38:
202:, though the Church, in his eyes, consisted in the mass of believers (since the Church was founded mainly on Christ and only secondarily on Saint Peter); he considered that the Church could have “neither spot nor stain” and that it could not err. The pope could not be judged, save in case of heresy (determined by the cardinals) since he then became “less than the last of Christians” (but the heresy must be public); otherwise, the pope’s judgment prevailed over that of the
532:
210:, he alleged that clerics could not be brought before a lay court in feudal matters. Nevertheless he accorded an independence to the emperor (and he put kings and cities on the same level), since the two powers came from God: he thought that the emperor drew his legitimacy from election and that coronation by the pope simply authorized him to change his title from “king of Germany” to “emperor”. The pope could depose the emperor (
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created no vested right for the emperor) since, although the two powers came from God (Christ had acted as king and priest) and although the Empire had existed before the papacy, the spiritual sword remained superior to temporal authority and it was this superiority that authorized the (measured)
282:, published posthumously in 1769. However, it has been challenged by Wolfgang MĂĽller. While there is too little biographical evidence to be certain either way, MĂĽller argues that the canon lawyer who went on to become Bishop of Ferrara is to be distinguished from the grammarian who was born in
206:(likewise, in case of opposition between all the bishops of a Church and the pope, it was the latter who prevailed). In relations between Church and Empire, Huguccio comes across as a partisan of the Holy See; thus, against the
133:, concluded according to some in 1187, according to others after 1190, the most extensive and perhaps the most authoritative commentary of that time. He omits, however, in the commentary the second part of the Causae of the
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is a good example of this) and indeed the whole political and religious reality of Europe. An ardent defender of the independence of the Church, he put the pope at the summit of the
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contains opinions (i.e. Causa 27, quaestio 1, chapter 23, ad v; Distinction 23, chapter 25; Causa 33, quaestio 5, chapter 13) about deaconesses, women, and hermaphrodites.
194:. Huguccio’s work constitutes a sort of apogee that would influence not just the Anglo-Norman school but also, directly or indirectly, all later canon law (the bull
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Charles de
Miramon, “Innocent III, Huguccio de Ferrare et Hubert de Pirovano: Droit canonique, théologie et philosophie à Bologne dans les années 1180,” in
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Huguccio argued, in a widely known opinion, that a pope who fell into heresy automatically lost his see, without the necessity of a formal judgment.
79:, and taught canon law in the same city, perhaps in the school connected with the monastery of SS. Nabore e Felice. He is believed to have become
218:), but his subjects could never do so; nevertheless, the emperor did not have the same faculty vis-Ă -vis the pope (the privilege accorded by
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90:, who held him in high esteem as is shown by the important cases which the pontiff submitted to him, traces of which still remain in the "
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278:. This identification of the two Huguccios as the same man dates back to a short biography compiled by the Italian historian
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314:. Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Canon Law. Vol. 3. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press.
454:
See Darko
Senekovic, "Ugutius "Magnae derivationes" – über den Erfolg einer lexikographischen Sprachphilosophie," In:
299:, ed. Wolfgang P. MĂĽller and Mary E. Sommar, Washington, D. C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2006, 320-346.
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Medieval Church Law and the
Origins of the Western Legal Tradition. A Tribute to Kenneth Pennington
112:, 8, X,III,41). However, Innocent probably was not well acquainted with Huguccio's ideas on the
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98:, 34, X, I, 29). Two letters addressed by Innocent III to Huguccio were inserted in the
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intervention of the pope in temporal affairs. Huguccio was also interested in the
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The
Exclusion of Women from the Priesthood: Divine Law or Sex Discrimination
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Huguccio the canon lawyer has traditionally been identified with the
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The history of medieval canon law in the classical period, 1140-1234
535: This article incorporates text from a publication now in the
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Huguccio: the life, works, and thought of a twelfth-century jurist
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306:, Washington, D. C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2008.
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For an excerpt from this text with an
English translation, see
403:, I: Distinctiones I-XX, ed. O. Přerovský, Vatican City 2006.
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Among his supposed pupils was
Lotario de' Conti, afterwards
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of
Gratian, Causae xxiii-xxvi, a gap which was filled by
186:, political practice as it had developed at the time of
434:. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press. pp. 7–8, 61–66.
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30:"Uguccione" redirects here. For other uses, see
420:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1955).
491:. Vol. 7: Hol–Jub (2 ed.). Detroit:
399:For a recent edition, see Huguccio Pisanus,
59: – died 1210) was an Italian
585:13th-century Italian Roman Catholic bishops
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258:). The grammarian's principal work was the
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416:printed in Appendix 1 of Brian Tierney,
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500:Bisanti, Armando; Sol, Thierry (2020).
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551:. New York: Robert Appleton Company.
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418:Foundations of the Conciliar Theory
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481:Stickler, A. M. (2003).
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