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Gdańsk Agreement

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Gierek was able to stress economic reforms during the first half of his tenure of office. According to R. J. Crampton: "The stated objective of the reforms was to increase living standards; a less publicly attested motivation was the knowledge that, with prices fixed and with demand increasing, goods
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with the government. This allowed citizens to bring democratic changes within the communist political structure. The main concern of the workers was the establishment of a trade union independent of communist party control and the legal right to strike. In creating these new groups, there would be a
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A return of former rights to: 1) People dismissed from work after the 1970 and 1976 strikes, and 2) Students expelled from school because of their views. The release of all political prisoners, among them Edward Zadrozynski, Jan Kozlowski, and Marek Kozlowski. A halt in repression of the individual
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system that exists in Poland today." Other major concerns were to control commercial prices, the use of foreign money in all internal economic dealings, ensuring the proper supply of resources within the nation and only exporting the excess. This would ensure that there would be a better chance for
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strike, was unlike anything in the history of Poland. Even though it was mainly a labor movement representing workers led by chairman Wałęsa, it attracted an assorted membership of different citizens which quickly rose to unpararelled proportion of a quarter of the country's population: 10 million
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As the economic crisis became unbearable, the Communist government authorized an increase in food prices for the summer of 1980. Once again a revival of labor disturbances erupted throughout the nation. Workers of the Lenin Shipyard in Gdańsk ultimately went on strike in mid-August, sparked by the
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The undertaking of actions aimed at bringing the country out of its crisis situation by the following means: a) making public complete information about the social-economic situation, and b) enabling all sectors and social classes to take part in discussion of the reform
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Acceptance of free trade unions independent of the Communist Party and of enterprises, in accordance with convention No. 87 of the International Labor Organization concerning the right to form free trade unions, which was ratified by the Communist Government of
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In the years prior to the Gdańsk strikes in 1980 the reforms of Gierek did succeed as planned, but the economy of Poland became progressively more unstable. This was due to Poland's reliance on western markets and loans that the nation could not repay.
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The selection of management personnel on the basis of qualifications, not party membership. Privileges of the secret police, regular police and party apparatus are to be eliminated by equalizing family subsidies, abolishing special stores,
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In the aftermath of the strike, Solidarity emerged as an independent trade union and rapidly grew, ultimately claiming over 10 million members nationwide and establishing itself as a major force in Polish politics. First Secretary
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In summer 1980, faced with a major economic crisis, the Polish government authorized a rise in food prices, which immediately led to a wave of strikes and factory occupations across the country. On 14 August workers at the
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Fueled by large infusions of Western credit, Poland's economic growth rate was one of the world's highest during the first half of the 1970s, but much of the borrowed capital was misspent and the centrally
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Compliance with the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech, the press and publication, including freedom for independent publishers, and the availability of the mass media to representatives of all
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A day of rest on Saturday. Workers in the brigade system or round-the-clock jobs are to be compensated for the loss of free Saturdays with an increased leave or other paid time off.
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The labor strikes did not occur because of problems that emerged shortly before the unrest, but due to political and economic difficulties the previous ten years. Under the rule of
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to the government. Thanks to popular support within the country, the workers held out until the government gave in to their demands, and an agreement was formalized on 31 August.
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people nationwide. Due to its enormous size and newly found power, the union assumed the role of a national reform lobby able to change politics in Poland forever.
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Reduction in the age for retirement for women to 50 and for men to 55, or after 30 years' employment in Poland for women and 35 years for men, regardless of age.
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Compensation of all workers taking part in the strike for the period of the strike, with vacation pay from the Central Council of Trade Unions.
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Due to the popular support of the citizens and other striking groups, the Gdańsk workers held out until the government gave in to their
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Availability to the mass media of information about the formation of the Inter-factory Strike Committee and publication of its demands.
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The introduction of food coupons for meat and meat products (during the period in which control of the market situation is regained).
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transformed a strike over bread and butter issues into a solidarity strike in sympathy with other striking establishments.
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Assurances of a reasonable number of places in day-care centers and kindergartens for the children of working mothers.
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is opened for the creation of civil societies. This allows citizens to come together where all people can agree on
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Szporer, Michael (2011). "Anna Walentynowicz and the Legacy of Solidarity in Poland". Journal of Cold War Studies.
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An increase in the base pay of each worker by 2,000 złoty a month as compensation for the recent raise in prices.
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did not agree and intervened to urge the need for a political solution. For the nationalist communist Gomułka,
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in Gdańsk began a strike against party headquarters within the city insisting on the formation of independent
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Guaranteed automatic increases in pay on the basis of increases in prices and the decline in real income.
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within the state's leadership. In recognizing individual rights, such as the freedom of expression, the
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An increase in the commuter's allowance to 100 złoty from 40, with a supplemental benefit on separation.
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Improvements in the working conditions of the health service to insure full medical care for workers.
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Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. U.S. State Department. Last accessed on 15 November 2010
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The Gdańsk Agreement is very important to the politics of Poland because the strikes exposed the
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burden became insupportable in the late 1970s and economic growth had become negative by 1979.
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in the late 1960s, Poland's economy was in disarray. To counter this, the government increased
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and the ensuing Gdańsk Agreement led to the removal of Edward Gierek and the installation of
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The abolition of 'commercial' prices and of other sales for hard currency in special shops.
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A full supply of food products for the domestic market, with exports limited to surpluses.
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A guarantee of the right to strike and of the security of strikers and those aiding them.
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Conformity of old-age pensions and annuities with what has actually been paid in.
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a massive wave of anti-government demonstrations took place across Poland
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At the Lenin Shipyard: Poland and the rise of the Solidarity Trade Union
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was unable to use the new resources effectively. The growing
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On the second anniversary of the agreement, 31 August 1982,
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that labor strikes were able to remove a ruler from power.
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regardless of party beliefs. The problems caused by the
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1970 which irritated the entire populace of the nation.
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prosperity within the nation for all working citizens.
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1987 Polish political and economic reforms referendum
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dictation of internal Polish policies was too much."
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London: Routledge, 1994. 669:. 2nd ed. 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Index


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"Gdańsk Agreement"
news
newspapers
books
scholar
JSTOR
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Polish
Polish People's Republic
striking
Gdańsk
Mieczysław Jagielski
Lech Wałęsa
trade union
Solidarity
end of Communist rule in Poland
Lenin Shipyard
Anna Walentynowicz
Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee
21 demands
Edward Gierek
Stanisław Kania

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