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490:. This is a concept that was foundational to the philosophy of the Founding Fathers and the Constitution but was largely simplified in these essays for the sake of accessibility and brevity. In this context, Jay considered the ceding of some natural rights to be the cost for a functional government. Jay's thoughts on the willing sacrifice of rights suggests support for the arguments of
268:, which he describes as more unified and more carefully planned. He also credits the members of this convention as being highly qualified and motivated purely by "love for their country". Jay reminds the reader that their plan should not be blindly accepted or opposed but carefully considered, likening it to the debate following the
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were not sufficient for a national government, as they had been created in the midst of a war, and that the
Constitutional Convention took place in a calmer national environment that allowed for deeper consideration. He worked on the same assumption as Hamilton that failure to ratify the constitution
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and other controversial interpretations of
American society, prioritizing persuasive effect over accuracy. His claims regarding a single ethnic and religious background were exaggerated, given the various national ancestries and religious denominations in colonial America, and his claim of political
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in this essay is entirely uncritical, seeking to promote the cause of ratification with the reputation of his colleagues as capable leaders. He insists that any application of reason alone will find unanimous support for the constitution, and that the delegates of the
Constitutional Convention were
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many years later. Jay pointed to the contiguity of the states and the geographic features that facilitate contact between them as evidence for a destiny of unity, describing these advantages as the will of providence. He also argued that the states had since worked together successfully, citing the
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claim that
Americans were too different to form a single nation, and Jay maintained that Anti-Federalists did not understand or did not care about the fate of the American nation. Federalist No. 2 is limited in its criticism of opponents, instead expressing worry about the consequences should unity
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was challenged, saying that it had "until lately been a received and uncontradicted opinion". He accused Anti-Federalists of being politicians that sought division rather than unity, describing them as only following personal interest or failing to understand the consequences of their actions. He
410:, which argued that Americans were too different from one another to form a single nation. In particular, Jay seized upon the idea that different industries necessitated different cultures, arguing that it actually promoted trade between the states and made national identity stronger. Addressing
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presence that existed even after the revolution. He ultimately considered these aspects to be secondary to the shared experience of colonial history and revolution as well as what he saw as a shared destiny. Jay also exaggerated the historical nature of
American unity in Federalist No. 2, as the
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was tasked with first developing the idea of a national identity in
Federalist No. 2. At the time Jay wrote Federalist No. 2, he was "America's leading foreign policy expert", which may have influenced his decision to write the essay on the subject of the advantages of unity between the states.
443:
Federalist No. 2 took a softer and more optimistic tone compared to
Federalist No. 1, covering many of the same ideas in a way that sought to invite harmony among competing factions rather than to insist upon its claims. Jay's condemnation of his political opponents are left more vague than in
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on the requirement that an applicant is "attached to the principles of the
Constitution of the United States". The arguments of national unity and homogeneity in the United States would go on to be challenged by civil conflict in the United States with the onset of the
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congresses that had formed since the First
Continental Congress. Jay believed that the political ideas and identity of the American Revolution directly corresponded to those of the federalist movement. He emphasized a view that would be repeated throughout the
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Federalist No. 2 was followed by three more essays that continued on the same topic. Since its publication, the conception of nationality presented in
Federalist No. 2 has been a persistent issue in American politics. It relates directly to debates of
448:, creating a picture of the states that lent itself to the idea of unity. When addressing the potential of failure, Jay approaches it with sorrow rather than the anger expressed by Hamilton. At the end of the essay, Jay invoked a quote from
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Jay begins by emphasizing the importance of deciding whether the states should be united or separate. He argues that popular opinion has always been in favor of unity until politicians challenged the idea. He then provides arguments that
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Hamilton's previous essay, and they are seen as less of a threat to the union. By portraying them in this way, he is able to present himself as above the dispute rather than as a partisan attacking his opponents. Jay instead prioritized
382:, the state governments were often in disunity and the people had very little say in federal government. Jay's appeal to nationhood resembled the nation that he wished to create rather than one that existed at the time.
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has intended for the states to be one nation, citing both physical and cultural contiguity. He also describes a shared political history in which the states entered into revolution and governance as one nation.
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that allows a people to engage in reflection to choose their own government and their national identity. The philosophical relationship between rights and governance received little attention in future
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Jay turns to the method of governance between the states, describing the government to that point as one formed urgently in a time of conflict. He compares this to the process undertaken at the
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272:. He argues that every congress since then has supported unity and that this is the will of the people. He concludes that failure to support the proposed constitution would result in disunity.
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would guarantee disunity between the states. Anti-Federalists proposed amendment of the Articles of Confederation instead of total disunity, but the impression created by the
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compared the Anti-Federalists to the Loyalists of the revolution, arguing that their opposition to ratification could be likened to Loyalist opposition to independence.
514:, as their interest was how government should use its powers rather than if it should have them. The concept's practical use to the Founding Fathers was limited to the
570:. The issue of a single national identity has been a persistent issue in American politics, with disputes considering whether such an identity can be based purely in
542:, which all continued on the same subject. The themes of Americans as a singular people and the importance of unity among them were revisited by Hamilton in
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that Americans were a national community with a common interest that necessitated unity. This idea was a direct response to one of the main ideas of the
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Edling, Max M. (2020). ""A Vigorous National Government": Hamilton on Security, War, and Revenue". In Rakove, Jack N.; Sheehan, Colleen A. (eds.).
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Jay accepted that a government must be enforced, but he argued that it was the decision of Americans to enforce their own government through the
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with shared ancestors, language, philosophy, and customs. Jay's analysis of what constituted a nation, closely resembled that used by
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were published. Federalist No. 2 established the premise of nationhood that would persist through the series, addressing the issue of
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Taylor, Quentin P. (2020). "John Jay, The Federalist, and the Constitution". In Rakove, Jack N.; Sheehan, Colleen A. (eds.).
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that the people are almost unanimous in their ideals and that there is a single popular will that guides the United States.
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and the establishment of government, and its invocation in Federalist No. 2 does not extend beyond this aspect.
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became widely accepted. This was a rhetorical strategy often used by Jay, in which he presented the issue as a
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Siemers, David J. (2020). "Publius and the Anti-Federalists". In Rakove, Jack N.; Sheehan, Colleen A. (eds.).
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Federalist No. 2 defines Jay's concept of a single American nationality, which he sees as brought together by
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provided a better forum for the creation of a government because it was convened in peacetime.
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to have been released at this point, was only an introduction to the series. As such,
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The Federalist's Vision of Popular Sovereignty in the New American Republic
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Federalist No. 2 was one of the early papers that addressed the issue of
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An Argument Open to All: Reading "The Federalist" in the 21st Century
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882:"The Forgotten Publius: John Jay and the Aesthetics of Ratification"
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and persuading New York to ratify it. It was first published in the
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codified the idea of an American national identity, stipulating
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One United People: The Federalist Papers and the National Idea
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596:"Federalist Papers: Primary Documents in American History"
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that liberty had been too heavily emphasized during the
414:, Jay argued that it was only recently that the idea of
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rather than the people "as with one voice". Prior to
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between the states that would persist throughout the
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Concerning Dangers From Foreign Force and Influence
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Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence
402:Federalist No. 2 established the main idea of the
227:, an otherwise important concept that guided the
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1034:The Cambridge Companion to the Federalist Papers
1007:Philosophy, The Federalist, and the Constitution
922:The Cambridge Companion to the Federalist Papers
717:The Cambridge Companion to the Federalist Papers
360:Some of the arguments used by Jay depended upon
951:"Are There Natural Rights in "The Federalist"?"
435:to present his answer as the only correct one.
720:. Cambridge University Press. pp. 59–64.
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470:in possession of such reason. It also took a
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247:that contradicted Jay's conception of unity.
243:, and it was most directly challenged by the
530:going forward. It was directly followed by
288:, Federalist No. 2 was published under the
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1037:. Cambridge University Press. p. 30.
925:. Cambridge University Press. p. 88.
621:"Federalist Essays in Historic Newspapers"
386:Counterpoint to the Anti-Federalist Papers
191:(New York) on October 31, 1787, under the
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816:. Yale University Press. pp. 12–17.
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752:. A&C Black. pp. 53–54, 61–62.
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1010:. Oxford University Press. p. 26.
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810:Levinson, Sanford (November 24, 2015).
749:The Federalist Papers: A Reader's Guide
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