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April 26 Editorial

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343:, Zhao explained that though he himself supported the editorial, it had become “a real sore point” with students, creating an “us-versus-them mentality” that could be eased with a simple tweaking of the editorial’s tone. Li, on the other hand, argued that the editorial could not be altered, first because it was completely accurate, but also because it was a manifestation of Deng Xiaoping’s views, which could not be questioned. As the movement progressed into a hunger strike, Zhao again pushed to revise the editorial, with the belief that settling the sensitive topic would effectively ease tension. Following his resignation, Zhao made one last gesture urging Deng to “change the official view of the student movement” from the editorial’s perspective, but by this point, he had been discredited within the Party and his proposal was rejected. 298:
problem, according to the editorial, is that "an extremely small number of people with ulterior purposes" have taken advantage of students, teachers, and even workers, to promote a "reactionary" message against Party leadership. The editorial describes this small group of people as not grieving, but executing a "planned conspiracy" to "plunge the whole country into chaos and sabotage", in order to "negate the leadership of the CPC and the socialist system". This accusation declares actions like the spreading of rumours, the use of posters, and the forming of unions, as completely detrimental to the future of the nation. To put this in perspective, the editorial suggests that "reactionary" behaviour could potentially reverse the economic progress made by
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like the shouting of “reactionary” slogans. Still, Wang argues, it deliberately mentions these incidents to provide a pretext for the Party to suppress demonstrators. While he sees the editorial as an attempt to reaffirm the authority of the Party, he argues that it has actually been counterproductive on this point. Wang suggests that by threatening the students, the editorial itself provokes tension, effectively heightening the disturbances it had hoped to curb.
223:. The editorial effectively defined the student movement as a destabilizing anti-party revolt that should be resolutely opposed at all levels of society. As the first authoritative document from the top leadership on the growing movement, it was widely interpreted as having communicated the party's 265:
The editorial enraged the student protesters, widened the chasm between the students and the CCP leadership, and emerged as a sore point of contention for the rest of the movement. Students protested in large numbers on April 27, and thereafter continuously asked for the editorial to be retracted.
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published a rebuttal, arguing vehemently against the editorial. Wang calls the accusation toward “people with ulterior motives” conveniently ambiguous since it allows the Party to target virtually anyone for persecution. He also claims that the editorial lacks evidence when referring to incidents
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The editorial therefore calls on the population to help stabilize the political status quo by refusing to take part in any disturbances. Illegal unions, rumour mongering, and "unlawful parades and demonstrations" are presented as not only violations against the state, but also against a student's
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on April 22 in an effort to participate in Hu's official memorial. The CCP, acknowledging that the state of mourning creates "emotionally agitated" students, demonstrated "tolerance and restraint" towards this gathering, and the memorial was allowed to proceed without difficulty. The fundamental
735: 740: 290:. Carried out by "an extremely small number of people", subversive responses, which the editorial describes as mostly verbal denunciations of the CCP, are an example of "abnormal phenomena" to be dealt with swiftly. 310:
right to study. The editorial ends by alluding to a general agreement among students and the Party to eliminate corruption and promote democracy, emphasizing the need to end disturbances for China to move forward.
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on the morning of April 25. During the meeting, the PSC came to the general agreement that the students aimed to overthrow Communist rule and were being heavily influenced by similar
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identified the description of the movement as “turmoil” as a major issue concerning the hunger strikers. He presented as a solution the publishing of a new, apologetic
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Around this same time in mid-May, an attempt to end the hunger strike with dialogue further displayed the editorial’s resonance. Speaking to Li Peng, student leader
339:, recognizing the editorial’s negative consequences, repeatedly made the suggestion among his colleagues to revise it. First, in a private conversation with Premier 282:, acknowledging their diverse expressions of grief. Specifically referencing the need to "turn grief into strength", the editorial suggests that the poignancy of 356:
editorial, “repudiating the one published on April 26”. In response, Li denied ever labeling the movement as turmoil, and no apologetic editorial was published.
1599: 617: 251: 335:, the editorial remained a major point of contention, as Party members argued about its message and students called for its retraction. General Secretary 365: 1437: 659: 490:
Wang Ruowang. “The Student Movement and Hu Yaobang Represent the Banner of Justice – Thoughts on Reading the April 26 Renmin ribao Editorial,” in
1563: 235: 306:. According to the editorial, this jeopardizes existing initiatives to control prices, eliminate corruption, and take on political reform. 640: 220: 1122: 1259: 1245: 1240: 1235: 1230: 1225: 1220: 1212: 1202: 1117: 262:
served as editors. On the evening of April 25, the finished editorial could be heard on national radio and television news stations.
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in Eastern Europe. As such, it threatened the survival of the existing senior leadership, the CCP, and the political system itself.
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Titled "We Must Take a Clear-cut Stand against Disturbances", the editorial begins by addressing the entire population of
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advocated for the editorial to be "toned down" or rescinded, but faced significant opposition and was unsuccessful.
1540: 496:, eds. Mark Lambert, Michel Oksenberg, and Lawrence R. Sullivan, pp. 210–211. Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1990. 1344: 1297: 694: 116: 31: 1365: 130: 45: 1594: 1589: 1056: 1422: 1338: 730: 770: 750: 725: 689: 664: 239: 609: 1568: 1399: 1351: 1101: 1076: 303: 1534: 1442: 1379: 1318: 1061: 8: 1358: 1332: 1304: 1290: 1283: 1207: 809: 684: 654: 287: 247: 1517: 755: 352: 16:
Chinese state-run newspaper article published during the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests
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Focusing in on the students, the editorial references their assembly at
1186: 1181: 1091: 1086: 1036: 1021: 1001: 996: 991: 944: 939: 924: 914: 888: 592:, ed. Han Minzhu, p. 243. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990. 283: 1166: 1081: 1046: 1041: 976: 893: 873: 857: 814: 1523: 1011: 986: 981: 909: 847: 794: 971: 929: 919: 852: 842: 819: 340: 259: 255: 230:
The contents of the editorial were derived from a meeting of the
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Renmin ribao (People’s daily) editorial of April 26, 1989
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position to student protesters and their sympathizers.
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We Must Take a Clear-cut Stand against Disturbances
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Hong Kong: Au Ya Publishing. 384:Bandurski, David (2023-06-02). 517: 508: 499: 484: 442: 377: 219:on April 26, 1989, during the 192: 136: 122: 99: 51: 37: 1: 1366:Sunrise Over Tiananmen Square 481:. 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Index

Traditional Chinese
Simplified Chinese
Hanyu Pinyin
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyin
Traditional Chinese
Simplified Chinese
Hanyu Pinyin
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyin
People's Daily
Tiananmen Square protests
zero-tolerance
Politburo Standing Committee
13th Politburo
Chinese Communist Party
Deng Xiaoping
anti-Communist movements
Deputy chief of propaganda
Hu Qili
Li Peng
Zhao Ziyang
China
Hu Yaobang
four modernizations
Tiananmen Square
Deng Xiaoping
reform and opening up
Wang Ruowang
Tiananmen Square protests

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