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Gerhard Ritter

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program, which will offer political orientation based on historical reflection.... The second book is to...shed light on the great crises in the political and intellectual history of Germany, and will thus explain the present state of mind of the German people. This second book will serve two purposes. It will develop a new concept of the history of our nation... and it will help deepen the notion of the idea of German nationality and national consciousness after a time which this idea has in public use become unbearably trivial. New tasks are crowding in upon us. In our era the historian acquires a distinctive national function, an educational function. Certainly, for the time being no one wants to listen to him, because everyone is still running after noisy political agitators. But I am confident that a time will come when everyone will be thoroughly fed up with the din of national phrase-making and will long for a pure drink instead of the inebriating potion administered by the Nazis. The historian has to prepare positions for the reserves...".
957:, Ritter commented that it was only after Bismarck's sacking in 1890 that militarism first appeared in Germany. Accordingly, a review of the first years of the 20th century was "not without a sense of psychological shock". Ritter wrote that "the prewar Germany of my own youth, which has for an entire lifetime been illuminated in my memory by the radiant splendor of a sun that seemed to grow dark only after the outbreak of the war of 1914" was "in the evening of my life" darkened by "shadows that were much deeper than my generation-and certainly the generation of my academic teachers-was able to perceive at the time". 1192:(1930-2004) was a German historian of Britain and Germany on the 19th and the 20th centuries. His 1990 work credited Fischer's work in part for opening up the discussion. However, Mommsen characterised Fischer's "central notion of Germany's will to power" from 1911 to 1915 as being seriously flawed, as Fischer "has allowed himself to be carried away". The nature of his methodology worked to obscure his perspective, and Fischer's conclusions displayed a neglect of the historical context. According to Mommsen, Fischer blamed Germany alone for a 1218:"Yet there is a fundamental flaw in Fischer's reasoning which too many historians have let pass. It is the assumption that Germany's aims as stated after the war had begun were the same as German aims beforehand." Ferguson then recited how a September 1914 program of German aims "is sometimes portrayed as if it were the first open statement of aims which had existed before the outbreak of war.... But the inescapable fact is that no evidence has ever been found by Fischer and his pupils that these objectives existed 1177:, the outcome of the Fischer Controversy and of Ritter's role in it "only succeeded in giving Fischer's massive, scholarly and extremely detailed book a national prominence it would probably not otherwise have achieved". Evans notes that after his death, Ritter was usually cast as the "villain of this affair, as Fischer's views, at least in their more moderate forms, gained widespread acceptance among a younger generation of historians". 412:(a state upheld by law) made him increasingly concerned at Nazi violations of legal codes. In 1935, while remaining very cautious about his public comments on Nazism generally, he attempted to defend his mentor, Oncken, against attacks by Nazis. The party officials had objected to a paper by Oncken, which implied that the Nazi revolution was not the greatest revolution of all time. 620:. Ritter declares that Germany had to follow the realism of Machiavelli because of the security requirements of its geographic position. Ritter describes two sorts of values as generated by two different types of polities: one traditionally Anglo-Saxon and the other continental, as personified by the contrast of More and Machiavelli. 320:. Ritter argued that Bismarck was the ultimate power politician and that Stein was the ultimate anti-power politician. Ritter argued that Stein's success as a politician was limited by his moralism but contended that despite his lack of political sense, he was nonetheless successful because of his strong moral character. 1075:. Ritter argued, ironically against Fischer, that the main impetus for war within Austria-Hungary came from domestic politics and was internally driven. There were divisions about the best course to pursue in Vienna and Budapest, but it was not German pressure that led Austria-Hungary to choose war as the best option. 1106:, about the necessity of a "speedy attack" on Serbia. Ritter claimed the importance that Fischer attached to the report of the German Army's quartermaster that the army was "ready" for war in 1914 was simply mistaken since the quartermaster always reported every year that the army was "ready" for war. 1078:
In Ritter's opinion, Germany may be criticized for its mistaken evaluation of the state of European power politics in July 1914. According to Ritter, the German government had underrated the state of military readiness in Russia and France, falsely assumed that the British were unwilling to go to war
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Two major themes of Ritter's writings after 1945 were attempts to prove that the Bismarckian tradition in German life had nothing to do with national socialism and that it was democracy of the masses, rather than aristocratic conservatism, that had caused the Nazi movement. After World War II, Ritter
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over "historism". Meinecke argued in favor of the idea of celebrating the "valuable individual quality" of all the phenomenon of history, which was judged not by universal standards but only in regard to its own values. Ritter attacked that position by arguing that without universal notions of values
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Ritter felt that in retrospect, it was not necessary for Germany to maintain Austria-Hungary as a great power but claimed that at the time, most Germans regarded the Dual Monarchy as a "brother empire" and viewed the prospect of the Balkans being in the Russian sphere of influence as an unacceptable
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had confiscated German archives at the end of World War II and had begun to publish a critical edition of German foreign policy records without the participation of German historians. He used his official position as the first postwar head of the German Historical Association to demand the return of
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Ritter's biography was designed as a challenge to Nazi ideology, which claimed a continuity between Frederick and Hitler. Dorpalen wrote: "The book was indeed a very courageous indictment of Hitler's irrationalism and recklessness, his ideological fanaticism and insatiable lust for power". Dorpalen,
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Initially, Ritter supported the Nazi regime despite severe doubts about the Nazis, particularly over the regime's persecution of the churches. He reconciled himself to refraining from censure of the regime and its foreign policy. In 1940, he stated that "the sword is always more ready to the hand of
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from 1858 to 1876. The Junkers felt that Bismarck's policy was a menace to their traditional privileges. A source of special conflict between Bismarck and the Junkers was their opposition to Bismarck's compromises with the southern German states, which were seen as a threat to the traditional powers
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In 1964, Ritter successfully lobbied the West German Foreign Ministry to cancel the travel funds that had been allocated for Fischer to visit the United States. In Ritter's opinion, giving Fischer a chance to express his "anti-German" views would be a "national tragedy" and so Fischer should not be
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Contrary to Fischer's interpretation, Ritter maintained that Bethmann Hollweg's warnings to Vienna were sincerely meant to stop a war, rather than not window dressing intended to distract historical attention from Germany's responsibility for the war. Ritter claimed that Fischer's interpretation of
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was the essential precondition of totalitarianism because it created the window of opportunity for a strongman to make himself the personification of the "popular will". That led Ritter to conclude that "the system of 'totalitarian' dictatorship as such is not a specifically German phenomenon" but
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Ritter praised Machiavelli as the ideal thinker who understood the "paradox of power", state power to be effective always involvin the use of or the threat of violence. Accordingly, society could not function without an armed police power to hold it together and a military against foreign threats.
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were taken up with the goal of rebutting Fischer's arguments. Ritter claimed that Germany had not started a war of aggression in 1914 but admitted that the situation of the German government had required a foreign policy, which contained the immediate risk of war. Against Fischer's thesis, Ritter
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Though many regarded Ritter's work as an apologia for German nationalism and conservatism, Ritter was at times critical of aspects of the German past. Though Ritter commented that many nations had bent their knees in submission to false values, "the Germans accepted all of that with special ardor
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According to Ritter, World War I had caused a general collapse in moral values throughout the West, and it was that moral degeneration that led to the decline of Christianity, the rise of materialism, political corruption, the eclipse of civilization by barbarism and demagogic politics, which, in
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In particular, Ritter agreed with Luther's argument that the moral values of Christianity were relevant to only the individual, not the state. Citing Luther, Ritter argued that the state had to hold power and that as part of the messy business of politics, it could be guided only by the Christian
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Ferguson also criticised Fischer for seizing on the notion that right-wing officeholders in Germany used an aggressive foreign policy to gain domestic political advantage over the German left. Such misuse of foreign policy, Ferguson noted, "was hardly the invention of the German Right", which in
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was published in 1973 and held that as a result of Fischer's theories, "two opposing schools of thought" formed. The first agreed with Fischer. The second admitted that Fischer showed that much political talk in high circles that sounds quite warlike, but it held that Fischer failed to find the
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established his "silent dictatorship", which Ritter believed was a huge break with Prussian and German traditions. It was the unhappy results of that war that finally led to the "proletarian nationalism" of the Nazis gaining a mass audience and to the "militarism of the National Socialist mass
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After World War II, Ritter worked to restore German nationalism by attempting to separate it from Nazi ideology and favored pursuit of German national interests, rather than reconciliation with the victims of German aggression. At the end of his career, he argued against theories of the German
923:(power politicians), not militarists, since in Ritter's view, Frederick was opposed to "the ruthless sacrifice of all life to the purposes of war" and instead was interested in creating "a lasting order of laws and peace, to further general welfare, and to moderate the conflict of interests". 332:
I am planning to write two books. One will be entitled 'What is Liberalism?', and will be the attempt to pave the way for the founding of a large national party of the center, a party which we need today more than ever before. The book will contribute to the drafting of a new liberal national
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During the war, as a result of his underground work, Ritter came to know a number of Catholic and Calvinist members of the German opposition, which caused Ritter to abandon his former prejudices against Calvinists and Catholics. Ritter came to the conclusion that whatever differences divided
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Ritter saw his main task after 1945 of seeking to restore German nationalism against what he regarded as unjust slurs. Ritter argued that Germans needed a positive view of their past but warned against the appeal of "false concepts of honor and national power". He belonged to group of German
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government in Germany that would make his country Europe's foremost power. In an article published in early 1933, "Eternal Right and Interests of the State", he argued that the German people needed most was a government "in which a strong authoritarian leadership will gain voluntary popular
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Ritter's Luther biography was written in large part under the impact of the defeat of 1918 and so Ritter went to great lengths to defend what he regarded as the unique German spirit against what Ritter saw as the corrupt materialist spiritual outlook of the West. Throughout his life,
1132:(the Prussian war minister) on 30 July 1914. Rather than a conscious decision to wage an aggressive war, as Fischer argued, Ritter's claim was that news of Russia's mobilisation led the German generals into persuading a reluctant Bethmann Hollweg to activate the Schlieffen Plan. 1117:, to end Francophobic remarks in the German-language press in Alsace, Ritter claimed that was proof of Germany's desire not to have a wider war in 1914. He accordingly claimed also that Fischer's contrary interpretation of Bethmann Hollweg's order was not supported by the facts. 466:, Ritter wrote in a letter to his mother that for his children "who had never seen German soldiers from close up, this is one of the greatest experiences ever.... Truly a great and magnificent experience. May God grant that it does not lead to some international catastrophe". 1228:
effect repeated the charge made by Mommsen (see above) that Fischer neglected the historical context. In fact, conservative office holders in Germany were articulate and aware that a European war could lead to the ascendancy of the left whether the war was won or lost.
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values of its leaders. Taking up of the ideas of Rudolf Kjellén and Friedrich Patzel, Ritter argued that the state should be regarded as a living entity, which, to live successfully, required economic and territorial growth. Using that argument, Ritter contended that
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was material that was inserted to allow the book to be passed by the censors and how much was the expression of Ritter's own beliefs. Weeks argued that if Ritter was no Nazi, he was certainly a German nationalist who wished to see Germany as the world's great power.
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and the FĂĽhrer justifies its existence". Ritter argued that throughout the 19th century, there had been worrisome signs in Germany and the rest of Europe caused by the entry of masses into politics but that it was World War I that marked the decisive turning point.
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movement" coming to power. Moreover, Ritter placed great emphasis on the "Hitler factor" as an explanation for Nazi Germany. In 1962, Ritter wrote that he found it "almost unbearable" that the "will of a single madman" had unnecessarily caused World War II.
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Along the same lines, Ritter wrote that "not any event in German history, but the great French Revolution undermined the firm foundation of Europe's political traditions. It also coined the new concepts and slogans with whose help the modern state of the
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During the last years of the Weimar Republic, Ritter changed his focus from the medieval period to the early modern period to the modern period and from cultural history to biographies of political figures. In 1931, Ritter wrote the biography of the
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was a luxury that only militarily-secure states could afford. Ritter argued that because Britain is an island, that provides a degree of security that allows democracy. By contrast, Ritter argued that Germany, with its location in
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school, which considered history as an art. He concerned himself with an imaginative identification with his subjects, focused on the great men of the times studied and was primarily concerned with political and military events.
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as a great power; thus, German foreign policy was largely defensive although Fischer claimed that it was mostly aggressive. Ritter claimed that the significance that Fischer attached to the highly-bellicose advice about waging a
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for the German attack on France to be cancelled was for logistical concerns, rather than a desire to provoke a world war. Finally, Ritter faults Fischer for his reliance on the memories of Austro-Hungarian leaders such as Count
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in 1945. Goerdeler was a devout Lutheran and the son of a conservative Prussian politician. Ritter pushed for the translation of his Goerdeler biography into English to counter the publication of John W. Wheeler-Bennett's book
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Britain's entry into the war.... All that Fischer can produce are the pre-war pipedreams of a few Pan-Germans and businessmen, none of which had any official status, as well as the occasional bellicose utterances of the
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During World War II, Ritter became involved in work on a study of civilian-military relations in Germany from the 18th century to the 20th century. The original intent behind this work was to offer a critique of the
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and that it was Germany that had caused World War I. During the ferocious "Fischer Controversy", which engulfed the West German historical profession in the 1960s, Ritter was the best known of Fischer's critics.
916:. For Ritter, militarism was the "one-sided determination of political decisions on the basis of technical military considerations" and foreign expansionism, and it had nothing to do with values of a society. 909:(power politics) of Bismarck in which military policy was subjected to carefully limited political goals and the endless expansionism that was motivated by militarism and bizarre racial theories of the Nazis. 454:
and "orderly reason" on Fredrick were intended by Ritter to disprove Hitler's claim quietly of being Frederick's successor. The inspiration behind the Fredrick biography was Ritter's personal reaction to the
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but that it had too much democracy. He argued that the democratic republic had left the German state open to being hijacked by the appeals of rabble-rousing extremists. In Ritter's view, if his much beloved
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threat. As opposed to Fischer's claim that Germany was deliberately setting off a war of aggression, Ritter argued that Germany's support for Austria-Hungary's retributive plan to invade Serbia was an
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Likewise, Ritter felt that Fischer had been dishonest in his portrayal of Austro-German relations in July 1914. Ritter charged that Germany had not pressured a reluctant Austria-Hungary into attacking
2869:, In de schaduwen van morgen, Kap. 14 (deutsch: Im Schatten von morgen, in: Ders.: Schriften zur Zeitkritik, Pantheon-Verlag 1948); 2) Julius Ebbinghaus, Philosophie der Freiheit, Bonn 1988, S. 11 ff. 1135:
Ritter was strongly critical of what he regarded as Fischer's "biased" view of Moltke's reaction to the outbreak of the war and argued that Moltke's opposition to the sudden last-minute suggestion of
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pogrom, Ritter wrote in a letter to his mother, "What we have experienced over the last two weeks all over the country is the most shameful and most dreadful thing that has happened for a long time".
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that made his reputation as a historian. Ritter treated his subject as an excellent example of the "eternal German". Ritter argued against the view of Luther as an opportunist, which was promoted by
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was mistaken since in Ritter's opinion, if Bethmann Hollweg was serious about securing British neutrality, it made no sense to express the German war aims to Goschen that Fischer attributed to him.
981:"We constantly run the risk not only of being condemned by the world as nationalists, but actually being misused as expert witnesses by all those circles and tendencies that, in their impatient and 647:
and so More rightly did not reduce all politics to a "friend-foe" mentality. The historian Klaus Schwabe observed that Ritter's disapproval of the term "friend-foe" was a not-so-veiled criticism of
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Astrid M. Eckert, The Struggle for the Files. The Western Allies and the Return of German Archives after the Second World War (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2012), p. 293, 312-315, 381.
942:(Cabinet politician), not a militarist, and ensured that political considerations were always placed ahead of military considerations. Ritter was to expand on these views in a four-volume study 576:
submitted to Goerdeler in January 1943, Ritter wrote, "Hundreds of thousands of human beings have been systematically murdered solely because of their Jewish ancestry". Although urging that the
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under a post-Nazi regime. If the coup had succeeded, the plotters planned to bargain with the Western Allies for Germany to keep territories in Eastern Europe, which were being invaded by the
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Ritter criticised More for refusing to acknowledge the paradox of power. Instead, More seemed to think that morality could function in politics without the threat of and/or use of violence.
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allowed to have the government funds for his trip. Writing in 1962, Ritter stated that he felt profound "sadness" over the prospect that Germans may not be as patriotic because of Fischer.
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that it was the natural result of when "the direct rule of the people derived from the 'revolt of the masses' is introduced". Ritter argued that the precursors of Hitler were "neither
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In a paper presented to the German Historical Convention in 1953, "The Problem of Militarism in Germany", Ritter argued traditional Prussian leaders such as Frederick the Great were
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Astrid M. Eckert, The Struggle for the Files. The Western Allies and the Return of German Archives after the Second World War (Cambridge University Press, Feb. 2012), p. 381.
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continental statesman who stands in the midst of the fray of European power interests, and must always be armed to counter an attack before it is too late". He agreed with
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thinking, which is based on an understanding of the ultimate necessity of some form of violence. The historian Gregory Weeks commented that it is hard to tell how much of
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Besides defending German nationalism, Ritter became active in the ecumenical movement after 1945 and urged conservative Catholics and Protestants to come together in the
219:. Ritter subscribed to the 19th-century view of history as a form of political education for the elite, and contemporary politics were always a pressing concern for him. 496:
Ritter's presence at the funeral of Husserl has been widely interpreted ever since as an act of quiet courage and political protest against the Nazi regime. After the
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when it was now preached to them by National Socialism, and their nationalism had in general displayed from its beginning a particularly intense, combative quality".
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Ritter's emphasis on Frederick's limited war aims and willingness to settle for less than he initially sought was seen at the time as a form of oblique criticism of
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rule and German supremacy in Europe. His vision of history was narrowed to German interests, had little sympathy for foreign nations, and was full of disdain for
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For Ritter, it was the radicalizing experience of the First World War that had finally led to the triumph of militarism in Germany, especially after 1916, when
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that was published in 1943. Ritter praised More for his understanding of "the demoniacal forces of power" against which More had appealed to the strength of
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The Quest for the Lost Nation: Writing History in Germany and Japan in the American Century, Sebastian Conrad, University of California Press, 2010, page 44
569:. Together, they considered a future constitution after the overthrow of the Nazis. Both were involved in the secret plans to take down Hitler (see below). 2973: 2933: 211:
He regarded the German defeat of 1918 as a great disaster. Ritter believed that the monarchy had been the best form of government for Germany and that the
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The Quest for the Lost Nation: Writing History in Germany and Japan in the American Century (California World History Library) Sebastian Conrad page 128
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Ritter publicly referred to the Nazi Reich as the "peaceful center of Europe" that would form a "bulwark against Bolshevism", and he praised the German
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of good and evil and judging all historical phenomenon by its own standards was to abandon all ideas of morality applicable to all times and places.
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nevertheless, criticised Ritter's historiography as apologetic of Prussian militarism, German past and figures like Frederick the Great and Bismarck
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The German Problem Transformed: Institutions, Politics, and Foreign Policy, 1945-1995 Thomas F. Banchoff University of Michigan Press, 1999 page 82
864:. He argued that based on his experience in Nazi Germany, Christians, regardless of their church, needed to work together against totalitarianism. 1034:
Ritter fiercely rejected Fischer's arguments that Germany had been primarily responsible for the outbreak of war in 1914. The later volumes of
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policy for the political economy. It was composed of anti-Nazi professors which included Adolf Lampe, Constantin von Dietze, Franz Böhm and
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was the inevitable product of German history but considered that it was rather in Ritter's view part of a general European drift towards
384:, Ritter at first defended the Nazi invasion as a realisation of the German hopes like most other people. He went on record praising the 160:. Ritter began serving as a teacher in 1912. While studying at Heidelberg, he was a research assistant to the national-liberal historian 2908: 748:. Ritter argued, "National Socialism is not an originally German growth, but the German form of a European phenomenon: the one-party or 275:, and instead contended that Luther was a man of faith, who possessed the ability to expose what Ritter regarded as grave flaws in the 188:
that they enjoyed. The theme of the extent of one's allegiance to those who hold power would be a recurring subject in Ritter's works.
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In 1954, Ritter published an acclaimed biography of Carl Goerdeler, a close friend, a conservative politician who was executed by the
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historians that rejected reconciliation with victim of Nazi aggression but supported Germany its pursuing national interests.
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Explaining Auschwitz and Hiroshima: Historians and the Second World War, 1945-1990 Richard J. B. Bosworth, Routledge, page 58
950:), published between 1954 and 1968, in which Ritter examined the development of militarism in Germany between 1890 and 1918. 852:
were not part of the "German Resistance, but stood in the service of the enemy abroad" and so fully deserved to be executed.
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Explaining Auschwitz and Hiroshima: Historians and the Second World War, 1945-1990 Richard J. B. Bosworth Routledge, page 58
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German History in Marxist Perspective: The East German Approach By Andreas Dorpalen, Foreword by Georg Iggers page 14, 1985
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who sought to overthrow the Nazis but worked for Germany. For Ritter, Goerdeler was a patriot, but the men and women of the
861: 2664:, Washington, D.C.: German Historical Institute ; Cambridge  ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 1994 2027:, London: Arnold Press, 2000 page 7; Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53-72 from 478:, a group of dissenting Lutherans that resisted the Nazi-inspired and Nazi-imposed "Aryan Christianity" during the 1930s. 2938: 2958: 2221: 2147: 627:
Ritter presented traditional Anglo-Saxon thinking about power, which depend on an ineffective legalism, as inferior to
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Lutherans, Catholics and Calvinists, member of all three churches had more in common to unite them against the Nazis.
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in 1740 was a necessary act to allow the Prussian state to live regardless of international laws against aggression.
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Ritter appeared to disavow part of his original work of 1940 by the addition of a footnote to the third edition of
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should be immediately ended, Ritter went on in the same memo to suggest that in a future post-Nazi government, the
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Die Dämonie der Macht: Betrachtungen über Geschichte und Wesen des Machtproblems im politischen Denken der Neuzeit
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to be a myth. Ritter clearly denied Fischer's arguments that both world wars were "wars for hegemony" by Germany.
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on European opinion and above all overestimated the military power and political common sense of Austria-Hungary.
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Ritter strongly disagreed with Fischer's interpretation of the meeting of Moltke, Bethmann Hollweg and General
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As part of his critique of Fischer, Ritter contended that Germany's principal goal in 1914 was to maintain the
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In 1953, Ritter found a copy of the "Great Memorandum" relating to German military planning written by General
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Ritter argued there were no lines of continuity between the German Empire and Nazi Germany and considered the
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Ritter was a staunch German nationalist and belonged to a political movement generally known to historians as
2923: 1040: 164:, who was a major influence on Ritter. Professor Oncken opposed the Nazis and was forced to resign in 1935. 1299:
Europa und die Deutsche Frage: Betrachtungen ĂĽber die geschichtliche Eigenart des Deutschen Staatsdenkens
835: 279:. Ritter argued that Luther had inspired his followers to have the self-confidence to improve the world. 1327: 912:
Ritter was well known for his assertions denying that there was a uniquely-aggressive German version of
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and was one of the few conspirators not liquidated by the Nazis. His friend and political associate,
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called it "the best introduction to Frederick the Great and indeed to European warfare in his time".
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in 1905. The following year, Ritter published the "Great Memorandum" and his observations about the
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the records and held the opinion that their absence was hurting his own research projects the most.
247:(1925–1956). During his time at Heidelberg, he began an official history of the university from the 179:
dissertation completed in 1911 under the supervision of Oncken. Ritter examined the dispute between
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as chauvinistic nationalism, but he found it difficult to come to terms with the German defeat.
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Dorpalen, Andreas "Historiography as History: The Work of Gerhard Ritter" pages 1–18 from the
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Iggers, Georg "Comment: German Historiography" pages 43-48 from Paths of Continuity edited by
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Paths of Continuity: Central European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s page 114 by
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state", which was the result of "modern industrial society with its uniform mass humanity".
513:. The lectures were intended by Ritter to be a form of indirect protest of the Nazi regime. 2903: 2898: 1129: 931: 451: 176: 149: 121: 30: 8: 2848:
Verlorene Identität. Der Historiker Arnold Berney und seine Freiburger Kollegen 1923–1938
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Paths of Continuity : Central European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s
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Boyd, Kelly. "Ritter, Gerhard A. 1888–1967 German political and cultural historian."
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Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53–72 from
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Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53-72 from
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Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53-72 from
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Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53-72 from
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Heidegger and Nazism, edited by VĂ­ctor FarĂ­as, Joseph Margolis, Tom Rockmore page 161
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German opposition to the Nazis, was imprisoned in late 1944 for the rest of the war.
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Imperial Germany 1867–1918. Politics, culture, and society in an authoritarian state
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Imperial Germany 1867-1918. Politics, culture, and society in an authoritarian state
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Machstaat und Utopie: vom Streit um die Dämonie der Macht seit Machiavelli und Morus
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In his last years, Ritter emerged as the leading critic of the left-wing historian
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Universities Under Dictatorship edited by John Connelly, Michael GrĂĽttner page 97
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Ritter accused Fischer of manufacturing the quote he attributed to German General
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In 1938, Ritter was the only faculty member at Freiburg to attend the funeral of
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allegiance because it is willing to respect eternal justice as well as freedom".
381: 276: 268: 212: 201: 85: 66: 1916:. (Harvard University 1997) at 182-187, 257-259, 326-329, 383-385, re Goerdeler. 1214:, Ferguson reviewed Fischer's claims about German objectives in a European war: 1141: 388:
as the "boldest and most felicitous foreign policy feat of our new government".
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The Age of Battles: The Quest for Decisive Warfare from Breitenfeld to Waterloo
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On 11 February 1933, in a letter to a friend, Ritter described his intentions:
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At the first meeting of German historians in 1949, Ritter delivered a speech:
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Lebensbilder aus der evangelischen Kirche in Baden im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert
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Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk: das Problem des "Militarismus" in Deutschland
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needed an authoritarian government as the only way of maintaining security.
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Already, at mid-day on January 30, 1933, in a fateful step, German President
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edited by Hans Schmitt, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971
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Zur Kritik an Gerhard Ritters politisch-philosophischer Position siehe: 1)
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Andreas Dorpalen, "Historiography as History: The Work of Gerhard Ritter."
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Die preuĂźischen Konservativen und Bismarcks deutsche Politik, 1858 bis 1876
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Knights Commander of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
2814:(in German), vol. 21, Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, pp. 658–660 1148:, who sought to shift all of the responsibility for the war onto Germany. 137: 2630: 2494:
Herwig, Holger "Patriotic Self-Censorship in Germany" pages 153-159 from
2281:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 pages 255-257. 2268:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 pages 255-256. 2162:, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 pages 258-259. 1821: 905:. Ritter always drew a sharp distinction between what he regarded as the 613: 565:
Later, Ritter worked as an advisor to the German conservative politician
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turn, led to National Socialism. In Ritter's view, the problem with the
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 pages 99-100.
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In 1919, he married Gertrud Reichardt with whom he had three children.
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edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 pages 140-141.
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edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 pages 135-136.
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 pages 91-92.
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 pages 94-95.
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in recognition of what the Association described as his struggle with
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Likewise, in reference to the order by Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg to
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Gerhard Ritter. Geschichtswissenschaft und Politik im 20. Jahrhundert
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edited by Lucan Boia, New York: Greenwood Press, 1991, pages 305-306.
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Gerhard Ritter: Geschichtswissenschaft und Politik im 20. Jahrhundert
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In Ritter's opinion, the origins of National Socialism went back to
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origins. Husserl was then also prevented from publishing his works.
316:. Ritter's two-volume work portrayed Stein as the total opposite of 2758:(GĹ‘ttingen: Verlages Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht 1973), translated as 1974:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 101.
1958:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 100.
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spy network were traitors. Ritter wrote that those involved in the
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 89.
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 90.
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 97.
1932:
Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 99.
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 93.
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 95.
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 88.
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 83.
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Washington, D.C. : German Historical Institute, 1994 page 85.
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Konrad Fuchs (1994). "Gerhard Ritter". In Bautz, Traugott (ed.).
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The Nazi Dictatorship Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation
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edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 158.
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edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 142.
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edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 137.
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edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 136.
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edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 135.
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The Nazi Dictatorship Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation
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The Nazi Dictatorship Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation
1699:. English translation. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1185:
actual political decisions and military actions that he claimed.
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had continued after 1918, there would have been no Nazi Germany.
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edited by Lucan Boia, New York: Greenwood Press, 1991, page 305.
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edited by Lucan Boia, New York: Greenwood Press, 1991, page 305.
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and remained sympathetic to the political system of the defunct
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The Sword and the Scepter: The Problem of Militarism in Germany
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Die Neugestaltung Deutschlands und Europas im 16. Jahrhundert.
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was a grave mistake since Germany did not have a tradition of
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edited by Lucian Boia, Westport, C.T.: Greenwood Press, 1991
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Levine, Norman (1991). "Ritter, Gerhard" pages 304-306 from
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Ritter maintained that militarism first appeared during the
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Die preuĂźischen Konservativen und Bismarcks deutsche Politik
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The Outbreak of World War One: Causes and Responsibilities
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Ritter was a devout Lutheran and became a member of the
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says it is the best book in English on the famous king.
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as one of the finest military biographies ever written.
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to the present, but only one volume was ever published.
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Weeks, Gregory "Ritter, Gerhard A." pages 996-998 from
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In 1938, Ritter became involved in a major debate with
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The Prussian Conservatives and Bismarck's German Policy
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On the Road to Wolf' Lair. German resistance to Hitler
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In 1959, Ritter was elected an honorary member of the
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has been described by the American military historian
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Moyn, Samuel, “The First Historian of Human Rights,”
2012:
The Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing
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The Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing
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The Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing
349:, who would lead, for a time, a minority government. 2828:
Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL)
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Levine, Norman "Ritter, Gerhard" pages 304–306 from
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Levine, Norman "Ritter, Gerhard" pages 304-306 from
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Levine, Norman "Ritter, Gerhard" pages 304-306 from
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is a British historian who served as a professor at
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Carl Goerdeler und die deutsche Widerstandsbewegung
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Karl Goerdeler und die Deutsche Widerstandsbewegung
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Having supported well before 1933 the idea of 323: 1559:Washington, D.C.: German Historical Institute, 1463:Washington, D.C.: German Historical Institute, 817: 688:. Goerdeler was executed by the Nazis in 1945. 2949:Recipients of the Pour le MĂ©rite (civil class) 2607:, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1973. 2518:, Vol. 119, No. 482 (Jun., 2004), pp. 756-759. 1008: 420:Ritter's 1936 short interpretive biography of 132:clergyman. The young Ritter was educated at a 45:from 1925 to 1956. He studied under Professor 2954:Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich alumni 2477: 2475: 2461: 2459: 2380: 2378: 2364: 2362: 2360: 2358: 2344: 2342: 2199: 2197: 1984: 1982: 1980: 1966: 1964: 1924: 1922: 1879: 1877: 1875: 612:Ritter also contrasted the utopianism of Sir 2979:Academic staff of the University of Freiburg 2823: 1827:, Yale: Yale University Press, 1999 page 176 1510: 1508: 1506: 1504: 1502: 1500: 1498: 1496: 1494: 1492: 1447: 1445: 698: 654: 287:was a major influence on Ritter's writings. 41:who served as a professor of history at the 2974:Academic staff of the University of Hamburg 2934:German monarchists in the German Resistance 1613:(New York: Simon and Schuster 1960) at 187. 1490: 1488: 1486: 1484: 1482: 1480: 1478: 1476: 1474: 1472: 1424: 1422: 1420: 1418: 1416: 1414: 1412: 1410: 1408: 1047:for wide-ranging annexations as a war aim. 167:Ritter's first book was published in 1913: 2472: 2456: 2375: 2355: 2339: 2194: 1977: 1961: 1919: 1872: 1856:, New York: Harper Collins, 1997 page 297. 108:. Ritter became an honorary member of the 2652:Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 1840:, New York: Harper Collins, 1997 page 54. 1695:Frederick the Great: A Historical Profile 1541: 1442: 1326:(4 vol, University of Miami Press 1970); 855: 543:, Ritter became a founding member of the 2599:Dorpalen, Andreas "Gerhard Ritter" from 2506: 2504: 1522:, Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 1469: 1436:. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 1405: 999:Der Schlieffen-Plan: Kritik Eines Mythos 672:Ritter was involved in the 20 July 1944 391: 259:In 1925, Ritter published a sympathetic 128:, in Central Germany). His father was a 2969:Academic staff of Heidelberg University 2660:& Melton, James Van Horn (editors) 2559:The Pity of War. Explaining World War I 1347:Der Schlieffenplan: Kritik eines Mythos 1013: 1003:The Schlieffen Plan: Critique of a Myth 703: 560: 2891: 2748:, Volume 30, Issue # 3, September 1958 2031:, Volume 88, February 1983 pages 62-63 1687: 1180:A history book on Imperial Germany by 1168: 871: 469: 254: 222: 2704:Maehl, William "Gerhard Ritter" from 2501: 1231: 667: 549:, a discussion group whose focus was 517:1938 historicism debate with Meinecke 408:The deep belief that Ritter had in a 143: 2929:German Army personnel of World War I 1611:The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich 1210:. In his 1998 work on World War II, 1043:had resisted the demands by General 888: 826:He railed against the fact that the 600:). In this book, Ritter argued that 400:. He identified with the idea of an 96:. Eventually, his conflict with the 2885:(Routledge, 2019) pp. 996–998. 2294:, Volume 88, February 1983 page 64. 2108:, London: Arnold Press, 2000 page 7 2090:, Volume 88, February 1983 page 63. 2044:, Volume 88, February 1983 page 62. 529: 462:In March 1936, upon witnessing the 13: 2875: 2691:Great Historians of the Modern Age 2585:Great Historians of the Modern Age 1582:Great Historians of the Modern Age 1536:Great Historians of the Modern Age 357: 302: 230: 191: 14: 3005: 2919:German People's Party politicians 2675:Levine, Norman "Gerhard Ritter's 2548:(London: Arnold 1995) at 168-171. 1271:Stein: eine politische Biographie 725:that had been going on since the 691:Ritter, who also belonged to the 464:remilitarization of the Rhineland 2806:"Ritter, Gerhard Georg Bernhard" 2531:(1973; translation 1985) at 196. 2279:The German Conception of History 2266:The German Conception of History 2250:The German Conception of History 2234:The German Conception of History 2176:The German Conception of History 2160:The German Conception of History 2122:The German Conception of History 2060:The German Conception of History 969:Critical views on German history 341:had confirmed the leader of the 235:Ritter worked as a professor at 100:got him arrested by it in 1944. 2989:German male non-fiction writers 2909:People from Werra-MeiĂźner-Kreis 2769:. In: Johannes Ehmann (Hrsg.): 2577: 2574:(1998, 1999) at 27-28; 28, 172. 2564: 2551: 2534: 2521: 2510:Richard Evans, 'Reviewed Work: 2488: 2443: 2430: 2417: 2404: 2391: 2310: 2297: 2284: 2271: 2226: 2210: 2181: 2152: 2136: 2127: 2034: 2017: 2004: 1995: 1948: 1935: 1906: 1859: 1830: 1815: 1802: 1789: 1780: 1767: 1740: 1713: 1681: 1668: 1643: 1634: 1625: 1616: 1600: 1587: 1252: 1238:American Historical Association 1051:Ritter's points against Fischer 1039:maintained that the Chancellor 828:Allies occupational authorities 680:, was slated to become the new 674:Stauffenberg assassination plot 110:American Historical Association 2994:20th-century German historians 2636:, London: Arnold Press, 2000, 2622:The American Historical Review 2292:The American Historical Review 2088:The American Historical Review 2042:The American Historical Review 2029:The American Historical Review 1720:Russell Frank Weigley (2004). 1528: 1392: 1379: 1370: 1283:Berthold Ritter zum Gedächtnis 1100:Helmuth von Moltke the Younger 1079:over the violation of Belgian 1036:Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk 955:Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk 944:Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk 715:Europe and the German Question 588:Book on Machiavelli and utopia 352: 57:and hagiographic portrayal of 1: 2804:Christoph CorneliĂźen (2003), 2746:The Journal of Modern History 2593: 2516:The English Historical Review 1691:(1974) . Peret, Peter (ed.). 1041:Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg 893:Ritter specialized in German 711:Europa und die deutsche Frage 416:Frederick the Great biography 324:Views on eve of Nazi takeover 124:(now in the federal state of 115: 27:Gerhard Georg Bernhard Ritter 2964:Heidelberg University alumni 2775:Kirchenpolitische Richtungen 2724:Der autoritäre Nationalstaat 2624:, Volume 88, February 1983. 2542:Der autoritäre Nationalstaat 1726:. Indiana U.P. p. 550. 946:(translated into English as 818:Rescue of German nationalism 7: 2792:. Droste, DĂĽsseldorf 2001, 2760:The German Empire 1871–1918 2706:Historians of Modern Europe 2529:The German Empire 1871-1918 2514:by Christoph Cornelissen', 2496:The Outbreak of World War I 2483:The Outbreak of World War I 2467:The Outbreak of World War I 2451:The Outbreak of World War I 2438:The Outbreak of World War I 2425:The Outbreak of World War I 2412:The Outbreak of World War I 2399:The Outbreak of World War I 2386:The Outbreak of World War I 2370:The Outbreak of World War I 2350:The Outbreak of World War I 2334:The Outbreak of World War I 2318:The Outbreak of World War I 2305:The Outbreak of World War I 1753:. Oxford U.P. p. 65n. 1009:Role in Fischer Controversy 582:modern civil rights of Jews 10: 3010: 2939:German military historians 2852:Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2767:Gerhard Ritter (1888-1967) 2735:American Historical Review 1265:Luther: Gestalt und Symbol 1113:, the State Secretary for 991:Alfred Graf von Schlieffen 862:Christian Democratic Union 592:In 1940, Ritter published 18: 2959:Leipzig University alumni 2612:Journal of Modern History 1912:Cf. Theodore S. Hamerow, 1854:Nazi Germany and the Jews 1838:Nazi Germany and the Jews 1777:(1962) (March, 1962), p 9 1775:Journal of Modern History 1750:German History, 1770-1866 1747:James J. Sheehan (1993). 948:The Sword and the Scepter 798:, but the demagogues and 699:Themes after World War II 655:Censored book on military 598:National Power and Utopia 2944:People from Hesse-Nassau 2811:Neue Deutsche Biographie 2762:(Providence: Berg 1985). 2756:Das Deutsche Kaiserreich 2740:Mruck, Armin: Review of 1364: 1319:, 4 volumes, 1954-1968. 1196:that was then European. 1085:Archduke Franz Ferdinand 840:Carl Friedrich Goerdeler 834:In his treatment of the 19:Not to be confused with 1514:Weeks, Gregory (1999). 1428:Weeks, Gregory (1999). 1389:, James Van Horn Melton 1354:Historische Zeitschrift 802:of modern history from 769:was not that it lacked 2788:Christoph CorneliĂźen: 2730:(London: Arnold 1995). 1547:Schwabe, Klaus (1994). 1451:Schwabe, Klaus (1994). 1225: 987: 856:Ecumenical progression 584:should be restricted. 335: 43:University of Freiburg 2737:116:1 (2011), 58–79 . 2679:" pages 209-227 from 2540:Wolfgang J. Mommsen, 1216: 1111:Siegfried von Roedern 1104:Conrad von Hötzendorf 979: 734:Jean-Jacques Rousseau 717:), which denied that 594:Machtstaat und Utopie 398:national conservatism 392:National conservative 330: 237:Heidelberg University 63:German People's Party 2924:Historians of Nazism 2846:Michael Matthiesen: 2014:, Volume 2 page 998. 1518:In Kelly Boyd, ed., 1516:"Ritter, Gerhard A." 1432:In Kelly Boyd, ed., 1430:"Ritter, Gerhard A." 1130:Erich von Falkenhayn 1014:Break or continuity? 704:Source of Nazi evils 641:Machstaat und Utopie 633:Machstaat und Utopie 561:Advisor to Goerdeler 196:Ritter fought as an 122:Bad Sooden-Allendorf 69:, he was a lifelong 31:Bad Sooden-Allendorf 2744:pages 268–269 from 2683:, Volume 30, 1968. 2614:, Volume 34, 1962. 2601:Deutsche Historiker 2205:Paths of Continuity 2189:Paths of Continuity 1990:Paths of Continuity 1972:Paths of Continuity 1956:Paths of Continuity 1943:Paths of Continuity 1930:Paths of Continuity 1885:Paths of Continuity 1867:Paths of Continuity 1810:Paths of Continuity 1797:Paths of Continuity 1676:Paths of Continuity 1663:Paths of Continuity 1595:Paths of Continuity 1557:Paths of Continuity 1461:Paths of Continuity 1400:Paths of Continuity 1291:, 1940, revised as 1277:Friedrich der GroĂźe 1169:Variety of outcomes 872:Goerdeler biography 788:Frederick the Great 781:Ritter argued that 618:Niccolò Machiavelli 616:and the realism of 511:Friedrich Nietzsche 470:Acts against regime 422:Frederick the Great 339:Paul von Hindenburg 293:Frederick the Great 255:Biography of Luther 245:Freiburg University 223:Marriage and family 120:Ritter was born in 2752:Hans-Ulrich Wehler 2681:Review of Politics 2654:, Volume 16, 1967. 2605:Hans-Ulrich Wehler 1852:Friedländer, Saul 1836:Friedländer, Saul 1232:Honored in America 1208:Harvard University 1182:Hans-Ulrich Wehler 1123:Sir Edward Goschen 736:'s concept of the 668:Assassination plot 645:Christian morality 523:Friedrich Meinecke 241:Hamburg University 144:University studies 61:. A member of the 33:– 1 July 1967, in 29:(6 April 1888, in 2854:, Göttingen 2001 2783:978-3-89735-510-1 1607:William L. Shirer 1549:"Gerhard Ritter." 1453:"Gerhard Ritter." 1204:Oxford University 983:blind nationalism 940:Kabinettspolitker 936:Otto von Bismarck 928:French Revolution 889:German militarism 836:German Resistance 727:French Revolution 476:Confessing Church 347:German chancellor 206:Pan-German League 183:and conservative 181:Otto von Bismarck 80:A critic of both 21:Gerhard A. Ritter 3001: 2914:German Lutherans 2843: 2831: 2818:full text online 2815: 2720:Wolfgang Mommsen 2658:Lehmann, Hartmut 2648:Jäckel, Eberhard 2588: 2581: 2575: 2568: 2562: 2557:Niall Ferguson, 2555: 2549: 2538: 2532: 2525: 2519: 2508: 2499: 2492: 2486: 2479: 2470: 2463: 2454: 2447: 2441: 2434: 2428: 2421: 2415: 2408: 2402: 2395: 2389: 2382: 2373: 2366: 2353: 2346: 2337: 2330: 2321: 2314: 2308: 2301: 2295: 2288: 2282: 2275: 2269: 2262: 2253: 2246: 2237: 2230: 2224: 2214: 2208: 2201: 2192: 2185: 2179: 2172: 2163: 2156: 2150: 2140: 2134: 2131: 2125: 2118: 2109: 2102: 2091: 2084: 2063: 2056: 2045: 2038: 2032: 2021: 2015: 2008: 2002: 1999: 1993: 1986: 1975: 1968: 1959: 1952: 1946: 1939: 1933: 1926: 1917: 1910: 1904: 1897: 1888: 1881: 1870: 1863: 1857: 1850: 1841: 1834: 1828: 1819: 1813: 1806: 1800: 1793: 1787: 1784: 1778: 1771: 1765: 1764: 1744: 1738: 1737: 1717: 1711: 1710: 1698: 1685: 1679: 1672: 1666: 1659: 1650: 1647: 1641: 1638: 1632: 1629: 1623: 1620: 1614: 1604: 1598: 1591: 1585: 1578: 1563: 1545: 1539: 1532: 1526: 1512: 1467: 1449: 1440: 1426: 1403: 1396: 1390: 1383: 1377: 1374: 1194:Social Darwinism 1190:Wolfgang Mommsen 1175:Richard J. Evans 962:Erich Ludendorff 903:cultural history 883:Nemesis of Power 738:volontĂ© gĂ©nĂ©rale 546:Freiburger Kreis 531:Freiburger Kreis 437:James J. Sheehan 365:Benito Mussolini 243:(1923–1925) and 185:Prussian Junkers 16:German historian 3009: 3008: 3004: 3003: 3002: 3000: 2999: 2998: 2889: 2888: 2878: 2876:Further reading 2840: 2596: 2591: 2582: 2578: 2572:The Pity of War 2569: 2565: 2556: 2552: 2539: 2535: 2526: 2522: 2509: 2502: 2493: 2489: 2480: 2473: 2464: 2457: 2448: 2444: 2435: 2431: 2422: 2418: 2409: 2405: 2396: 2392: 2383: 2376: 2367: 2356: 2347: 2340: 2331: 2324: 2315: 2311: 2302: 2298: 2289: 2285: 2276: 2272: 2263: 2256: 2247: 2240: 2231: 2227: 2215: 2211: 2202: 2195: 2186: 2182: 2173: 2166: 2157: 2153: 2141: 2137: 2132: 2128: 2119: 2112: 2103: 2094: 2085: 2066: 2057: 2048: 2039: 2035: 2022: 2018: 2009: 2005: 2000: 1996: 1987: 1978: 1969: 1962: 1953: 1949: 1940: 1936: 1927: 1920: 1911: 1907: 1901:Hartmut Lehmann 1898: 1891: 1882: 1873: 1864: 1860: 1851: 1844: 1835: 1831: 1820: 1816: 1807: 1803: 1794: 1790: 1785: 1781: 1772: 1768: 1761: 1745: 1741: 1734: 1718: 1714: 1707: 1689:Ritter, Gerhard 1686: 1682: 1673: 1669: 1660: 1653: 1648: 1644: 1639: 1635: 1630: 1626: 1621: 1617: 1605: 1601: 1592: 1588: 1579: 1566: 1553:Hartmut Lehmann 1546: 1542: 1533: 1529: 1513: 1470: 1457:Hartmut Lehmann 1450: 1443: 1427: 1406: 1397: 1393: 1387:Hartmut Lehmann 1384: 1380: 1375: 1371: 1367: 1255: 1246:German idealist 1242:totalitarianism 1234: 1212:The Pity of War 1171: 1146:Ottokar Czernin 1115:Alsace-Lorraine 1066:Alexander Hoyos 1057:Austria-Hungary 1053: 1016: 1011: 995:Schlieffen Plan 971: 953:In Volume 2 of 891: 874: 858: 820: 767:Weimar Republic 723:totalitarianism 709:wrote the book 706: 701: 670: 657: 590: 563: 536:After the 1938 534: 519: 472: 433:Russell Weigley 418: 394: 382:Greater Germany 360: 358:Initial support 355: 326: 305: 303:Stein biography 295:'s invasion of 277:Catholic Church 269:Ernst Troeltsch 257: 233: 231:Weimar Republic 225: 213:Weimar Republic 202:First World War 194: 192:First World War 146: 118: 88:, he supported 86:totalitarianism 67:Weimar Republic 37:) was a German 24: 17: 12: 11: 5: 3007: 2997: 2996: 2991: 2986: 2981: 2976: 2971: 2966: 2961: 2956: 2951: 2946: 2941: 2936: 2931: 2926: 2921: 2916: 2911: 2906: 2901: 2887: 2886: 2877: 2874: 2873: 2872: 2871: 2870: 2867:Johan Huizinga 2844: 2838: 2821: 2801: 2786: 2765:Ulrich Bayer: 2763: 2749: 2738: 2731: 2717: 2702: 2687: 2677:Weltanschauung 2673: 2655: 2645: 2628: 2618: 2608: 2595: 2592: 2590: 2589: 2576: 2563: 2550: 2533: 2520: 2500: 2487: 2471: 2455: 2442: 2429: 2416: 2403: 2390: 2374: 2354: 2338: 2322: 2309: 2296: 2283: 2277:Iggers, Georg 2270: 2264:Iggers, Georg 2254: 2248:Iggers, Georg 2238: 2232:Iggers, Georg 2225: 2222:978-0521880183 2209: 2193: 2180: 2174:Iggers, Georg 2164: 2158:Iggers, Georg 2151: 2148:978-0521880183 2135: 2126: 2120:Iggers, Georg 2110: 2092: 2064: 2058:Iggers, Georg 2046: 2033: 2016: 2003: 1994: 1976: 1960: 1947: 1934: 1918: 1905: 1889: 1871: 1858: 1842: 1829: 1814: 1801: 1788: 1779: 1766: 1759: 1739: 1732: 1712: 1705: 1680: 1667: 1651: 1642: 1633: 1624: 1615: 1599: 1586: 1564: 1540: 1527: 1468: 1441: 1404: 1391: 1378: 1368: 1366: 1363: 1362: 1361: 1350: 1344: 1343: 1342: 1322:translated as 1314: 1308: 1302: 1296: 1286: 1280: 1274: 1268: 1262: 1254: 1251: 1233: 1230: 1200:Niall Ferguson 1170: 1167: 1159:German history 1062:preventive war 1052: 1049: 1015: 1012: 1010: 1007: 970: 967: 921:Machtpolitiker 890: 887: 873: 870: 857: 854: 819: 816: 705: 702: 700: 697: 678:Carl Goerdeler 669: 666: 656: 653: 607:Central Europe 589: 586: 567:Carl Goerdeler 562: 559: 533: 528: 518: 515: 483:Edmund Husserl 471: 468: 457:Day of Potsdam 431:The historian 417: 414: 393: 390: 359: 356: 354: 351: 325: 322: 314:Karl vom Stein 304: 301: 256: 253: 232: 229: 224: 221: 193: 190: 175:). It was his 162:Hermann Oncken 145: 142: 117: 114: 47:Hermann Oncken 15: 9: 6: 4: 3: 2: 3006: 2995: 2992: 2990: 2987: 2985: 2982: 2980: 2977: 2975: 2972: 2970: 2967: 2965: 2962: 2960: 2957: 2955: 2952: 2950: 2947: 2945: 2942: 2940: 2937: 2935: 2932: 2930: 2927: 2925: 2922: 2920: 2917: 2915: 2912: 2910: 2907: 2905: 2902: 2900: 2897: 2896: 2894: 2884: 2880: 2879: 2868: 2864: 2863: 2861: 2860:3-525-36233-1 2857: 2853: 2849: 2845: 2841: 2839:3-88309-053-0 2835: 2830: 2829: 2822: 2819: 2813: 2812: 2807: 2802: 2799: 2798:3-7700-1612-2 2795: 2791: 2787: 2784: 2780: 2776: 2772: 2768: 2764: 2761: 2757: 2753: 2750: 2747: 2743: 2739: 2736: 2732: 2729: 2725: 2721: 2718: 2715: 2714:0-8071-0836-7 2711: 2707: 2703: 2700: 2699:0-313-27328-6 2696: 2692: 2688: 2686: 2682: 2678: 2674: 2671: 2670:0-521-45199-X 2667: 2663: 2659: 2656: 2653: 2649: 2646: 2643: 2642:0-340-76928-9 2639: 2635: 2632: 2629: 2627: 2623: 2619: 2617: 2613: 2609: 2606: 2602: 2598: 2597: 2586: 2580: 2573: 2567: 2560: 2554: 2547: 2543: 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1032: 1029: 1025: 1024:German Empire 1021: 1020:Fritz Fischer 1006: 1004: 1000: 996: 992: 986: 984: 978: 975: 966: 963: 958: 956: 951: 949: 945: 941: 937: 933: 929: 924: 922: 917: 915: 910: 908: 904: 900: 896: 886: 884: 879: 869: 865: 863: 853: 851: 847: 846: 841: 837: 832: 829: 824: 815: 813: 809: 805: 801: 797: 793: 789: 784: 779: 777: 776:German Empire 772: 768: 762: 759: 753: 751: 747: 743: 739: 735: 730: 728: 724: 720: 716: 712: 696: 694: 689: 687: 683: 679: 675: 665: 663: 652: 650: 646: 642: 637: 634: 630: 625: 621: 619: 615: 610: 608: 603: 599: 595: 585: 583: 579: 575: 570: 568: 558: 556: 555:Walter Eucken 552: 548: 547: 542: 539: 538:Kristallnacht 532: 527: 524: 514: 512: 508: 503: 501: 500: 499:Kristallnacht 494: 492: 488: 487:phenomenology 484: 479: 477: 467: 465: 460: 458: 453: 452:Enlightenment 449: 444: 440: 438: 434: 429: 427: 423: 413: 411: 406: 403: 402:authoritarian 399: 389: 387: 383: 379: 376:(union) with 375: 374: 368: 366: 350: 348: 344: 340: 334: 329: 321: 319: 315: 311: 300: 298: 294: 288: 286: 280: 278: 274: 270: 266: 265:Martin Luther 262: 252: 250: 246: 242: 239:(1918–1923), 238: 228: 220: 218: 217:republicanism 214: 209: 207: 203: 199: 189: 186: 182: 178: 174: 170: 165: 163: 159: 155: 151: 141: 139: 135: 131: 127: 123: 113: 111: 107: 106:Fritz Fischer 101: 99: 95: 91: 90:authoritarian 87: 83: 78: 76: 75:German Empire 72: 68: 64: 60: 56: 55:Martin Luther 52: 48: 44: 40: 36: 32: 28: 22: 2882: 2847: 2827: 2816:; ( 2809: 2789: 2774: 2770: 2766: 2759: 2755: 2745: 2741: 2734: 2727: 2723: 2705: 2690: 2680: 2676: 2661: 2651: 2633: 2631:Kershaw, Ian 2621: 2611: 2603:, edited by 2600: 2584: 2579: 2571: 2566: 2558: 2553: 2545: 2541: 2536: 2528: 2523: 2515: 2511: 2495: 2490: 2482: 2466: 2450: 2445: 2437: 2432: 2424: 2419: 2411: 2406: 2398: 2393: 2385: 2369: 2349: 2333: 2317: 2312: 2304: 2299: 2291: 2286: 2278: 2273: 2265: 2249: 2233: 2228: 2212: 2204: 2188: 2183: 2175: 2159: 2154: 2138: 2129: 2121: 2105: 2087: 2059: 2041: 2036: 2028: 2024: 2019: 2011: 2006: 1997: 1989: 1971: 1955: 1950: 1942: 1937: 1929: 1913: 1908: 1884: 1866: 1861: 1853: 1837: 1832: 1824: 1822:Stern, Fritz 1817: 1809: 1804: 1796: 1791: 1782: 1774: 1769: 1749: 1742: 1722: 1715: 1694: 1688: 1683: 1675: 1670: 1662: 1645: 1636: 1627: 1618: 1610: 1602: 1594: 1589: 1581: 1556: 1543: 1535: 1530: 1519: 1460: 1433: 1399: 1394: 1381: 1372: 1357: 1353: 1346: 1323: 1316: 1310: 1304: 1298: 1292: 1288: 1282: 1276: 1270: 1264: 1258: 1253:Bibliography 1235: 1226: 1219: 1217: 1211: 1206:and then at 1198: 1187: 1179: 1172: 1163: 1152: 1150: 1142:István Tisza 1134: 1127: 1119: 1108: 1097: 1092: 1089: 1077: 1070: 1054: 1035: 1033: 1028:Nazi Germany 1017: 1002: 998: 988: 980: 976: 972: 959: 954: 952: 947: 943: 939: 925: 920: 918: 911: 907:Machtpolitik 906: 892: 882: 875: 866: 859: 850:Rote Kapelle 849: 845:Rote Kapelle 844: 833: 825: 821: 780: 763: 757: 754: 749: 742:general will 737: 731: 719:Nazi Germany 714: 710: 707: 693:conservative 690: 686:Soviet Union 671: 658: 649:Carl Schmitt 640: 638: 632: 628: 626: 622: 611: 597: 593: 591: 573: 571: 564: 544: 535: 530: 520: 504: 497: 495: 480: 473: 461: 448:Adolf Hitler 445: 441: 430: 419: 409: 407: 395: 385: 371: 369: 361: 336: 331: 327: 306: 289: 281: 258: 234: 226: 210: 195: 172: 168: 166: 147: 119: 102: 79: 26: 25: 2904:1967 deaths 2899:1888 births 2773:. Band II: 1223:Kaiser...". 629:continental 614:Thomas More 574:Denkschrift 426:Peter Paret 410:Rechtsstaat 353:Nazi regime 345:as the new 285:Lutheranism 249:Middle Ages 198:infantryman 98:Nazi regime 94:Catholicism 65:during the 2893:Categories 2594:References 2570:Ferguson, 1733:0253217075 1188:Professor 1144:and Count 1137:Wilhelm II 1081:neutrality 1045:Ludendorff 932:Napoleon I 914:militarism 796:Wilhelm II 744:) and the 682:chancellor 551:neoliberal 509:attacking 343:Nazi Party 312:statesmen 154:Heidelberg 116:Early life 104:historian 71:monarchist 1154:Sonderweg 895:political 812:Mussolini 783:democracy 771:democracy 662:total war 602:democracy 578:Holocaust 386:Anschluss 373:Anschluss 273:Max Weber 261:biography 138:GĂĽtersloh 134:gymnasium 112:in 1959. 82:democracy 39:historian 2685:in JSTOR 2626:in JSTOR 2616:in JSTOR 2527:Wehler, 1157:view of 899:military 792:Bismarck 746:Jacobins 318:Bismarck 310:Prussian 130:Lutheran 51:Lutheran 35:Freiburg 1555:, ed., 1524:p. 997. 1459:, ed., 1438:p. 996. 1349:, 1956. 1313:, 1954. 1307:, 1950. 1301:, 1948. 1295:, 1947. 1285:, 1946. 1279:, 1936. 1273:, 1931. 1267:, 1925. 1261:, 1913. 800:Caesars 378:Austria 297:Silesia 200:in the 158:Leipzig 59:Prussia 2858:  2836:  2796:  2781:  2712:  2697:  2668:  2640:  2220:  2146:  1757:  1730:  1703:  1561:p. 86. 1465:p. 84. 1220:before 1093:ad hoc 1073:Serbia 938:was a 804:Danton 750:FĂĽhrer 541:pogrom 491:Jewish 150:Munich 1365:Notes 1340:Vol 4 1336:Vol 3 1332:Vol 2 1328:Vol 1 878:Nazis 808:Lenin 572:In a 126:Hesse 2856:ISBN 2834:ISBN 2794:ISBN 2779:ISBN 2710:ISBN 2695:ISBN 2666:ISBN 2638:ISBN 2218:ISBN 2144:ISBN 1755:ISBN 1728:ISBN 1701:ISBN 1338:and 1026:and 901:and 794:nor 758:Volk 507:Jena 271:and 156:and 84:and 49:. A 1551:In 1455:In 1005:). 997:as 814:". 810:to 806:to 263:of 177:PhD 136:in 2895:: 2850:. 2808:, 2754:, 2722:, 2503:^ 2474:^ 2458:^ 2377:^ 2357:^ 2341:^ 2325:^ 2257:^ 2241:^ 2196:^ 2167:^ 2113:^ 2095:^ 2067:^ 2049:^ 1979:^ 1963:^ 1921:^ 1892:^ 1874:^ 1845:^ 1654:^ 1609:, 1567:^ 1471:^ 1444:^ 1407:^ 1334:, 1330:, 897:, 790:, 557:. 152:, 140:. 77:. 2842:. 2820:) 2800:. 2785:. 2716:. 2701:. 2672:. 2644:. 1763:. 1736:. 1709:. 1060:" 1001:( 740:( 713:( 660:" 596:( 171:( 23:.

Index

Gerhard A. Ritter
Bad Sooden-Allendorf
Freiburg
historian
University of Freiburg
Hermann Oncken
Lutheran
Martin Luther
Prussia
German People's Party
Weimar Republic
monarchist
German Empire
democracy
totalitarianism
authoritarian
Catholicism
Nazi regime
Fritz Fischer
American Historical Association
Bad Sooden-Allendorf
Hesse
Lutheran
gymnasium
GĂĽtersloh
Munich
Heidelberg
Leipzig
Hermann Oncken
PhD

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