189:
452:
384:
envisioned the coup as aiming to topple the government, not the
Republic. A vague practical compromise was agreed; following the victorious coup Barrera would create a committee assuming supreme power, headed by himself with Cavalcanti and Fernandez Perez forming part; their task was to restore public order. What would happen next is not clear. According to some scholars, the conspirators planned to replace the Azaña cabinet with a government headed by a politician considered more moderate, most likely Lerroux. According to the others, provisional military authority was supposed to organize elections to Cortes Constituentes; this in turn might or might not lead to a monarchical restoration.
393:
315:
pre-emptive strike, he would be better off allowing the coup to unfold, effectively setting up a trap. Apart from ensuring that loyal commanders were on alert and loyal units were stationed near key points, in late July he relieved a number of high-command officers, some of them conspiracy members, following the
Carabanchel incident. Goded resigned himself in act of solidarity, replaced by a new fully loyal chief of staff. On August 9 Azaña was already fully informed about the decision taken the previous day by the plotters; he forewarned generals in provincial capitals, e.g. in Zaragoza, Barcelona, and Cadiz, and made sure loyal security units were located near the Ministry of War.
658:
681:. Future conspirators concluded that any action should not rely on retired or off-duty generals but must be organized by officers holding key command positions, as indeed would be the case 4 years later. As the coup was about military rebels having been defeated by military loyalists, would-be future plotters overfocused on the army; they disregarded potential for popular resistance, which in 1936 would prove decisive in opposing the insurgents. For Gil-Robles Sanjurjada demonstrated utter nonsense of violent means and reinforced penchant for constitutional path, pursued later by
516:
assault on integrity of Spain, and to street violence as to chaos and the rule of criminals. Claiming responsibility for the country, the document pledged loyalty to the
Republican system, but declared Cortes illegal from the very onset. It pledged to restore order, tranquility and social justice by means of discipline and the rule of law; it declared formation of a provisional governing Junta, which would hand over power to a new, legitimate parliament elected by the people. The document contained not a single reference either to monarchy or to religion.
28:
228:. A contemporary scholar distinguished between 3 different lobbying groups pursuing 3 paths: a "constitutional" revolt aimed at installing a new less radical regime, a coup leading to monarchist restoration and a technical "rectification" of the Republic, equidistant between the former two. Another author suggests there were 2 strands, an Alfonsist one and a "constitutionalist" one, though initially all that was rather secondary to generally corporative nature of the growing dissatisfaction.
479:, the most determined of the loyalists, was disarmed before he could take action. With no opposition, Sanjurjo moved his command post to Capitania General building at Plaza de la Gavidia, declared state of war, gave press interviews, issued a manifesto and started appointing new civil and military authorities in the province. At 10 AM he was in full control, aware of the Madrid failure but unclear about other provincial capitals. He was also aware that the rebels seized control in
324:
212:, was aimed at scaling down an overgrown officer corps, structural reform and bringing the armed forces firmly under the civilian control. This, combined with Azaña's patronising, if not contemptuous, rhetoric, proved fertile soil for growth of corporative disenchantment. The government confronted the dissent with few arrests, a number of personal reassignments and a handful of new regulations, which tightened its grip on the army further on.
464:
initiating the insurgency. The key reason, however, was that the conspiracy network in provincial capitals was skimpy and that the government took appropriate precautionary steps. On August 9 Azaña alerted all trusted provincial commanders about the forthcoming coup, resulting in extra measures undertaken to ensure nothing unexpected happens. As a result, even the officers determined to act found it semi-suicidal to commence rebellion.
613:
496:
693:
already unstable boat of
Spanish politics. It was the first major attempt against the Republican constitutional order – thought not against the Republic itself - and soon it would prove the point of reference for the Right and for the Left, both sides plotting their own subversive schemes. There are students who compare Sanjurjada to 19th-century Spanish pronunciamientos: military-driven, politically ambiguous,
361:; in case of a stalemate in Madrid, they were supposed to send rebel reinforcements to the capital. The rebels did not expect major opposition; they assumed the government would give in, militant workers would be overwhelmed before they could take action and most of the army would remain passive. There was little if any bloodshed anticipated. Though some military thought the plan an outdated
621:
troops, stepped back when faced with the perspective of a civil war. The total number of fatal casualties is usually given as around 10, all of them result of the Madrid clashes: some sources claim 2 officers and 7 soldiers, others count in also 2 rebel civilians. An unclear number of wounded, probably around 20–30, was recorded. As no artillery was used, there were no major damages.
1696:, Barcelona 2004, p. 38. The list did not include violence not related to open insurgency; the Seville general strike of July 1931 produced 10 casualties, the national farm strike in 1934 resulted in 13 dead, the anarchist bombing attempt against Seville-Barcelona train (January 1934) killed 20 and street violence between February and July 1936 caused some 270 deaths
637:
at most few weeks. The government took advantage of the coup to crack down on most centers of perceived anti-Republican activity, either involved in the conspiracy or not: some 130 newspapers were closed, usually temporarily, and most premises belonging to parties and organizations deemed involved were shut down.
545:
1683:
the number of killed in other attempts was as follows: Asturias revolution (October 1934): 1,500, anarchist insurrection (December 1933): 90, anarchist insurrection (January 1933): 80, anarchist unrest in
Barcelona and elsewhere (May 1931): 30, anarchist insurrection in Alto Llobregat (January 1932):
701:
itself. In
Marxist historiography the coup is presented as a counter-revolutionary attempt financed by oligarchy of landowners, though also in many other scholarly works Sanjurjada is lined-up in a history of right-wing violence, increasingly flavored with authoritarian trends. There are scholars who
624:
Key conspirators captured were trialed: Esteban-Infantes was sentenced to 12 years in prison, Garcia de Herrán to lifetime incarceration and
Sanjurjo received death penalty, soon commuted to life imprisonment. Since the Republican legal system did not allow trials in absentia, leaders who fled Spain,
531:
was nominated the new civil governor while others were appointed either to ayuntamiento or to some military positions, both in the city or in the controlled areas. No systematic repressive action was organized, though in the afternoon mounted police was sent to disperse the proletarian crowd, heading
515:
in 1930. Grandiose and verbose in terms of style but enigmatic and vague in terms of contents, it lambasted the regime as based on social injustice and unlawful despotism, producing nothing but suffering and misery of the millions. In veiled language it made references to autonomous regulations as to
400:
The conspirators were aware of the sketchy nature of their plan, but they feared that delay would lead to arrests and decimate the command structure; the moment of rebellion was set at 4 AM, August 10, 1932. During the night
Barrera, Cavalcanti and Fernandez Perez placed themselves in one of the
636:
382 families deemed involved in the coup were expropriated; since almost all were landholders, their former estates became subject to agrarian reform. Taking advantage of administrative measures available under the
Republican law, provincial civil governors detained some 5,000 people for few days or
578:
In the late afternoon
Sanjurjo was already aware that the coup failed not only in Madrid but also in all other provincial garrisons; he also learnt about government units heading towards Seville. Despite the news, he seemed determined to fight off the loyalists. Due to his decisive and valiant stand
433:
before the rebels marched in. The shootout lasted around 30 minutes before loyalist units outflanked the rebels and started to advance from other neighboring streets. At this point the rebels acknowledged defeat; some started to flee, some were wounded and most of them surrendered. Azaña watched the
1041:
Goded, when attending a ceremony at military school, concluded his address with „now there only remains for me to give a viva España, and nothing more”, which was widely perceived as an anti-republican snub. Following a brawl with pro-Republican colonel the latter was arrested and a scandal ensued.
669:
Though the coup failed, its outcome significantly contributed to the future sequence of events. Perhaps its most important result was further radicalization of the Left; ensured that reaction would never come to terms with the Republican regime, their propaganda embraced increasingly sectarian tone
791:
one of the regulations adopted in the spring of 1932 authorized the government to retire any general who remained for 6 months with no assignment; another empowered the cabinet to cancel the salary of military guilty of activity proscribed in Law on the Defense of the Republic; yet another ordered
692:
There are conflicting views on long-term impact of the coup on stability of the Republic. Some authors maintain that it strengthened the regime and helped to consolidate the forces supporting it. Others claim that the coup and Azaña's strategy to let it develop weakened the Republic by rocking the
554:
Though the government lost control in Seville, Azaña and his staff were determined to regain it. Two regiments of infantry and further artillery units, all led by trusted commanders, were assembled in Madrid. In the early afternoon of August 10 they were loaded onto trains and departed towards the
1491:
the rebels encountered no resistance and seized control in the early hours of August 10, but remained undecided as to future steps. When it became clear that the provincial capital Cadiz was firmly controlled by the loyalists, in Jerez the troops returned to the barracks. On mid-day August 10 the
965:
the position of Lerroux is one of the greatest question marks related to the coup. It seems he was prepared to accept leadership if offered to him by victorious rebels, but until that moment he preferred to stay clear of conspiracy so that he could claim no involvement in case of failure, Townson
503:
The rebel control of Seville lasted no longer than 24 hours and hence, it is hardly possible to tell how their rule would unfold. However, Sanjurjo took some measures which allow a glimpse into his vision of the future Spain and which are at times referred to when judging political leaning of the
463:
In almost none of the provincial garrisons there was any rebellious action recorded. One of the reasons was that the decision to rise did not reach some local conspirators; also, many of them remained vacillating and in fact preferred to join the already successful action than to take the risk of
442:
seeking a long-distance aircraft which would take him to Seville, but having failed he returned to Pamplona and flew back to Madrid, where he spent the night. Informed that Sanjurjo had been detained he dismissed the news as false and flew to Seville, due to lack of fuel landing on an improvised
314:
Due to rather loose discipline among the conspirators their talks became sort of a public secret; the government was aware of the conspiracy also thanks to a well developed network of informers. Prime Minister Azaña judged that the plotters lacked extensive backing and that instead of mounting a
467:
The only major urban centre in Spain where the coup triumphed was Seville. It was Sanjurjo appointed to lead the rebels in the city and back in July he established his operational network in the garrison. Having left Madrid in the afternoon of August 9, he arrived in Seville around 5 AM on
383:
Political vision of the conspirators is extremely unclear. Among many conflicts emerging during the planning phase, the key one was that between the monarchists and the republicans, the former headed by Barrera and the latter by Goded. The republicans seemed to prevail; most of the conspirators
620:
Compared to other instances of violent anti-government insurgency of the Second Republic the coup did not produce massive bloodshed, first because the government monitored the plot and contained insurgency before it could unfold, but also because Sanjurjo, the only rebel commanding significant
468:
August 10. Having set his provisional headquarters at a private estate, he sent envoys to both civil governor and military commander, demanding compliance. There are conflicting accounts on their position: according to some they refused, according to the others they assumed an ambiguous stand.
215:
There is little indication that growing opposition among some of the generals was fuelled by ongoing political controversies, especially the problems of agrarian reform, relations between state and church, re-defining labor regulations and ambitions of peripheral nationalisms. It was rather
587:
Around 1 AM on August 11, two of his high commanding officers informed Sanjurjo that given the circumstances, they were not prepared to engage in what looked like a forthcoming fratricidal battle. According to one author he declared leaving to ensure compliance of the
401:
buildings next to the Ministry of War. Despite the plan, no organized military sub-unit showed up in the very early morning hours in the neighborhood; instead, rather loose groups of some 100 officers and civilians attempted to enter the building using the back entrance at
1415:
to deceive the authorities he booked accommodation in Hotel Cristina in Madrid. Upon arrival in Seville and having been met by pre-agreed conspirators, he settled at a chalet named Casablanca at Paseo de la Palmera, property of marquesa de Esquivel, Alvarez Rey 1993, p.
204:, which had compromised and discredited the army, most military men preferred to stay clear of politics. It was only when the new regime was set on a firmly leftward course and started to target the army for serious reform that voices of dissent started to be heard. A
1013:
the Carlist requeté instructor, Sanz de Lerín, took part in the final meeting of the conspirators on August 8. According to some sources he pledged 6,000 Navarrese requetes in support of the insurgency, but other scholars claim this is „a myth”, Blinkhorn 2008, p.
380:. Little is known about outcome of these talks; some authors claim Ansaldo was promised 200 machine-guns and some suggest that a shipment from Italy might have been already sent; confirmed or not, no foreign impact on the future developments has been proven.
244:
Since the late 1931 a number of officers have been discussing a possible coup. The talks, carried out in private and in public, until the early summer of 1932 were a loose sequence of meetings. The conspirators holding highest positions were chief of staff
199:
The Spanish military greeted the advent of the Republic with little enthusiasm, though also with no particular hostility. The officer corps tended to be rather monarchist than republican and rather conservative than liberal, but following last years of the
604:, were detained near Huelva around 4:30 AM. During the early morning hours of August 11 the rebel troops in Seville surrendered. Just like the previous morning, when Sanjurjo was taking over the city, no shot was fired and no casualty was recorded.
928:
e.g. colonel Varela to lead in Cádfiz, see Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, pp. 897-899, colonel Ricardo Serrador to lead assault on ministry of war, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 60, or colonel Sanz de Lerín to lead the requetés in Pamplona, Martínez Bande 2011, p.
412:
None of the infantry and cavalry regiments supposed to rise did. The only sub-unit which rose to arms was Depósito de Remonta; its company with some 70 soldiers commanded by colonel Martinez de Baños marched out from the barracks towards
583:
nicknamed "Lion of the Rif", he issued first engagement orders. However, as the night was getting late he started to realize that isolated and with government apparently determined to act, his position was getting very difficult.
649:, formation serving mostly as border guards and uninvolved in the coup, but since February 1932 headed by Sanjurjo, were moved to the Ministry of Finance and similarly, Guardia Civil were transferred to the Ministry of Interior.
644:
was a reliable and loyal republican guard; the formation was further expanded to 10,000. On the other hand, it was decided to decrease the powers of Minister of War and split control over other armed uniformed branches:
575:. Commanders of neighboring garrisons, Cádiz in particular, issued orders to prepare for combat. In the evening first loyalist units started to deploy South of Seville and the city trade unions declared general strike.
345:, declare state of war and move on to seize other key spots in the capital. At the same time, other military conspirators were tasked with taking control of a number of provincial garrisons, the key ones in Seville,
179:
took control for some 24 hours but acknowledged defeat when faced with resolute governmental response. Due to his brief success and attention given during following trials, the entire coup was later named after him.
670:
and spurred belligerency of the party militias. Amnesty to those involved in Sanjurjada became key program of the Right during the 1933 elections, leading to further, bi-polar division of political scene.
625:
including Barrera, were effectively barred from re-entering the country and condemned to exile. Some 200 officers were brought to trial; ultimately 144 of them, plus some civilians, were deported to the
437:
Undetected, Barrera, Cavalcanti and Fernandez Perez left their hideout. As was initially agreed in case of failure, Barrera took a prepared plane to Pamplona. Since the city remained calm he made it to
528:
1957:
earlier works noted allegedly "evidently monarchist hue of the uprising", Townson 2000, p. 133, but latest works claim this is clearly not correct, see Comellas García-Llera 2014, p. 429
333:
The rebel plan relied on decisive action of few determined officers in some key garrisons; Barrera would act as the supreme military authority. In Madrid, conspirators counted on two
1069:
1. Regimiento de Infantería (stationed at Cuartel del Pacífico barracks, commanded by colonel Pablo Martín Alonso) and 6. Regimiento (Cuartel de Rosales, colonel Francisco de Borbón)
1269:, p. 31. The two rebel civilians shot in Madrid on August 10, José María Triana and Justo San Miguel, were members of the Carlist academic organisation AET, Javier Ugarte Tellería,
237:
689:
half a year later. Last but not least, the events elevated Sanjurjo to symbolic champion of later conspiracy, resulting in his appointment to nominal leader of the 1936 coup.
250:
1042:
Goded received written support notes from a number of provincial commanding officers. It was exactly those officers that were later relieved from duty, Payne 1993, p. 98
947:
the first to be named is a tobacco tycoon Juan March; his direct involvement has never been proven, though it is considered almost certain, Townson 2000, pp. 141-2
311:
taking part, though some Carlists individually pledged support. The conspiracy climaxed in a meeting of August 8 in Madrid, when final decision to act was taken.
592:
garrison, according to another he conceded defeat and released his subordinates from all obligations. Soon afterwards, having boarded a car with his son and his
697:
in concept, with restoring order as key rationale and no popular mobilisation involved. Others consider it rather preconfiguration of the 1936 coup if not the
405:. They were fired at by the sentries, suffered first losses and started to withdraw. Another, smaller group of equally disorganized rebels entered the nearby
519:
Sanjurjo dismissed both the civil governor and the military commander; he conducted talks with local established conservative politicians, either related to
2228:
792:
review of sentences decreed by the army court of honor prior to 1931, a move intended to counter supposed purges of left-wing officers, Payne 1993, p. 97
443:
airfield. As his pilot managed to get petrol, on August 12 Barrera flew back to Madrid and, disguised, made it to France by way of cars and buses.
278:
1230:
23.02.05; Lerroux himself wanted to get rid of the socialists, intending to topple the government, but not the republic, Antelo Fraga 1982, p. 261
673:
Azaña rested in his disdainful confidence that the military were pathetic failures, which would lead to his complacency and self-assurance in the
270:
1349:
during talks with the Carlist executive, lasting for few hours, Barrera again failed to convince the Carlists to move in, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 91
2213:
1528:
471:
Faced with a possible stalemate, Sanjurjo decided to act. He showed up at Plaza de España, acclaimed by local Guardia Civil; his aide,
167:) was a military coup staged in Spain on August 10, 1932. It was aimed at toppling the government but not necessarily at toppling the
303:. Some, also aware, have clearly refused to take part but took no action against the conspirators. The emerging centre-right leader
527:, some of them landholders, former diputación dignitaries and monarchists. However, he seemed to have most trust in the Carlists;
304:
295:
A number of political heavyweights were at least aware of the conspiracy but assumed an ambiguous stand, the key ones having been
262:
188:
1248:
Martínez Bande 2011, p. 62; according to some they were Barrera, Cavalcanti and general Coronel, Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 902
633:, few released as late as the fall of 1933. Around 300 officers considered accomplices not involved were stripped of command.
417:, where they met insurgents withdrawing from earlier failed attempts; the group grew to some 300 men. At that time, colonel
292:, and possibly few industrial tycoons. Stanley Payne estimates that only around 5% of the officer corps supported the coup.
300:
369:
685:. Own successful decisiveness when repelling the rebels might have given Arturo Menéndez excessive confidence during the
1492:
loyalists were back in command, and proceeded to detain these involved in the coup. Details in Joaquín Gil Honduvilla,
729:
472:
1494:
Los sucesos de Jerez de la Frontera en la sublevación del 10 de agosto de 1932: el 28 tercio móvil de la Guardia Civil
451:
205:
2243:
2176:
2161:
2088:
2050:
2029:
2017:
1945:
1924:
1903:
1855:
1825:
1813:
1452:
1403:
1266:
1201:
1162:
1141:
1001:
849:
819:
761:
342:
1425:
compare accounts of Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 902, Martínez Bande 2011, pp. 61-62 or Alvarez Rey 1993, pp. 253-255
1174:
e.g. the military v. civilians, the africanistas v. junteros, the monarchists v. republicans, Townson 2000, p. 132
1575:
703:
520:
307:
rejected the scheme from the onset and the official Carlist executive withdrew from initial informal talks about
2095:
La incidencia del pronunciamiento de Sanjurjo sobre la formulación del accidentalismo político de Acción Popular
977:
La incidencia del pronunciamiento de Sanjurjo sobre la formulación del accidentalismo político de Acción Popular
365:, others considered prestige of some participants, especially Sanjurjo and Barrera, sufficient to win the army.
2190:
2074:
475:, did the same in the Zapateros barracks. From that moment most units in the city adhered to the coup; colonel
409:
hoping to take command of Guardia Civil stationed there, but some were taken prisoner and the others withdrew.
1984:
compare Dolores Ibárruri, Manuel Azcárate, Luis Balaguer, Antonio Cordón, Irene Falcón, José Sandoval (eds.),
1557:
José María García de Paredes was nominated secretario particular of the ayuntamiento, Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 256
258:
171:. Following brief clashes it was easily suppressed in Madrid. Hardly any action was recorded elsewhere except
507:
In the morning of August 10 he issued a manifesto, the only public statement of the rebels. It was edited by
422:
266:
657:
2154:
Los procesos célebres seguidos ante el Tribunal Supremo en sus doscientos años de historia: siglos XIX y XX
641:
2067:
A las órdenes de vuecencia: autobiografía del intérprete de los generales Muñoz Grandes y Esteban-Infantes
1578:
was nominated alcalde of Jerez de la Frontera, Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 256. Other Carlists involved included
1376:
e.g. warning Sánchez Ocaña in Zaragoza, Balet in Barcelona, Mena in Cadiz, Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 901
1816:, p. 429; on the Right, Sanjurjada rather reinforced the constitutionalists, see e.g. Julián Sanz Hoya,
2238:
392:
289:
1966:
see e.g. comparisons between the Sanjurjo coup of 1932 and the Asturian revolution of 1934 in Moa 2006
734:
674:
508:
418:
580:
1818:
De la resistencia a la reacción: las derechas frente a la Segunda República (Cantabria, 1931–1936)
597:
524:
249:
and head of Carabineros, José Sanjurjo; others commanded field units or garrisons, like generals
192:
168:
899:
Africanistas y junteros: el ejercito español en Africa y el oficial José Enrique Varela Iglesias
2233:
630:
484:
476:
414:
201:
1394:
Sanjurjo left Madrid in the afternoon of 9 August 4 PM in two cars, Leandro Alvarez Rey,
434:
events unfold from the upper floor of the ministry; by 8 AM the coup in Madrid was over.
1583:
686:
678:
221:
2139:
Nuevas aportaciones sobre los procesos incoados con motivo del golpe de 10 de agosto de 1932
274:
480:
373:
216:
politicians who attempted to bank on frustration of the military, some of them second-rank
567:
were swiftly brought from Africa to Cadiz and an aviation bombing unit was relocated from
8:
2043:
The Spanish Second Republic Revisited: From Democratic Hopes to the Civil War (1931–1936)
2183:
El General Sanjurjo, héroe y víctima: el militar que pudo evitar la dictadura franquista
1259:
Estudiantes y obreros carlistas durante la dictadura franquista. La AET, el MOT y la FOS
812:
The Crisis of Democracy in Spain: Centrist Politics Under the Second Republic, 1931–1936
208:, introduced since 1931 by the Prime Minister and the minister of war at the same time,
402:
1630:
coronel Rodríguez Polanco and teniente coronel Muñoz Tassara, Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 260
2186:
2172:
2157:
2084:
2070:
2046:
2025:
2013:
1941:
1920:
1899:
1851:
1821:
1809:
1448:
1399:
1262:
1197:
1158:
1137:
997:
845:
815:
757:
724:
698:
426:
327:
296:
283:
146:
103:
27:
1579:
572:
430:
163:
142:
719:
176:
32:
861:
in the plan supposed to lead the insurgency in Madrid, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 61
483:, a city in the neighboring province of Cádiz; the local Guardia Civil commander
396:
Cibeles, key battlefield of the coup. Ministry is the reddish building back-right
362:
548:
511:
and allegedly modeled on the manifesto prepared by the Republican rebels in the
209:
98:
1155:
El eclipse de la democracia: la Guerra Civil española y sus orígenes, 1931–1939
626:
1257:
probably many of them young Carlists, members of AET, Josep Miralles Climent,
2222:
694:
677:. The rebellion seriously weakened Lerroux, commencing disintegration of the
512:
425:, commanding from the ministry building, managed to deploy Guardia Civil and
406:
338:
337:
regiments, two cavalry regiments, smaller auxiliary units and one tercio of
323:
1566:
e.g. Luis Redondo and José María Onrubia Anguiano, Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 256
593:
533:
254:
246:
288:, some lower-rank officers, a handful of second-rate politicians, chiefly
646:
377:
2022:
Spanish Fascism in the Franco Era: Falange Española de las Jons, 1936–76
1087:
Deposito de Remonta and the staff manning military prison in San Rosario
308:
544:
350:
1694:
Comienza la guerra civil. El PSOE y la Ezquerra emprenden la contienda
2197:
Don José Antón en el proceso del General Sanjurjo y su voto reservado
2010:
El holocausto español: Odio y exterminio en la Guerra Civil y después
568:
564:
556:
217:
2169:
Los años críticos: República, conspiración, revolución y alzamiento
897:
commander of the 1. infantry division, Antonio Atienza Peñarrocha,
842:
Los años críticos: República, conspiración, revolución y alzamiento
662:
612:
601:
495:
439:
346:
334:
225:
358:
1445:
El coronel Puigdengolas y la batalla de Badajoz: (agosto de 1936)
707:
456:
354:
236:
172:
60:
1023:
in Palacio de conde de Moriles, Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 901
589:
56:
1938:
El quiebro del PSOE (1933–1934): Del gobierno a la revolución
1527:
for the entire text, see alianzaeditorial service, available
560:
682:
600:, they left Westbound. All three, suspected of fleeing to
341:. Detached sub-units were supposed to take control of the
1948:, p. 306, Townson 2000, p. 145, Sancho Flórez 1997, p. 61
1705:
Ruiz Manjón-Cabeza 1986, p. 23, also Townson 2000, p. 130
128:
Most centre-republican parties and some left-wing parties
2117:
Huelva, al final de la huida de Sanjurjo. Verano de 1932
1668:
Huelva, el final de la huida de Sanjurjo. Verano de 1932
1078:
2. and 3. Regimientos de Caballería of Alcalá de Henares
956:
Browne, Harry. Spain's civil war. Routledge, 2014, p.15
754:
Spain's First Democracy: The Second Republic, 1931–1936
368:
In April 1932 the conspirators sought support from the
1304:
jefe de gabinete militar, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 60-1
1686:
Political Violence during the Spanish Second Republic
2128:
19 de agosto de 1932: el general Sanjurjo en Sevilla
1434:
Martínez Bande 2011, p. 62, Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 255
1134:
A New International History of the Spanish Civil War
1313:
director de Seguridad, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 60-1
559:capital. Further 2 battalions were concentrated in
2041:Fernando del Rey Reguillo, Manuel Álvarez Tardío,
1096:stationed at Hipódromo, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 60
504:rebels and their actual or would-be social basis.
2081:La derecha en la II República: Sevilla, 1931–1936
1396:La derecha en la II República: Sevilla, 1931–1936
975:detailed discussion in Jesúa María Antelo Fraga,
870:to lead in Valladolid, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 60
702:consider Sanjurjo's action a stepping stone from
131:Some monarchist and centre-republican politicians
2220:
231:
1917:Breve historia de la Segunda República española
1539:Pedro Parias Gonzalez, Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 256
273:. The remaining plotters were retired generals
2106:El golpe de Sanjurjo, anticipo del 18 de julio
2002:El golpe de Sanjurjo, anticipo del 18 de julio
1768:Payne 1993, p. 100, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 65
879:to lead in Granada, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 60
1367:see Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, pp. 890 onwards
1936:Payne 1993, p. 101, Victor Manuel Arbeloa,
118:Seville garrison, some 300 people in Madrid
1988:, Paris 1960, see especially the chapter
1275:Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar
1986:Historia del Partido Comunista de España
656:
611:
543:
494:
455:Capitania General, Plaza de la Gavidia,
450:
446:
391:
322:
235:
187:
2201:Revista de derecho penal y criminología
607:
2221:
910:mayor of seville, Townson 2000, p. 143
487:was an oldtime Sanjurjo acquaintance.
175:, where local rebel commander general
2008:106 (2007), pp. 30-39, Paul Preston,
994:Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931–1939
162:
2229:1930s coups d'état and coup attempts
2132:Revista española de historia militar
1498:Revista española de historia militar
429:units on defensive positions around
2150:La sublevación del General Sanjurjo
2000:see e.g. Gabriel Cardona Escanero,
652:
536:and shouting "death to Sanjurjo!".
13:
2181:Enrique Sacanell Ruiz de Apocada,
2059:
1518:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, pp. 905-6
490:
363:19th-century-style pronunciamiento
14:
2255:
2207:
2152:, Carlos Lesmes Serrano (ed.),
1804:José Luis Comellas García-Llera,
1192:José Luis Comellas García-Llera,
387:
2214:Manifesto of Sanjurjo, full text
2099:Anales de Historia Contemporánea
2035:
1994:
1978:
1969:
1960:
1951:
1930:
1909:
1888:
1879:
1870:
1806:Historia de España contemporánea
1271:Fal Conde: Carlismo y modernismo
1194:Historia de España contemporánea
981:Anales de Historia Contemporánea
661:Unveiling the bust of Sanjurjo (
26:
2148:Jacobo López Barja de Quiroga,
1876:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 905
1861:
1840:
1831:
1798:
1789:
1786:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 905
1780:
1771:
1762:
1753:
1750:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 905
1744:
1735:
1732:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 904
1726:
1717:
1708:
1699:
1690:Journal of Contemporary History
1677:
1660:
1651:
1648:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 903
1642:
1633:
1624:
1615:
1612:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 907
1606:
1597:
1588:
1569:
1560:
1551:
1542:
1533:
1521:
1512:
1509:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 903
1503:
1485:
1476:
1467:
1458:
1437:
1428:
1419:
1409:
1388:
1379:
1370:
1361:
1358:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 903
1352:
1343:
1340:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 902
1334:
1325:
1322:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 902
1316:
1307:
1298:
1289:
1286:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 902
1280:
1251:
1242:
1239:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 900
1233:
1216:
1213:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 901
1207:
1186:
1183:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 900
1177:
1168:
1147:
1126:
1123:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 900
1117:
1108:
1099:
1090:
1081:
1072:
1063:
1060:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 902
1054:
1051:Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 901
1045:
1035:
1026:
1017:
1007:
986:
969:
959:
950:
941:
932:
922:
913:
904:
891:
882:
873:
864:
730:Asturian miners' strike of 1934
263:José Fernández de Villa-Abrille
1885:Antelo Fraga 1982, pp. 243-268
1837:Antelo Fraga 1982, pp. 243-268
1723:Ruiz Manjón-Cabeza 1986, p. 23
855:
834:
825:
804:
795:
785:
776:
767:
746:
1:
2143:Revista de Estudios Políticos
1848:La Segunda República Española
1603:Alvarez Rey 1993, pp. 229-260
1473:Martínez Bande 2011, pp. 62-3
529:Cristóbal González de Aguilar
318:
232:Conspiracy and counter-action
183:
2167:José Manuel Martínez Bande,
2145:145 (2009), pp. 159–183
2134:113 (2009), pp. 173–184
1846:José Gonzalo Sancho Flórez,
1692:25 (1990), p. 284, Pío Moa,
1657:Martínez Bande 2011, p. 62-3
840:José Manuel Martínez Bande,
740:
7:
1894:see e.g. Stanley G. Payne,
713:
629:military prison outpost in
35:in Seville, August 10, 1932
10:
2260:
2123:8 (2001), pp. 279–304
2112:106 (2007), pp. 30–39
2110:La Aventura de la historia
2104:Gabriel Cardona Escanero,
2101:1 (1982), pp. 243–268
2093:Jesúa María Antelo Fraga,
2006:La Aventura de la historia
1990:Frente al peligro fascista
1867:Martínez Bande 2011, p. 64
1777:Martínez Bande 2011, p. 65
1759:Martínez Bande 2011, p. 65
1482:Martínez Bande 2011, p. 62
1331:Martínez Bande 2011, p. 62
1295:Martínez Bande 2011, p. 62
1114:Martínez Bande 2011, p. 58
919:Martínez Bande 2011, p. 61
220:monarchists, some of them
2115:Cristóbal García García,
1915:Luis E. Íñigo Fernández,
1666:Cristóbal García García,
735:Spanish coup of July 1936
539:
407:Palacio de Comunicaciones
271:José González y Fernández
140:
135:
122:
109:
92:
79:
39:
25:
18:
2244:Attempted coups in Spain
2203:2 (1992), pp. 11–44
2126:Joaquín Gil Honduvilla,
2065:Juan Ackermann Hanisch,
1639:Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 260
1621:Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 260
1594:Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 260
1548:Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 256
1464:Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 256
343:Ministry of War building
259:Manuel González Carrasco
2195:Alfonso Serrano Gómez,
2156:, vol. 2, Madrid 2014,
2020:, Sheelagh M. Ellwood,
901:, Valencia 2012, p. 897
1684:30. Stanley G. Payne,
1443:Héctor Alonso García,
666:
617:
551:
500:
460:
415:Paseo de la Castellana
397:
330:
251:Emilio Fernández Pérez
241:
196:
93:Commanders and leaders
2121:Huelva en su historia
2079:Leandro Alvarez Rey,
1896:The Spanish Civil War
1672:Huelva en su historia
1584:Enrique Barrau Salado
1500:121 (2017), pp. 13-50
983:1 (1982), pp. 243-268
782:Payne 1993, pp. 90-95
687:Casas Viejas incident
660:
640:Azaña made sure that
615:
547:
498:
454:
447:Coup in the provinces
395:
326:
305:José María Gil Robles
239:
191:
164:[saŋxuɾˈxaða]
136:Casualties and losses
1582:and his lieutenant,
1385:Payne 1993, pp. 98-9
1224:El golpe de Sanjurjo
888:Townson 2000, p. 144
608:Result and aftermath
549:Prime Minister Azaña
481:Jerez de la Frontera
290:Manuel Burgos y Mazo
71:Governmental victory
1277:7/13 (2018), p. 501
1032:Payne 1993, p. 97-8
485:Pedro Romero Basart
473:García de la Herrán
2164:, pp. 159–250
1898:, Cambridge 2012,
1820:, Santander 2006,
1795:Payne 1993, p. 136
1741:Payne 1993, p. 100
1153:Gabriele Ranzato,
996:, Cambridge 2008,
992:Martin Blinkhorn,
752:Stanley G. Payne,
667:
618:
552:
501:
461:
398:
372:, and their envoy
331:
301:Melquíades Alvares
242:
197:
2239:Conflicts in 1932
2045:, Brighton 2012,
1975:Payne 1993, p. 99
1714:Payne 1993, p. 99
1447:, Valencia 2014,
1136:, New York 2004,
1105:Payne 1993, p. 99
938:Payne 1993, p. 97
831:Payne 1993, p. 98
814:, Brighton 2000,
801:Payne 1993, p. 97
773:Payne 1993, p. 96
642:Guardia de Asalto
616:Sanjurjo on trial
427:Guardia de Asalto
328:Alejandro Lerroux
297:Alejandro Lerroux
224:and some of them
206:series of reforms
153:
152:
123:Political support
85:Government forces
75:
74:
47:10–11 August 1932
2251:
2137:Pablo Gil Vico,
2083:, Sevilla 1993,
2054:
2039:
2033:
1998:
1992:
1982:
1976:
1973:
1967:
1964:
1958:
1955:
1949:
1934:
1928:
1913:
1907:
1892:
1886:
1883:
1877:
1874:
1868:
1865:
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1844:
1838:
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1829:
1802:
1796:
1793:
1787:
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1733:
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1715:
1712:
1706:
1703:
1697:
1681:
1675:
1674:8 (2001), p. 287
1664:
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1631:
1628:
1622:
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1613:
1610:
1604:
1601:
1595:
1592:
1586:
1580:Manuel Fal Conde
1573:
1567:
1564:
1558:
1555:
1549:
1546:
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1531:
1525:
1519:
1516:
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1465:
1462:
1456:
1441:
1435:
1432:
1426:
1423:
1417:
1413:
1407:
1398:, Sevilla 1993,
1392:
1386:
1383:
1377:
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1228:Libertad Digital
1220:
1214:
1211:
1205:
1190:
1184:
1181:
1175:
1172:
1166:
1151:
1145:
1132:Michael Alpert,
1130:
1124:
1121:
1115:
1112:
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1103:
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832:
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808:
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799:
793:
789:
783:
780:
774:
771:
765:
756:, Madison 1993,
750:
653:Long-term impact
598:Esteban-Infantes
525:Unión Patriótica
499:General Sanjurjo
431:Plaza de Cibeles
287:
166:
161:
115:Most of the army
41:
40:
30:
16:
15:
2259:
2258:
2254:
2253:
2252:
2250:
2249:
2248:
2219:
2218:
2210:
2185:, Madrid 2004,
2171:, Madrid 2011,
2069:, Madrid 1993.
2062:
2060:Further reading
2057:
2040:
2036:
2024:, London 1987,
2012:, Madrid 2011,
1999:
1995:
1983:
1979:
1974:
1970:
1965:
1961:
1956:
1952:
1940:, Madrid 2015,
1935:
1931:
1919:, Madrid 2010,
1914:
1910:
1893:
1889:
1884:
1880:
1875:
1871:
1866:
1862:
1850:, Madrid 1997,
1845:
1841:
1836:
1832:
1808:, Madrid 2014,
1803:
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1261:, Madrid 2007,
1256:
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1243:
1238:
1234:
1221:
1217:
1212:
1208:
1196:, Madrid 2014,
1191:
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844:, Madrid 2011,
839:
835:
830:
826:
810:Nigel Townson,
809:
805:
800:
796:
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786:
781:
777:
772:
768:
751:
747:
743:
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655:
627:Spanish Saharan
610:
563:, 2 tabores of
542:
493:
491:Sanjurjo ruling
449:
423:Arturo Menéndez
390:
321:
281:
275:José Cavalcanti
267:Rafael Villegas
234:
186:
159:
149:(mostly rebels)
63:
31:
12:
11:
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247:Manuel Goded
243:
214:
210:Manuel Azaña
202:dictatorship
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99:Manuel Azaña
88:Rebel forces
80:Belligerents
19:
1455:, pp. 48-51
1406:, pp. 252-3
647:Carabineros
378:Italo Balbo
376:spoke with
282: [
222:Republicans
2223:Categories
2191:8497342054
2075:848744606X
1004:, pp. 88-9
695:praetorian
557:Andalusian
509:Juan Pujol
351:Valladolid
319:Rebel plan
184:Background
156:Sanjurjada
141:Around 10
20:Sanjurjada
1222:Pío Moa,
741:Footnotes
699:Civil War
573:Cartagena
569:Barcelona
565:regulares
218:Alfonsist
2053:, p. 236
1927:, p. 195
1204:, p. 429
822:, p. 131
714:See also
663:Pamplona
602:Portugal
596:colonel
532:for the
440:Biarritz
347:Pamplona
335:infantry
309:requetés
226:Carlists
193:Republic
169:Republic
160:Spanish:
110:Strength
52:Location
2032:, p. 12
1858:, p. 61
1828:, p. 93
1144:, p. 36
852:, p. 61
764:, p. 96
708:fascism
665:, 1936)
579:during
457:Seville
355:Granada
173:Seville
145:and 20
61:Seville
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1165:, p. 6
1161:
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590:Huelva
540:Defeat
68:Result
57:Madrid
561:Ceuta
359:Cádiz
286:]
2187:ISBN
2173:ISBN
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2014:ISBN
1942:ISBN
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1449:ISBN
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998:ISBN
846:ISBN
816:ISBN
758:ISBN
683:CEDA
357:and
299:and
277:and
269:and
44:Date
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284:es
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