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left serious doubts as to the competence and honesty of the electoral authorities. The
Supreme Electoral Tribunal (Tribunal Superior Electoral—TSE) was, as a result, completely reorganized. Second, the government—remembering a campaign slogan calling "Roldós to the government, Bucaram to power"—was understandably dismayed with results of the first-round election. By delaying the second round, the government sought to give rightists the time to build an anti-Roldós coalition under which Durán could emerge as the second-round victor. To complicate matters further, Abdón Calderón Múñoz, a populist candidate who had won 9 percent of the vote in the first round, was murdered under circumstances implicating the government. Finally, as a further distraction during this difficult period, Velasco returned from exile to bury his wife and died in March 1979 at age eighty-six.
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considerably. Velasco attempted to compensate for his lost prestige by baiting the United States, seizing and fining United States fishing boats found within 200 nautical miles (370 km) of the
Ecuadorian coast. The intensification of the "tuna war" inflamed tempers in both countries; Ecuador dismissed United States military advisers, and the United States withdrew almost all economic and military aid to Ecuador. Such nationalistic adventures were of only momentary value to Velasco, however. In 1971, amid mounting civic unrest that verified the extent of the opposition, he was forced to cancel a scheduled national plebiscite in which he hoped to replace the 1967 constitution, with the charter written under his own auspices in 1946 the Constitution, Velasco argued, made the president too weak to be effective.
806:
Velasquista—FNV) was far short of a majority in either house of
Congress, and a failure to build any working coalition made for a stalemate in the legislative process. Even Velasco's own vice president, a Guayaquileño Liberal named Jorge Zavala Baquerizo, turned into a strident and vocal critic. Cabinet ministers came and went with astonishing frequency. This political impasse soon combined with the fiscal and balance-of- payments crises, which by now had become customary under the spendthrift habits and administrative mismanagement associated with each of Velasco's terms in office, to spawn a major political crisis. The turning point came on June 22, 1970, when Velasco, in an action known as an
822:
the presidency in 1972 was Asaad
Bucaram Elmhalim, a former street peddler who in 1960 had seized the leadership of the CFP from Guevara Moreno and later had twice been an extremely popular mayor of Guayaquil. Both the military and the business community regarded Bucaram as dangerous and unpredictable and unfit to be president, especially at a time when unprecedented income was expected to flow into the state coffers. On February 15, 1972, four months before the scheduled elections, the military under the command of Jorge Queirolo G. once again overthrew Velasco, who was sent into his final period of exile. He was replaced by a three-man military junta headed by the Army chief of staff, General
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percent of
Ecuador's cultivable land had changed hands under the reform. More notable achievements came in the areas of building infrastructure projects, such as the major oil refinery and petrochemical complex in Esmeraldas; various highway and electrification projects; and state capitalist enterprises, particularly the Ecuadorian State Petroleum Corporation (Corporación Estatal Petrolera Ecuatoriana—CEPE). The latter corporation was founded in 1972 and grew to become the major actor in Ecuador's exploitation of its oil reserves.
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the world market price, the oil companies cut back drastically on their exports, at a cost to the government of hundreds of millions of dollars over the following nine months. This intense financial pressure finally led to a July 1975 announcement that taxes on the oil companies' exports were being reduced. It was thus clear that the military regime had overplayed its nationalistic oil policy, having failed to keep in mind that
Ecuador was, after all, a relatively small oil producer and thus not a powerful player within OPEC.
859:, with all its attendant prestige and economic benefits. He was also responsible for Ecuador's renegotiation of a number of oil concessions, including the key Texaco-Gulf concession in the Oriente, on terms much more favorable to the state, such as substantial increases in both the royalties paid by foreign firms and the tax rate they paid on petroleum exports. These efforts were initially successful in allowing the government to retain a larger share of Ecuador's petroleum earnings.
439:
67:
848:, were tried for corruption in connection with oil concessions granted during the 1960s. In addition, a large number of functionaries of the Velasco government, supporters of Bucaram, as well as drug traffickers, legitimate importers, and customs officials were charged with corruption and "illegal enrichment." Although it thus assailed its major opponents from the start the military regime, however, failed to build its own civilian base of political support.
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the minister of defense. The outgoing government also made it clear to Roldós (who had an early campaign slogan of "we will not forgive, we will not forget") that it would not tolerate any investigation into the behavior of the military with respect to human rights. With his autonomy thus diminished, Roldós finally assumed the presidency on August 10, and thus
Ecuador returned to constitutional, civilian rule after almost a decade of dictatorship.
924:, the leader of the Christian Democratic Party (Partido Demócrata Cristiano—PDC), was tapped to be Roldós's vice presidential running mate. The traditional rightist vote was split between two candidates, and the various parties of the Marxist left coalesced to name one candidate. After a lengthy recount, the final results of the July 16 election confirmed the initial tally of a surprise victory by Roldós, with 27 percent of the national vote.
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believed, had become a source of growing frustration within the lower classes, thus making them more receptive to the lure of communism. The junta combined its reformist anticommunism with the more traditional hard-line variety. After jailing or exiling the entire leadership of the communist left, the new government reorganized the nation's two leading universities in an effort to eliminate them as sources of left-wing political activity.
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plurality of 44 percent voted in favor of the newly drafted national charter. The charter was the more progressive of the two constitutions, its major reforms being the acknowledgement of a role for the state in socioeconomic development, the legalization of a worker self-managed sector in the economy, a unicameral legislature, no presidential re-election, and, for the first time in
Ecuador, electoral suffrage for illiterates.
724:. He thus came to power with the adoration of the masses, but he saddled himself with expensive commitments to the poor at a time when deficits in the state coffers were approaching a critical level. Additionally, Velasco threatened Ecuador's shaky economy with what amounted to a declaration of hostilities against Peru and the guarantors of the Rio Protocol, namely Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and the United States.
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imports sparked the opposition of the powerful
Guayaquil Chamber of Commerce, which in March called for a general strike. Long- disgruntled student groups and labor unions were only too happy to join in the protest, which rapidly spread to other cities. On March 29, 1966, following a bloody and demoralizing attack on the Central University in Quito, the disillusioned military reformers stepped down.
797:, a cousin of Carlos Julio and a political centrist, to act as a second provisional president. During his twenty months in office, the new constitution went into effect in May 1967, and popular elections for president were held in June 1968. Incredibly, Velasco—now seventy-five years old—was voted into the presidency for the fifth time, an incredible thirty-four years after his initial victory.
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of a failed attempt to oust the powerful commandant of the Quito military academy in April 1971, however, Acosta himself was forced to resign his ministerial portfolio and was summarily dispatched to Madrid as ambassador. Having lost the man who was his linchpin in the armed forces and the only apparent heir to the velasquista throne, Velasco was left to the mercy of the high command.
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with Cuba, Poland, and
Czechoslovakia. The crisis over Cuba proved to be very costly for Arosemena, who lost not only much of his local political support, but also the self-confidence to pursue his own, independent course. Afterward, the government drifted with little leadership from the president, who allegedly indulged in frequent drinking bouts.
735:(who was also president of the Chamber of Deputies) openly opposing the government in July 1961. By October relations between Velasco's government and Congress had deteriorated to the point where legislators and progovernment spectators engaged in a gun battle. Although dozens of bullet holes were later found in the Chamber, no one was injured.
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later, a bloody attempt led by the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Raúl González Alvear, to overthrow Rodríguez Lara. Although this coup attempt failed, at a cost of twenty-two lives, on January 11, 1976, a second, bloodless coup was successful in removing Rodríguez Lara. He was replaced by the
834:
The military regime called itself "nationalist and revolutionary," but the well-known connections of Rodríguez Lara to the Guayaquil business community signaled disappointment for those who anticipated that he would head a progressive military regime such as was ruling in Peru at the time. It shortly
817:
The president's autogolpe and his continuance in power were possible because of support from the armed forces. Velasco's key ally was his nephew and minister of defense, General Jorge Acosta Velasco, who continually reshuffled the high command in order to retain velasquistas in key posts. In the wake
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Meaningful reform was precluded, in part at least, by the increasingly cumbersome process of decision making within the politically heterogeneous, plural executive. Insubordination by the air force representative on the junta led to his dismissal and arrest in November 1965; thereafter, the junta had
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The brief appearance of a guerrilla movement in the coastal jungle and a rash of small-scale terrorist incidents (many of which later were found to have been staged by right-wing provocateurs) also left Arosemena open to accusations of being either unable or unwilling to stop communist subversion. By
747:
Arosemena's insistence on maintaining relations with Cuba, however, became a major domestic political issue in Ecuador. Political opponents labeled Arosemena a dangerous communist, and part of the military went into open rebellion in March 1962. The following month, Ecuador broke diplomatic relations
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The instability began immediately. Ponce was so angry over Velasco's vicious campaign attacks on his government that he resigned on his last day in office rather than preside over the inauguration of his successor. During his campaign, "the National Personification" had promised government support to
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in Washington made it difficult for the military to stop the "democratization" process at this late date. The military did extract as a price, in any case, unprecedented powers to name representatives to the boards of directors of major state corporations and to participate directly in the naming of
935:
The second round was finally held on April 29, 1979, with the Roldós-Hurtado ticket sweeping to an overwhelming 68.5 percent victory against a weak performance by Durán. Doubts persisted, however, up to the moment that the winners took office three months later, that the military would allow them to
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Two circumstances proved critical in persuading the military to overthrow Velasco before the scheduled completion of his term in 1972. On the one hand, the state was due very shortly to begin reaping vast revenues under a 1964 petroleum concession. On the other hand, the overwhelming favorite to win
776:
In 1965 Ecuador also saw a dramatic drop in its revenue from banana exports and, despite generous development assistance from the United States government and the Inter-American Development Bank, the junta suddenly faced an economic crisis of major proportions. The announcement of increased taxes on
915:
Five candidates then campaigned for the presidency. The consistent favorite in polls was Rodrigo Borja of the social democratic Democratic Left (Izquierda Democrática—ID). Because the Supreme Council of Government made sure that Bucaram was barred from running, the CFP strongman named his second in
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Promises of a "meaningful agrarian reform" under the auspices of Minister of Agriculture Guillermo Maldonado, a dedicated reformer, were frustrated by intense opposition from traditional elites. Maldonado was eventually forced out, and by the end of Rodríguez Lara's four years in office less than 1
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Law to commemorate the first anniversary of its assumption of power. The law abolished the huasipungo system, the feudalistic land tenure arrangement widely used in the Sierra. However, the law resulted in little real improvement in the lives of the long-suffering Sierra peasants and died from lack
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The four-man military junta that seized power announced its intention not to return the nation to constitutional rule until the institution of basic socioeconomic reforms, which both Velasco and Arosemena had promised but never implemented. This failure by their two civilian predecessors, the junta
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The oil companies became increasingly disconcerted, however, when Jarrín proposed in late 1974 that the share of stock in the Texaco-Gulf subsidiary held by CEPE be increased from 25 to 51 percent. Claiming that the terms of their concessions negotiated with Jarrín had priced Ecuadorian oil beyond
931:
It was more than nine months before the second-round election took place, however. They were months of considerable political tension and doubt as to whether the transition would proceed as planned. First, widespread problems in organizing the election and in the vote count during the first round
903:
Two reasons are commonly cited for the delay: the slowness of decision making within the Supreme Council of Government because of ongoing disagreement within the military high command and repeated maneuverings by the military government to manipulate the electoral process, thereby controlling its
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Virtually the only item on the agenda of the new military triumvirate was to preside over a return of the government to constitutional, civilian rule. The bloody September 1975 coup attempt had revealed the depth of the breach in the institutional unity of the armed forces. Handing the government
839:
regime was a hybrid, reflecting a tenuous equilibrium among the widely divergent political tendencies within the Ecuadorian armed forces. Nevertheless, like the contemporary Peruvian and Brazilian regimes, the regime of Rodríguez Lara, he promised, would not be an interim government, but rather a
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The moderation of the regime's oil policy, however, did not result in the anticipated resolution of mounting economic problems. Oil exports rose only slightly, while imports, particularly of luxury items, continued to soar, aided by a low-tariff policy that had been designed to soak up petroleum
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to choose the constitution was finally held on 15 January 1978. The results saw 23 percent of the voting population nullify their ballots, an action that had been advocated by the traditional right; 31 percent of the population voted in favor of a revised version of the 1945 constitution, and a
899:
The original timetable, announced in June 1976, called for a transition that was to culminate in presidential elections in February 1978. First, new government charters and electoral laws were to be drafted by appointed commissions, and then a public referendum would choose between two proposed
870:
In August, in an effort to resolve its balance-of-payments difficulties, the regime decreed a 60 percent duty on imported luxury items. The measure was condemned by the Chambers of Commerce in Quito and Guayaquil, whose constituents had grown dependent on the sale of imports, and caused, a week
813:
Velasco subsequently decreed a number of extremely unpopular economic measures. After devaluing the sucre for the first time since 1961, he placed tight controls on foreign exchange transactions and then decreed a number of new tax measures, the most controversial of which raised import tariffs
738:
A series of new sales taxes imposed during the same month in order to raise desperately needed revenues then sparked a general strike and a series of demonstrations and riots in several major cities. Amid growing chaos, Velasco ordered the arrest of his vice president, a move that opened him to
727:
Sensing the direction of the political wind in the wake of the Cuban Revolution, Velasco magnified his anti-United States rhetoric and included leftists in his government. Meanwhile, the United States encouraged Latin American governments to break diplomatic relations with Cuba. Before long,
805:
The weakness of Velasco's mandate—he managed only a plurality of barely one-third of the popular vote in a crowded field of five candidates—foreshadowed political difficulties that plagued him during his final term. His newly formed National Velasquista Federation (Federación Nacional
843:
Rodríguez Lara's regime gave early emphasis to a campaign designed in part to exert firm control over the nation's petroleum resources and in part to consolidate the government's political authority. Several former political leaders, including ex-President
900:
constitutions. The transition was repeatedly slowed down, however, and in the end, instead of the less than two years originally scheduled, three years and eight months elapsed between the 1976 coup and the inauguration of a civilian president.
739:
charges of violating the constitution. On November 8, after only fourteen months in office, Velasco was ousted by the military and replaced by Vice President Arosemena, who was his constitutional successor as well as his leading opponent.
720:
the masses of urban poor, many of whom had recently migrated to Guayaquil and other major cities in search of a decent job and a place to live. Velasco's populism continued into his inaugural address, when he renounced the hated 1942
928:, candidate of a coalition of rightist parties, finished second with 24 percent. The electoral law mandated that when no candidate achieved a majority vote, a run-off election between the two top finishers be held.
410:
encompasses a period of political, social, and economic changes in the country. During this time, Ecuador experienced military regimes, political instability, social movements, and economic challenges.
904:
outcome. Like the Rodríguez Lara government, the Council was particularly interested in seeing a poor electoral performance by the CFP and, especially, preventing Bucaram from winning the presidency.
855:
Oil policy was the regime's vehicle for its most forceful expression of nationalism. Minister of Natural Resources Gustavo Jarrín Ampudia presided over Ecuador's 1973 entry into the
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assume their duly elected offices. The size of their popular mandate and, according to political scientist John D. Martz, pressure from the administration of President
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earnings, and thus control inflation. In excess of 22 percent during 1974, inflation was rapidly eroding the real value of wages within the middle class.
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back to civilians, it was hoped, might remove the causes of divisions within the military, or at least make it easier to hide them from public view.
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The rapidly deteriorating economic situation soon brought about a split in the velasquista coalition, however, with the left, led by Vice President
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early 1963, military conspiracy was again afoot. On July 11 the high command of the armed forces decided, without dissent, to depose Arosemena.
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Ecuador's widening political polarization became manifest in outbreaks of violence between leftist students and the anticommunist right.
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long-term venture dedicated to introducing structural changes thought necessary to unfreeze the development process.
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810:(self-seizure of power), dismissed Congress and the Supreme Court and assumed dictatorial powers.
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This article incorporates text from this source which is in the public domain.
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920:, to be the party's candidate. In order to broaden the appeal of the ticket,
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The following day, a small group of civilian leaders named
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consisting of the commanders of the three armed services:
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Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC)
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history of the Republic of Ecuador from 1960 to 1990
769:of funding under subsequent civilian governments.
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27:Overview of the history of Ecuador, 1960–1979
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835:became apparent that, ideologically, the
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743:Carlos Julio Arosemena Monroy (1961–1963)
994:Rudolph, James D. "Historical Setting".
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715:José María Velasco Ibarra (1960–1961)
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764:In July 1964, the junta decreed the
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481:Spanish colonization of the Americas
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962:, in Hanratty, Dennis M. (ed.),
837:General Guillermo Rodríguez Lara
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559:Ecuador as part of Gran Colombia
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1590:Contemporary history by country
960:"Chapter 1. Historical Setting"
1000:(Dennis M. Hanratty, editor).
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18:History of Ecuador (1960–1990)
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1:
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873:Supreme Council of Government
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272:Carlos Julio Arosemena Monroy
171:Carlos Julio Arosemena Monroy
7:
10:
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958:Rudolph, James D. (1989),
591:Marcist (March) Revolution
531:Free Province of Guayaquil
506:Viceroyalty of New Granada
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1005:Federal Research Division
971:Federal Research Division
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85:"Dios, patria y libertad"
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997:A Country Study: Ecuador
964:A Country Study: Ecuador
824:Guillermo Rodríguez Lara
787:Clemente Yerovi Indaburu
229:Guillermo Rodríguez Lara
1585:20th century in Ecuador
566:1827 Guayaquil uprising
526:Revolution of October 9
1595:Military dictatorships
781:Transition (1966–1967)
645:Ecuador–Peru conflicts
320:• Disestablished
918:Jaime Roldós Aguilera
456:Pre-Columbian Ecuador
133:military dictatorship
129:Presidential republic
37:República del Ecuador
795:Otto Arosemena Gómez
773:only three members.
546:Guayaquil Conference
1002:Library of Congress
968:Library of Congress
966:, Country Studies,
909:national referendum
801:Velasco (1968–1972)
655:Demographic history
602:Battle of Guayaquil
579:Republic of Ecuador
541:Battle of Pichincha
519:War of Independence
501:Viceroyalty of Peru
310:• Established
34:Republic of Ecuador
1565:Ecuador portal
926:Sixto Durán Ballén
678:Ecuador portal
183:Ramón Castro Jijón
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830:Junta (1972–1979)
756:Junta (1963–1967)
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461:Las Vegas Culture
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291:National Congress
236:• 1976-1979
224:• 1972-1976
214:• 1968-1972
202:• 1966-1968
178:• 1963-1966
166:• 1961-1963
154:• 1960–1961
16:(Redirected from
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266:• See list
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569:
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543:
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536:Luz de América
533:
528:
522:
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324:10 August 1979
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252:Vice President
248:
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244:
243:
241:Alfredo Poveda
238:
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64:
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57:
50:
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40:
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36:
33:
26:
9:
6:
4:
3:
2:
1607:
1596:
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1030:
1028:
1023:
1022:
1019:
1010:
1006:
1003:
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998:
991:
977:on 2008-11-16
976:
972:
969:
965:
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827:
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819:
815:
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749:
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736:
734:
729:
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723:
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682:
679:
669:
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648:
646:
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636:
635:
628:
625:
623:
620:
618:
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610:
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603:
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594:
592:
589:
587:
584:
583:
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567:
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563:
560:
555:
554:
547:
544:
542:
539:
537:
534:
532:
529:
527:
524:
523:
520:
515:
514:
507:
504:
502:
499:
498:
495:
490:
489:
482:
479:
477:
474:
472:
469:
467:
464:
462:
459:
457:
454:
453:
450:
449:Pre-Columbian
445:
444:
440:
436:
435:
432:
426:
425:
420:
415:
414:
411:
409:
400:
397:
395:Today part of
393:
377:
375:
372:
371:
368:
362:
359:
352:
351:
348:
347:
344:
341:
339:
336:
335:
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327:
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317:
313:
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303:
299:
295:
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285:
281:
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147:
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137:
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99:
96:
92:
88:
84:
80:
74:
68:
60:
54:
46:
41:
31:
19:
1556:
1419:21st century
1108:20th century
1068:19th century
1008:
996:
990:
979:, retrieved
975:the original
963:
953:
938:Jimmy Carter
934:
930:
914:
906:
902:
898:
894:
869:
865:
861:
854:
850:
842:
833:
820:
816:
812:
804:
784:
775:
771:
763:
759:
750:
746:
737:
730:
726:
722:Rio Protocol
718:
627:1990–present
407:
405:
343:Succeeded by
342:
337:
190:• 1966
90:
83:Motto:
82:
73:Coat of arms
981:15 November
471:Inca Empire
428:History of
338:Preceded by
287:Legislature
1579:Categories
945:References
891:Transition
881:Luis Leoro
791:Galo Plaza
124:Government
1062:–present)
1054:Years in
916:command,
808:autogolpe
622:1960–1990
617:1944–1960
612:1925–1944
607:1895–1925
596:1860–1895
586:1830–1860
140:President
43:1960–1979
1007:(1989).
887:(Army).
879:(Navy),
419:a series
417:Part of
131:under a
1056:Ecuador
430:Ecuador
399:Ecuador
374:Ecuador
361:Ecuador
297:History
113:Capital
91:Anthem:
639:Topics
421:on the
300:
256:
144:
93:
117:Quito
1546:2024
1541:2023
1536:2022
1531:2021
1526:2020
1521:2019
1516:2018
1511:2017
1506:2016
1501:2015
1496:2014
1491:2013
1486:2012
1481:2011
1476:2010
1471:2009
1466:2008
1461:2007
1456:2006
1451:2005
1446:2004
1441:2003
1436:2002
1431:2001
1426:2000
1410:1999
1405:1998
1400:1997
1395:1996
1390:1995
1385:1994
1380:1993
1375:1992
1370:1991
1365:1990
1360:1989
1355:1988
1350:1987
1345:1986
1340:1985
1335:1984
1330:1983
1325:1982
1320:1981
1315:1980
1310:1979
1305:1978
1300:1977
1295:1976
1290:1975
1285:1974
1280:1973
1275:1972
1270:1971
1265:1970
1260:1969
1255:1968
1250:1967
1245:1966
1240:1965
1235:1964
1230:1963
1225:1962
1220:1961
1215:1960
1210:1959
1205:1958
1200:1957
1195:1956
1190:1955
1185:1954
1180:1953
1175:1952
1170:1951
1165:1950
1157:1940
1149:1930
1141:1920
1133:1912
1128:1911
1123:1910
1115:1900
1099:1899
1091:1890
1083:1860
1075:1830
1060:1830
983:2008
907:The
406:The
59:Flag
1161:...
1153:...
1145:...
1137:...
1119:...
1095:...
1087:...
1079:...
274:to
1581::
826:.
1058:(
1040:e
1033:t
1026:v
703:e
696:t
689:v
278:)
20:)
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