased" view of Moltke's reaction to the outbreak of the war and argued that Moltke's opposition to the sudden last-minute suggestion of
502:
pogrom, Ritter wrote in a letter to his mother, "What we have experienced over the last two weeks all over the country is the most shameful and most dreadful thing that has happened for a long time".
267:
that made his reputation as a historian. Ritter treated his subject as an excellent example of the "eternal German". Ritter argued against the view of Luther as an opportunist, which was promoted by
1125:
was mistaken since in Ritter's opinion, if Bethmann Hollweg was serious about securing British neutrality, it made no sense to express the German war aims to Goschen that Fischer attributed to him.
981:"We constantly run the risk not only of being condemned by the world as nationalists, but actually being misused as expert witnesses by all those circles and tendencies that, in their impatient and
647:
and so More rightly did not reduce all politics to a "friend-foe" mentality. The historian Klaus Schwabe observed that Ritter's disapproval of the term "friend-foe" was a not-so-veiled criticism of
2142:
Astrid M. Eckert, The Struggle for the Files. The Western Allies and the Return of German Archives after the Second World War (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2012), p. 293, 312-315, 381.
942:(Cabinet politician), not a militarist, and ensured that political considerations were always placed ahead of military considerations. Ritter was to expand on these views in a four-volume study
576:
submitted to Goerdeler in January 1943, Ritter wrote, "Hundreds of thousands of human beings have been systematically murdered solely because of their Jewish ancestry". Although urging that the
1068:, by the German journalist Viktor Naumann was unwarranted. Ritter charged that Naumann was speaking as a private individual, but Fischer claimed that it was on behalf of the German government.
684:
under a post-Nazi regime. If the coup had succeeded, the plotters planned to bargain with the Western Allies for Germany to keep territories in Eastern Europe, which were being invaded by the
624:
Ritter criticised More for refusing to acknowledge the paradox of power. Instead, More seemed to think that morality could function in politics without the threat of and/or use of violence.
1165:
allowed to have the government funds for his trip. Writing in 1962, Ritter stated that he felt profound "sadness" over the prospect that Germans may not be as patriotic because of Fischer.
786:
that it was the natural result of when "the direct rule of the people derived from the 'revolt of the masses' is introduced". Ritter argued that the precursors of Hitler were "neither
919:
In a paper presented to the German Historical Convention in 1953, "The Problem of Militarism in Germany", Ritter argued traditional Prussian leaders such as Frederick the Great were
2216:
Astrid M. Eckert, The Struggle for the Files. The Western Allies and the Return of German Archives after the Second World War (Cambridge University Press, Feb. 2012), p. 381.
363:
continental statesman who stands in the midst of the fray of European power interests, and must always be armed to counter an attack before it is too late". He agreed with
631:
thinking, which is based on an understanding of the ultimate necessity of some form of violence. The historian Gregory Weeks commented that it is hard to tell how much of
860:
Besides defending German nationalism, Ritter became active in the ecumenical movement after 1945 and urged conservative Catholics and Protestants to come together in the
219:. Ritter subscribed to the 19th-century view of history as a form of political education for the elite, and contemporary politics were always a pressing concern for him.
496:
Ritter's presence at the funeral of Husserl has been widely interpreted ever since as an act of quiet courage and political protest against the Nazi regime. After the
2948:
974:
when it was now preached to them by National Socialism, and their nationalism had in general displayed from its beginning a particularly intense, combative quality".
446:
Ritter's emphasis on Frederick's limited war aims and willingness to settle for less than he initially sought was seen at the time as a form of oblique criticism of
313:
92:
rule and German supremacy in Europe. His vision of history was narrowed to German interests, had little sympathy for foreign nations, and was full of disdain for
960:
For Ritter, it was the radicalizing experience of the First World War that had finally led to the triumph of militarism in Germany, especially after 1916, when
2953:
2978:
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that was published in 1943. Ritter praised More for his understanding of "the demoniacal forces of power" against which More had appealed to the strength of
1631:
The Quest for the Lost Nation: Writing History in Germany and Japan in the American Century, Sebastian Conrad, University of California Press, 2010, page 44
569:. Together, they considered a future constitution after the overthrow of the Nazis. Both were involved in the secret plans to take down Hitler (see below).
2973:
2933:
211:
He regarded the German defeat of 1918 as a great disaster. Ritter believed that the monarchy had been the best form of government for Germany and that the
651:, who had popularised the term a decade before and supported the Nazi regime. Thus, Ritter's criticism indirectly pointed at such Nazi "forces of power".
1376:
The Quest for the Lost Nation: Writing History in Germany and Japan in the American Century (California World History Library) Sebastian Conrad page 128
370:
Ritter publicly referred to the Nazi Reich as the "peaceful center of Europe" that would form a "bulwark against Bolshevism", and he praised the German
526:
of good and evil and judging all historical phenomenon by its own standards was to abandon all ideas of morality applicable to all times and places.
443:
nevertheless, criticised Ritter's historiography as apologetic of Prussian militarism, German past and figures like Frederick the Great and Bismarck
2968:
2133:
The German Problem Transformed: Institutions, Politics, and Foreign Policy, 1945-1995 Thomas F. Banchoff University of Michigan Press, 1999 page 82
864:. He argued that based on his experience in Nazi Germany, Christians, regardless of their church, needed to work together against totalitarianism.
1034:
Ritter fiercely rejected Fischer's arguments that Germany had been primarily responsible for the outbreak of war in 1914. The later volumes of
2918:
2928:
553:
policy for the political economy. It was composed of anti-Nazi professors which included Adolf Lampe, Constantin von Dietze, Franz Böhm and
721:
was the inevitable product of German history but considered that it was rather in Ritter's view part of a general European drift towards
384:, Ritter at first defended the Nazi invasion as a realisation of the German hopes like most other people. He went on record praising the
160:. Ritter began serving as a teacher in 1912. While studying at Heidelberg, he was a research assistant to the national-liberal historian
2908:
748:. Ritter argued, "National Socialism is not an originally German growth, but the German form of a European phenomenon: the one-party or
275:, and instead contended that Luther was a man of faith, who possessed the ability to expose what Ritter regarded as grave flaws in the
188:
that they enjoyed. The theme of the extent of one's allegiance to those who hold power would be a recurring subject in Ritter's works.
876:
In 1954, Ritter published an acclaimed biography of Carl Goerdeler, a close friend, a conservative politician who was executed by the
459:, 22 March 1933, on which Hitler had laid claim to the Prussian traditions in a way that Ritter felt was not historically accurate.
2988:
489:. Husserl had been on the faculty at the University of Freiburg until the Nazis in 1933 caused him to be dismissed because of his
2993:
934:'s regime, began the total mobilization of society to seek "the total destruction of the enemy". Likewise, Ritter contended that
823:
historians that rejected reconciliation with victim of Nazi aggression but supported Germany its pursuing national interests.
2963:
2782:
1622:
Explaining Auschwitz and Hiroshima: Historians and the Second World War, 1945-1990 Richard J. B. Bosworth, Routledge, page 58
950:), published between 1954 and 1968, in which Ritter examined the development of militarism in Germany between 1890 and 1918.
852:
were not part of the "German Resistance, but stood in the service of the enemy abroad" and so fully deserved to be executed.
2001:
Explaining Auschwitz and Hiroshima: Historians and the Second World War, 1945-1990 Richard J. B. Bosworth Routledge, page 58
1786:
German History in Marxist Perspective: The East German Approach By Andreas Dorpalen, Foreword by Georg Iggers page 14, 1985
842:
who sought to overthrow the Nazis but worked for Germany. For Ritter, Goerdeler was a patriot, but the men and women of the
861:
2664:, Washington, D.C.: German Historical Institute ; Cambridge ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 1994
2027:, London: Arnold Press, 2000 page 7; Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53-72 from
478:, a group of dissenting Lutherans that resisted the Nazi-inspired and Nazi-imposed "Aryan Christianity" during the 1930s.
2938:
2958:
2221:
2147:
627:
Ritter presented traditional Anglo-Saxon thinking about power, which depend on an ineffective legalism, as inferior to
868:
Lutherans, Catholics and Calvinists, member of all three churches had more in common to unite them against the Nazis.
2943:
2859:
2837:
2797:
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1758:
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in 1740 was a necessary act to allow the Prussian state to live regardless of international laws against aggression.
2805:
639:
Ritter appeared to disavow part of his original work of 1940 by the addition of a footnote to the third edition of
580:
should be immediately ended, Ritter went on in the same memo to suggest that in a future post-Nazi government, the
1293:
Die Dämonie der Macht: Betrachtungen über Geschichte und Wesen des Machtproblems im politischen Denken der Neuzeit
1161:
to be a myth. Ritter clearly denied Fischer's arguments that both world wars were "wars for hegemony" by Germany.
1087:
on European opinion and above all overestimated the military power and political common sense of Austria-Hungary.
1237:
1122:
673:
109:
1356:, Volume 194, June 1962, translated into English as "Anti-Fischer: A New War-Guilt Thesis?" pages 135-142 from
1731:
1244:. He was the fifth German historian to be so honored by the AHA, one of the last historians of the traditional
1128:
Ritter strongly disagreed with Fischer's interpretation of the meeting of Moltke, Bethmann Hollweg and General
1099:
1055:
As part of his critique of Fischer, Ritter contended that Germany's principal goal in 1914 was to maintain the
989:
In 1953, Ritter found a copy of the "Great Memorandum" relating to German military planning written by General
1151:
Ritter argued there were no lines of continuity between the German Empire and Nazi Germany and considered the
1064:" in the Balkans offered in July 1914 to the Chief of Cabinet of the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Ministry, Count
396:
Ritter was a staunch German nationalist and belonged to a political movement generally known to historians as
2923:
1040:
164:, who was a major influence on Ritter. Professor Oncken opposed the Nazis and was forced to resign in 1935.
1299:
Europa und die Deutsche Frage: Betrachtungen ĂĽber die geschichtliche Eigenart des Deutschen Staatsdenkens
835:
279:. Ritter argued that Luther had inspired his followers to have the self-confidence to improve the world.
1327:
912:
Ritter was well known for his assertions denying that there was a uniquely-aggressive German version of
838:, Ritter drew a sharp line between those who worked with foreign powers to defeat Hitler and those like
1136:
990:
486:
2913:
2851:
1335:
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and was one of the few conspirators not liquidated by the Nazis. His friend and political associate,
435:
called it "the best introduction to Frederick the Great and indeed to European warfare in his time".
105:
993:
in 1905. The following year, Ritter published the "Great Memorandum" and his observations about the
831:
the records and held the opinion that their absence was hurting his own research projects the most.
247:(1925–1956). During his time at Heidelberg, he began an official history of the university from the
179:
dissertation completed in 1911 under the supervision of Oncken. Ritter examined the dispute between
2810:
1084:
839:
677:
566:
153:
62:
1103:
292:
1339:
1102:, Chief of the General Staff, during a meeting with Austro-Hungarian War Minister Field Marshal
208:
as chauvinistic nationalism, but he found it difficult to come to terms with the German defeat.
42:
2610:
Dorpalen, Andreas "Historiography as History: The Work of Gerhard Ritter" pages 1–18 from the
1899:
Iggers, Georg "Comment: German Historiography" pages 43-48 from Paths of Continuity edited by
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Paths of Continuity: Central European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s page 114 by
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733:
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236:
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state", which was the result of "modern industrial society with its uniform mass humanity".
513:. The lectures were intended by Ritter to be a form of indirect protest of the Nazi regime.
2903:
2898:
1129:
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451:
176:
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30:
8:
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Verlorene Identität. Der Historiker Arnold Berney und seine Freiburger Kollegen 1923–1938
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Paths of Continuity : Central European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s
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Boyd, Kelly. "Ritter, Gerhard A. 1888–1967 German political and cultural historian."
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2833:
2793:
2778:
2709:
2694:
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2620:
Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53–72 from
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Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53-72 from
2217:
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2086:
Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53-72 from
2040:
Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53-72 from
1754:
1727:
1700:
1693:
1640:
Heidegger and Nazism, edited by VĂctor FarĂas, Joseph Margolis, Tom Rockmore page 161
1606:
1203:
982:
935:
927:
894:
791:
726:
695:
German opposition to the Nazis, was imprisoned in late 1944 for the rest of the war.
475:
346:
317:
205:
180:
20:
2728:
Imperial Germany 1867–1918. Politics, culture, and society in an authoritarian state
2546:
Imperial Germany 1867-1918. Politics, culture, and society in an authoritarian state
1289:
Machstaat und Utopie: vom Streit um die Dämonie der Macht seit Machiavelli und Morus
2719:
1193:
1189:
1174:
1018:
In his last years, Ritter emerged as the leading critic of the left-wing historian
961:
902:
898:
436:
364:
204:. Ritter was strongly committed to a German victory. He criticised the ideology of
184:
1649:
Universities Under Dictatorship edited by John Connelly, Michael GrĂĽttner page 97
1098:
Ritter accused Fischer of manufacturing the quote he attributed to German General
2657:
2561:(Harmondsworth: Allen Lane 1998; reprint 1999, Basic Books, New York) at 171-172.
1903:& James Van Horn Melton, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994 page 44.
1900:
1552:
1456:
1386:
1245:
1241:
1145:
1114:
1080:
1065:
1056:
994:
766:
722:
545:
481:
In 1938, Ritter was the only faculty member at Freiburg to attend the funeral of
432:
405:
allegiance because it is willing to respect eternal justice as well as freedom".
381:
276:
268:
212:
201:
85:
66:
1916:. (Harvard University 1997) at 182-187, 257-259, 326-329, 383-385, re Goerdeler.
1214:, Ferguson reviewed Fischer's claims about German objectives in a European war:
1141:
388:
as the "boldest and most felicitous foreign policy feat of our new government".
2866:
1723:
The Age of Battles: The Quest for Decisive Warfare from Breitenfeld to Waterloo
1199:
1158:
1061:
799:
606:
482:
456:
328:
On 11 February 1933, in a letter to a friend, Ritter described his intentions:
161:
46:
977:
At the first meeting of German historians in 1949, Ritter delivered a speech:
2892:
2771:
Lebensbilder aus der evangelischen Kirche in Baden im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert
1317:
Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk: das Problem des "Militarismus" in Deutschland
1023:
775:
609:
needed an authoritarian government as the only way of maintaining security.
554:
537:
498:
401:
337:
Already, at mid-day on January 30, 1933, in a fateful step, German President
264:
216:
89:
74:
54:
2708:
edited by Hans Schmitt, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971
2865:
Zur Kritik an Gerhard Ritters politisch-philosophischer Position siehe: 1)
1773:
Andreas Dorpalen, "Historiography as History: The Work of Gerhard Ritter."
1259:
Die preuĂźischen Konservativen und Bismarcks deutsche Politik, 1858 bis 1876
1027:
1022:, who claimed that there had been powerful lines of continuity between the
745:
741:
718:
692:
685:
648:
447:
2984:
Knights Commander of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
2814:(in German), vol. 21, Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, pp. 658–660
1148:, who sought to shift all of the responsibility for the war onto Germany.
137:
2630:
2494:
Herwig, Holger "Patriotic Self-Censorship in Germany" pages 153-159 from
2281:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 pages 255-257.
2268:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 pages 255-256.
2162:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 pages 258-259.
1821:
905:. Ritter always drew a sharp distinction between what he regarded as the
613:
565:
Later, Ritter worked as an advisor to the German conservative politician
425:
284:
248:
197:
129:
97:
93:
2862:(Ritter als UnterstĂĽtzer des ab 1933 als Jude verfolgten Prof. Berney).
765:
turn, led to National Socialism. In Ritter's view, the problem with the
2684:
2625:
2615:
1945:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 pages 99-100.
1044:
913:
795:
681:
550:
485:, who was considered the founder of the modern philosophical school of
450:. In addition, the emphasis that Ritter placed on the influence of the
342:
227:
In 1919, he married Gertrud Reichardt with whom he had three children.
70:
2453:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 pages 140-141.
2427:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 pages 139-140.
2401:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 pages 138-139.
2352:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 pages 136-137.
2320:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 pages 135-136.
1869:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 pages 91-92.
1812:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 pages 94-95.
1240:
in recognition of what the Association described as his struggle with
1109:
Likewise, in reference to the order by Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg to
1083:, overrated the sense of moral outrage caused by the assassination of
2790:
Gerhard Ritter. Geschichtswissenschaft und Politik im 20. Jahrhundert
2587:
edited by Lucan Boia, New York: Greenwood Press, 1991, pages 305-306.
2512:
Gerhard Ritter: Geschichtswissenschaft und Politik im 20. Jahrhundert
1153:
811:
782:
770:
661:
601:
577:
372:
272:
260:
81:
38:
2252:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 page 256.
2236:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 page 255.
2178:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 page 259.
2124:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 page 254.
2062:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 page 258.
732:
In Ritter's opinion, the origins of National Socialism went back to
493:
origins. Husserl was then also prevented from publishing his works.
316:. Ritter's two-volume work portrayed Stein as the total opposite of
2758:(GĹ‘ttingen: Verlages Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht 1973), translated as
1974:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 101.
1958:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 100.
848:
spy network were traitors. Ritter wrote that those involved in the
50:
34:
2207:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 89.
2191:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 90.
2082:
2080:
2078:
2076:
2074:
2072:
2070:
2068:
1992:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 97.
1932:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 99.
1887:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 93.
1799:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 95.
1678:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 91.
1665:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 88.
1597:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 83.
1402:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 85.
2824:
Konrad Fuchs (1994). "Gerhard Ritter". In Bautz, Traugott (ed.).
2634:
The Nazi Dictatorship Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation
2498:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 158.
2485:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 142.
2469:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 141.
2440:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 140.
2414:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 139.
2388:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 138.
2372:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 137.
2336:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 136.
2307:
edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 135.
2106:
The Nazi Dictatorship Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation
2025:
The Nazi Dictatorship Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation
1699:. English translation. Berkeley: University of California Press.
1185:
actual political decisions and military actions that he claimed.
778:
had continued after 1918, there would have been no Nazi Germany.
377:
296:
58:
2826:
1584:
edited by Lucan Boia, New York: Greenwood Press, 1991, page 305.
1538:
edited by Lucan Boia, New York: Greenwood Press, 1991, page 305.
73:
and remained sympathetic to the political system of the defunct
2650:"Gerhard Ritter, Historiker in seiner Zeit" pages 705–715 from
2065:
1324:
The Sword and the Scepter: The Problem of Militarism in Germany
1072:
930:, when the revolutionary French state, later to be followed by
803:
540:
490:
2260:
2258:
1360:, edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1997.
1305:
Die Neugestaltung Deutschlands und Europas im 16. Jahrhundert.
215:
was a grave mistake since Germany did not have a tradition of
2726:(Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch 1990), translated as
2693:
edited by Lucian Boia, Westport, C.T.: Greenwood Press, 1991
2544:(Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch 1990), translated as
1848:
1846:
877:
807:
125:
1534:
Levine, Norman (1991). "Ritter, Gerhard" pages 304-306 from
926:
Ritter maintained that militarism first appeared during the
729:; as such, Germans should not be singled out for criticism.
169:
Die preuĂźischen Konservativen und Bismarcks deutsche Politik
2255:
506:
2832:(in German). Vol. 8. Herzberg: Bautz. cols. 412–414.
2777:. Verlag Regionalkultur, Heidelberg u.a. 2010, S. 391415,
1843:
1358:
The Outbreak of World War One: Causes and Responsibilities
2244:
2242:
2170:
2168:
2116:
2114:
2054:
2052:
2050:
516:
474:
Ritter was a devout Lutheran and became a member of the
439:
says it is the best book in English on the famous king.
428:
as one of the finest military biographies ever written.
251:
to the present, but only one volume was ever published.
2328:
2326:
2010:
Weeks, Gregory "Ritter, Gerhard A." pages 996-998 from
1657:
1655:
1576:
1574:
1572:
1570:
1568:
521:
In 1938, Ritter became involved in a major debate with
173:
The Prussian Conservatives and Bismarck's German Policy
53:, he first became well known for his 1925 biography of
2239:
2165:
2111:
2100:
2098:
2096:
2047:
1914:
On the Road to Wolf' Lair. German resistance to Hitler
1236:
In 1959, Ritter was elected an honorary member of the
424:
has been described by the American military historian
2733:
Moyn, Samuel, “The First Historian of Human Rights,”
2012:
The Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing
1895:
1893:
1719:
1520:
The Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing
1434:
The Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing
349:, who would lead, for a time, a minority government.
2828:
Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL)
2803:
2689:
Levine, Norman "Ritter, Gerhard" pages 304–306 from
2583:
Levine, Norman "Ritter, Gerhard" pages 304-306 from
2323:
1652:
1580:
Levine, Norman "Ritter, Gerhard" pages 304-306 from
1565:
1202:
is a British historian who served as a professor at
885:, which in his view vilified the German resistance.
2742:
Carl Goerdeler und die deutsche Widerstandsbewegung
2093:
1311:
Karl Goerdeler und die Deutsche Widerstandsbewegung
1121:Bethmann Hollweg's meeting with British Ambassador
968:
2825:
2481:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2465:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2449:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2436:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2423:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2410:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2397:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2384:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2368:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2348:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2332:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2316:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2303:Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from
2203:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
2187:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1988:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1970:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1954:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1941:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1928:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1890:
1883:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1865:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1808:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1795:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1692:
1674:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1661:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1593:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1398:Schwabe, Klaus "Gerhard Ritter" pages 83-103 from
1352:"Eine neue Kriegsschuldthese?" pages 657-668 from
1050:
505:In 1938, Ritter delivered a series of lectures in
148:His studies were continued at the Universities of
2883:Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing
1825:Dreams and Delusions: The Drama of German History
1095:response to the crisis that was gripping Europe.
587:
367:that "might is the precondition of all freedom".
2890:
1746:
415:
380:. Having supported well before 1933 the idea of
323:
1559:Washington, D.C.: German Historical Institute,
1463:Washington, D.C.: German Historical Institute,
817:
688:. Goerdeler was executed by the Nazis in 1945.
2949:Recipients of the Pour le MĂ©rite (civil class)
2607:, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1973.
2518:, Vol. 119, No. 482 (Jun., 2004), pp. 756-759.
1008:
420:Ritter's 1936 short interpretive biography of
132:clergyman. The young Ritter was educated at a
45:from 1925 to 1956. He studied under Professor
2954:Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich alumni
2477:
2475:
2461:
2459:
2380:
2378:
2364:
2362:
2360:
2358:
2344:
2342:
2199:
2197:
1984:
1982:
1980:
1966:
1964:
1924:
1922:
1879:
1877:
1875:
612:Ritter also contrasted the utopianism of Sir
2979:Academic staff of the University of Freiburg
2823:
1827:, Yale: Yale University Press, 1999 page 176
1510:
1508:
1506:
1504:
1502:
1500:
1498:
1496:
1494:
1492:
1447:
1445:
698:
654:
287:was a major influence on Ritter's writings.
41:who served as a professor of history at the
2974:Academic staff of the University of Hamburg
2934:German monarchists in the German Resistance
1613:(New York: Simon and Schuster 1960) at 187.
1490:
1488:
1486:
1484:
1482:
1480:
1478:
1476:
1474:
1472:
1424:
1422:
1420:
1418:
1416:
1414:
1412:
1410:
1408:
1047:for wide-ranging annexations as a war aim.
167:Ritter's first book was published in 1913:
2472:
2456:
2375:
2355:
2339:
2194:
1977:
1961:
1919:
1872:
1856:, New York: Harper Collins, 1997 page 297.
108:. Ritter became an honorary member of the
2652:Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht
1840:, New York: Harper Collins, 1997 page 54.
1695:Frederick the Great: A Historical Profile
1541:
1442:
1326:(4 vol, University of Miami Press 1970);
855:
543:, Ritter became a founding member of the
2599:Dorpalen, Andreas "Gerhard Ritter" from
2506:
2504:
1522:, Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers,
1469:
1436:. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers,
1405:
999:Der Schlieffen-Plan: Kritik Eines Mythos
672:Ritter was involved in the 20 July 1944
391:
259:In 1925, Ritter published a sympathetic
128:, in Central Germany). His father was a
2969:Academic staff of Heidelberg University
2660:& Melton, James Van Horn (editors)
2559:The Pity of War. Explaining World War I
1347:Der Schlieffenplan: Kritik eines Mythos
1013:
1003:The Schlieffen Plan: Critique of a Myth
703:
560:
2891:
2748:, Volume 30, Issue # 3, September 1958
2031:, Volume 88, February 1983 pages 62-63
1687:
1180:A history book on Imperial Germany by
1168:
871:
469:
254:
222:
2704:Maehl, William "Gerhard Ritter" from
2501:
1231:
667:
549:, a discussion group whose focus was
517:1938 historicism debate with Meinecke
408:The deep belief that Ritter had in a
143:
2929:German Army personnel of World War I
1611:The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich
1210:. In his 1998 work on World War II,
1043:had resisted the demands by General
888:
826:He railed against the fact that the
600:). In this book, Ritter argued that
400:. He identified with the idea of an
96:. Eventually, his conflict with the
2885:(Routledge, 2019) pp. 996–998.
2294:, Volume 88, February 1983 page 64.
2108:, London: Arnold Press, 2000 page 7
2090:, Volume 88, February 1983 page 63.
2044:, Volume 88, February 1983 page 62.
529:
462:In March 1936, upon witnessing the
13:
2875:
2691:Great Historians of the Modern Age
2585:Great Historians of the Modern Age
1582:Great Historians of the Modern Age
1536:Great Historians of the Modern Age
357:
302:
230:
191:
14:
3005:
2919:German People's Party politicians
2675:Levine, Norman "Gerhard Ritter's
2548:(London: Arnold 1995) at 168-171.
1271:Stein: eine politische Biographie
725:that had been going on since the
691:Ritter, who also belonged to the
464:remilitarization of the Rhineland
2806:"Ritter, Gerhard Georg Bernhard"
2531:(1973; translation 1985) at 196.
2279:The German Conception of History
2266:The German Conception of History
2250:The German Conception of History
2234:The German Conception of History
2176:The German Conception of History
2160:The German Conception of History
2122:The German Conception of History
2060:The German Conception of History
969:Critical views on German history
341:had confirmed the leader of the
235:Ritter worked as a professor at
100:got him arrested by it in 1944.
2989:German male non-fiction writers
2909:People from Werra-MeiĂźner-Kreis
2769:. In: Johannes Ehmann (Hrsg.):
2577:
2574:(1998, 1999) at 27-28; 28, 172.
2564:
2551:
2534:
2521:
2510:Richard Evans, 'Reviewed Work:
2488:
2443:
2430:
2417:
2404:
2391:
2310:
2297:
2284:
2271:
2226:
2210:
2181:
2152:
2136:
2127:
2034:
2017:
2004:
1995:
1948:
1935:
1906:
1859:
1830:
1815:
1802:
1789:
1780:
1767:
1740:
1713:
1681:
1668:
1643:
1634:
1625:
1616:
1600:
1587:
1252:
1238:American Historical Association
1051:Ritter's points against Fischer
1039:maintained that the Chancellor
828:Allies occupational authorities
680:, was slated to become the new
674:Stauffenberg assassination plot
110:American Historical Association
2994:20th-century German historians
2636:, London: Arnold Press, 2000,
2622:The American Historical Review
2292:The American Historical Review
2088:The American Historical Review
2042:The American Historical Review
2029:The American Historical Review
1720:Russell Frank Weigley (2004).
1528:
1392:
1379:
1370:
1283:Berthold Ritter zum Gedächtnis
1100:Helmuth von Moltke the Younger
1079:over the violation of Belgian
1036:Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk
955:Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk
944:Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk
715:Europe and the German Question
588:Book on Machiavelli and utopia
352:
57:and hagiographic portrayal of
1:
2804:Christoph CorneliĂźen (2003),
2746:The Journal of Modern History
2593:
2516:The English Historical Review
1691:(1974) . Peret, Peter (ed.).
1041:Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg
893:Ritter specialized in German
711:Europa und die deutsche Frage
416:Frederick the Great biography
324:Views on eve of Nazi takeover
124:(now in the federal state of
115:
27:Gerhard Georg Bernhard Ritter
2964:Heidelberg University alumni
2775:Kirchenpolitische Richtungen
2724:Der autoritäre Nationalstaat
2624:, Volume 88, February 1983.
2542:Der autoritäre Nationalstaat
1726:. Indiana U.P. p. 550.
946:(translated into English as
818:Rescue of German nationalism
7:
2792:. Droste, DĂĽsseldorf 2001,
2760:The German Empire 1871–1918
2706:Historians of Modern Europe
2529:The German Empire 1871-1918
2514:by Christoph Cornelissen',
2496:The Outbreak of World War I
2483:The Outbreak of World War I
2467:The Outbreak of World War I
2451:The Outbreak of World War I
2438:The Outbreak of World War I
2425:The Outbreak of World War I
2412:The Outbreak of World War I
2399:The Outbreak of World War I
2386:The Outbreak of World War I
2370:The Outbreak of World War I
2350:The Outbreak of World War I
2334:The Outbreak of World War I
2318:The Outbreak of World War I
2305:The Outbreak of World War I
1753:. Oxford U.P. p. 65n.
1009:Role in Fischer Controversy
582:modern civil rights of Jews
10:
3010:
2939:German military historians
2852:Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht
2767:Gerhard Ritter (1888-1967)
2735:American Historical Review
1265:Luther: Gestalt und Symbol
1113:, the State Secretary for
991:Alfred Graf von Schlieffen
862:Christian Democratic Union
592:In 1940, Ritter published
18:
2959:Leipzig University alumni
2612:Journal of Modern History
1912:Cf. Theodore S. Hamerow,
1854:Nazi Germany and the Jews
1838:Nazi Germany and the Jews
1777:(1962) (March, 1962), p 9
1775:Journal of Modern History
1750:German History, 1770-1866
1747:James J. Sheehan (1993).
948:The Sword and the Scepter
798:, but the demagogues and
699:Themes after World War II
655:Censored book on military
598:National Power and Utopia
2944:People from Hesse-Nassau
2811:Neue Deutsche Biographie
2762:(Providence: Berg 1985).
2756:Das Deutsche Kaiserreich
2740:Mruck, Armin: Review of
1364:
1319:, 4 volumes, 1954-1968.
1196:that was then European.
1085:Archduke Franz Ferdinand
840:Carl Friedrich Goerdeler
834:In his treatment of the
19:Not to be confused with
1514:Weeks, Gregory (1999).
1428:Weeks, Gregory (1999).
1389:, James Van Horn Melton
1354:Historische Zeitschrift
802:of modern history from
769:was not that it lacked
2788:Christoph CorneliĂźen:
2730:(London: Arnold 1995).
1547:Schwabe, Klaus (1994).
1451:Schwabe, Klaus (1994).
1225:
987:
856:Ecumenical progression
584:should be restricted.
335:
43:University of Freiburg
2737:116:1 (2011), 58–79 .
2679:" pages 209-227 from
2540:Wolfgang J. Mommsen,
1216:
1111:Siegfried von Roedern
1104:Conrad von Hötzendorf
979:
734:Jean-Jacques Rousseau
717:), which denied that
594:Machtstaat und Utopie
398:national conservatism
392:National conservative
330:
237:Heidelberg University
63:German People's Party
2924:Historians of Nazism
2846:Michael Matthiesen:
2014:, Volume 2 page 998.
1518:In Kelly Boyd, ed.,
1516:"Ritter, Gerhard A."
1432:In Kelly Boyd, ed.,
1430:"Ritter, Gerhard A."
1130:Erich von Falkenhayn
1014:Break or continuity?
704:Source of Nazi evils
641:Machstaat und Utopie
633:Machstaat und Utopie
561:Advisor to Goerdeler
196:Ritter fought as an
122:Bad Sooden-Allendorf
69:, he was a lifelong
31:Bad Sooden-Allendorf
2744:pages 268–269 from
2683:, Volume 30, 1968.
2614:, Volume 34, 1962.
2601:Deutsche Historiker
2205:Paths of Continuity
2189:Paths of Continuity
1990:Paths of Continuity
1972:Paths of Continuity
1956:Paths of Continuity
1943:Paths of Continuity
1930:Paths of Continuity
1885:Paths of Continuity
1867:Paths of Continuity
1810:Paths of Continuity
1797:Paths of Continuity
1676:Paths of Continuity
1663:Paths of Continuity
1595:Paths of Continuity
1557:Paths of Continuity
1461:Paths of Continuity
1400:Paths of Continuity
1291:, 1940, revised as
1277:Friedrich der GroĂźe
1169:Variety of outcomes
872:Goerdeler biography
788:Frederick the Great
781:Ritter argued that
618:Niccolò Machiavelli
616:and the realism of
511:Friedrich Nietzsche
470:Acts against regime
422:Frederick the Great
339:Paul von Hindenburg
293:Frederick the Great
255:Biography of Luther
245:Freiburg University
223:Marriage and family
120:Ritter was born in
2752:Hans-Ulrich Wehler
2681:Review of Politics
2654:, Volume 16, 1967.
2605:Hans-Ulrich Wehler
1852:Friedländer, Saul
1836:Friedländer, Saul
1232:Honored in America
1208:Harvard University
1182:Hans-Ulrich Wehler
1123:Sir Edward Goschen
736:'s concept of the
668:Assassination plot
645:Christian morality
523:Friedrich Meinecke
241:Hamburg University
144:University studies
61:. A member of the
33:– 1 July 1967, in
29:(6 April 1888, in
2854:, Göttingen 2001
2783:978-3-89735-510-1
1607:William L. Shirer
1549:"Gerhard Ritter."
1453:"Gerhard Ritter."
1204:Oxford University
983:blind nationalism
940:Kabinettspolitker
936:Otto von Bismarck
928:French Revolution
889:German militarism
836:German Resistance
727:French Revolution
476:Confessing Church
347:German chancellor
206:Pan-German League
183:and conservative
181:Otto von Bismarck
80:A critic of both
21:Gerhard A. Ritter
3001:
2914:German Lutherans
2843:
2831:
2818:full text online
2815:
2720:Wolfgang Mommsen
2658:Lehmann, Hartmut
2648:Jäckel, Eberhard
2588:
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2568:
2562:
2557:Niall Ferguson,
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2015:
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1377:
1374:
1194:Social Darwinism
1190:Wolfgang Mommsen
1175:Richard J. Evans
962:Erich Ludendorff
903:cultural history
883:Nemesis of Power
738:volonté générale
546:Freiburger Kreis
531:Freiburger Kreis
437:James J. Sheehan
365:Benito Mussolini
243:(1923–1925) and
185:Prussian Junkers
16:German historian
3009:
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3004:
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3000:
2999:
2998:
2889:
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2878:
2876:Further reading
2840:
2596:
2591:
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2572:The Pity of War
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1450:
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1387:Hartmut Lehmann
1384:
1380:
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1371:
1367:
1255:
1246:German idealist
1242:totalitarianism
1234:
1212:The Pity of War
1171:
1146:Ottokar Czernin
1115:Alsace-Lorraine
1066:Alexander Hoyos
1057:Austria-Hungary
1053:
1016:
1011:
995:Schlieffen Plan
971:
953:In Volume 2 of
891:
874:
858:
820:
767:Weimar Republic
723:totalitarianism
709:wrote the book
706:
701:
670:
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563:
536:After the 1938
534:
519:
472:
433:Russell Weigley
418:
394:
382:Greater Germany
360:
358:Initial support
355:
326:
305:
303:Stein biography
295:'s invasion of
277:Catholic Church
269:Ernst Troeltsch
257:
233:
231:Weimar Republic
225:
213:Weimar Republic
202:First World War
194:
192:First World War
146:
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88:, he supported
86:totalitarianism
67:Weimar Republic
37:) was a German
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2369:
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2249:
2233:
2228:
2212:
2204:
2188:
2183:
2175:
2159:
2154:
2138:
2129:
2121:
2105:
2087:
2059:
2041:
2036:
2028:
2024:
2019:
2011:
2006:
1997:
1989:
1971:
1955:
1950:
1942:
1937:
1929:
1913:
1908:
1884:
1866:
1861:
1853:
1837:
1832:
1824:
1822:Stern, Fritz
1817:
1809:
1804:
1796:
1791:
1782:
1774:
1769:
1749:
1742:
1722:
1715:
1694:
1688:
1683:
1675:
1670:
1662:
1645:
1636:
1627:
1618:
1610:
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1594:
1589:
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1556:
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1535:
1530:
1519:
1460:
1433:
1399:
1394:
1381:
1372:
1357:
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1346:
1323:
1316:
1310:
1304:
1298:
1292:
1288:
1282:
1276:
1270:
1264:
1258:
1253:Bibliography
1235:
1226:
1219:
1217:
1211:
1206:and then at
1198:
1187:
1179:
1172:
1163:
1152:
1150:
1142:István Tisza
1134:
1127:
1119:
1108:
1097:
1092:
1089:
1077:
1070:
1054:
1035:
1033:
1028:Nazi Germany
1017:
1002:
998:
988:
980:
976:
972:
959:
954:
952:
947:
943:
939:
925:
920:
918:
911:
907:Machtpolitik
906:
892:
882:
875:
866:
859:
850:Rote Kapelle
849:
845:Rote Kapelle
844:
833:
825:
821:
780:
763:
757:
754:
749:
742:general will
737:
731:
719:Nazi Germany
714:
710:
707:
693:conservative
690:
686:Soviet Union
671:
658:
649:Carl Schmitt
640:
638:
632:
628:
626:
622:
611:
597:
593:
591:
573:
571:
564:
544:
535:
530:
520:
504:
497:
495:
480:
473:
461:
448:Adolf Hitler
445:
441:
430:
419:
409:
407:
395:
385:
371:
369:
361:
336:
331:
327:
306:
289:
281:
258:
234:
226:
210:
195:
172:
168:
166:
147:
119:
102:
79:
26:
25:
2904:1967 deaths
2899:1888 births
2773:. Band II:
1223:Kaiser...".
629:continental
614:Thomas More
574:Denkschrift
426:Peter Paret
410:Rechtsstaat
353:Nazi regime
345:as the new
285:Lutheranism
249:Middle Ages
198:infantryman
98:Nazi regime
94:Catholicism
65:during the
2893:Categories
2594:References
2570:Ferguson,
1733:0253217075
1188:Professor
1144:and Count
1137:Wilhelm II
1081:neutrality
1045:Ludendorff
932:Napoleon I
914:militarism
796:Wilhelm II
744:) and the
682:chancellor
551:neoliberal
509:attacking
343:Nazi Party
312:statesmen
154:Heidelberg
116:Early life
104:historian
71:monarchist
1154:Sonderweg
895:political
812:Mussolini
783:democracy
771:democracy
662:total war
602:democracy
578:Holocaust
386:Anschluss
373:Anschluss
273:Max Weber
261:biography
138:GĂĽtersloh
134:gymnasium
112:in 1959.
82:democracy
39:historian
2685:in JSTOR
2626:in JSTOR
2616:in JSTOR
2527:Wehler,
1157:view of
899:military
792:Bismarck
746:Jacobins
318:Bismarck
310:Prussian
130:Lutheran
51:Lutheran
35:Freiburg
1555:, ed.,
1524:p. 997.
1459:, ed.,
1438:p. 996.
1349:, 1956.
1313:, 1954.
1307:, 1950.
1301:, 1948.
1295:, 1947.
1285:, 1946.
1279:, 1936.
1273:, 1931.
1267:, 1925.
1261:, 1913.
800:Caesars
378:Austria
297:Silesia
200:in the
158:Leipzig
59:Prussia
2858:
2836:
2796:
2781:
2712:
2697:
2668:
2640:
2220:
2146:
1757:
1730:
1703:
1561:p. 86.
1465:p. 84.
1220:before
1093:ad hoc
1073:Serbia
938:was a
804:Danton
750:FĂĽhrer
541:pogrom
491:Jewish
150:Munich
1365:Notes
1340:Vol 4
1336:Vol 3
1332:Vol 2
1328:Vol 1
878:Nazis
808:Lenin
572:In a
126:Hesse
2856:ISBN
2834:ISBN
2794:ISBN
2779:ISBN
2710:ISBN
2695:ISBN
2666:ISBN
2638:ISBN
2218:ISBN
2144:ISBN
1755:ISBN
1728:ISBN
1701:ISBN
1338:and
1026:and
901:and
794:nor
758:Volk
507:Jena
271:and
156:and
84:and
49:. A
1551:In
1455:In
1005:).
997:as
814:".
810:to
806:to
263:of
177:PhD
136:in
2895::
2850:.
2808:,
2754:,
2722:,
2503:^
2474:^
2458:^
2377:^
2357:^
2341:^
2325:^
2257:^
2241:^
2196:^
2167:^
2113:^
2095:^
2067:^
2049:^
1979:^
1963:^
1921:^
1892:^
1874:^
1845:^
1654:^
1609:,
1567:^
1471:^
1444:^
1407:^
1334:,
1330:,
897:,
790:,
557:.
152:,
140:.
77:.
2842:.
2820:)
2800:.
2785:.
2716:.
2701:.
2672:.
2644:.
1763:.
1736:.
1709:.
1060:"
1001:(
740:(
713:(
660:"
596:(
171:(
23:.
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