924:
1227:, or even the Phonetic Form, i.e. the order in which sentences are pronounced in natural speech. This rejects the idea of an underlying ordering that is then subject to movement. In a 2008 article, Marc Richards argued that a head parameter must only reside at PF, as it is unmaintainable in its original form as a structural parameter. In this approach the relative positions of head and complement that are found at this surface level, which show variation both between and within languages (see above), must be treated as the "true" orderings.
171:. Kayne uses a simple definition of c-command based on the "first node up". However, the definition is complicated by his use of a "segment/category" distinction. Two directly connected nodes that have the same label are "segments" of a single "category". A category "excludes" all categories not "dominated" by all its segments. A "c-commands" B if every category that dominates A also dominates B, and A excludes B. The following tree illustrates these concepts:
40:
740:, "with an ordered triple replacing the two ordered pairs and then being mappable to a ternary-branching tree" (pp. 17). Kayne goes on to say, "This would lead to seeing my arguments for binary branching to have two subcomponents, the first being the claim that syntax is n-ary branching with n having a single value, the second being that that value is 2. Mapping [
264:(with the exception that (i.e., the specifier of the CP phrase) is treated as an adjunct). It can be seen that removing any of the structures in the tree (e.g., deleting the C dominating the 'c' terminal, so that the complement of A is ) will destroy the asymmetric c-command relations necessary for linearly ordering the terminals of the tree.
387:), which appears at the end of the sentence in questions. It is generally assumed that languages such as English have a "covert" (i.e. phonologically null) equivalent of this particle in the 'C' position of the clause — the position just to the right of . This particle is overtly realised in English by the movement of an
1367:
Thus Takita shows that surface head-final structures in
Japanese do not block movement, as they do in Chinese. He concludes that, because it does not block movement as shown in previous sections, Japanese is a genuinely head-final language, and not derived from an underlying, head-initial structure.
1235:
Takita argues against the conclusion of Kayne's
Antisymmetry Theory, which states that all languages are head-initial at an underlying level. He claims that a language such as Japanese is truly head-final since the mass movement required to take an underlying head-initial structure to the head-final
189:
are both segments of a single category. AP does not c-command BP because it does not exclude BP. CP does not c-command BP because both segments of AP do not dominate BP (so it is not the case that every category that dominates CP dominates BP). BP c-commands CP and A. A c-commands C. The definitions
409:
Now it is clear why
Japanese does not have wh-movement — the position is already filled, so no wh-phrase can move to it. The relationship between surface word order and the possibility of wh-movement is seemingly obscure. A possible alternative to the antisymmetric explanation could be based
298:
Perhaps the biggest challenge for antisymmetry is to explain the wide variety of different surface orders across languages. Any deviation from Spec-Head-Comp order (which implies overall
Subject-Verb-Object order, if objects are complements) must be explained by movement. Kayne argues that in some
272:
Kayne notes that his theory permits either a universal specifier-head-complement order or a universal complement-head-specifier order, depending on whether asymmetric c-command establishes precedence or subsequence (S-H-C results from precedence). He prefers S-H-C as the universal underlying order
1029:
meaning, and thus to be the head of an aspect phrase having the verb phrase as its complement. If phrases are always essentially head-initial, then a case like this must entail movement, since the particle comes after the verb phrase. It is proposed that there the complement moves into specifier
207:
Informally, Kayne's theory states that if a nonterminal category A asymmetrically c-commands another nonterminal category B, all the terminal nodes dominated by A must precede all of the terminal nodes dominated by B (this statement is commonly referred to as the "Linear
Correspondence Axiom" or
943:
and production. Parsing and production proceed in a left-to-right direction: the beginning of the sentence is heard or spoken first, and the end of the sentence is heard or spoken last. This implies (according to the theory) an ordering whereby probe comes before the goal, i.e. head precedes
848:
Kayne argues that a theory that allows both directionalities would state that languages are symmetrical, whereas in fact languages are found to be asymmetrical in many respects. Examples of linguistic asymmetries which may be cited in support of the theory (although they do not concern head
1475:
429:(PF). The unwanted structures are then rescued by movement: deleting the phonetic content of the moved element neutralizes the linearization problem. Dynamic Antisymmetry aims at unifying a movement and phrase structure, which otherwise are independent properties.
1363:
In (b), the fronted VP precedes the matrix subject, confirming that the VP is located in the matrix clause. If
Japanese were head-initial, (b) should not be grammatical because it allows for the extraction of an element (VP2) from the moved complement (CP2).
1236:
ones actually found in such languages would violate other constraints. It is implied that such languages are likely following a head-final parameter value, as originally conceived. (For a head-initial/Antisymmetry analysis of
Japanese, see Kayne.)
307:
is the most striking example of this. From the mid-1980s onwards, the standard analysis of wh-movement involved the wh-phrase moving leftward to a position on the left edge of the clause called . Thus, a derivation of the
English question
190:
above may perhaps be thought to allow BP to c-command AP, but a c-command relation is not usually assumed to hold between two such categories, and for the purposes of antisymmetry, the question of whether BP c-commands AP is in fact moot.
1239:
Takita's argument is based on Lin's analysis of
Chinese. Since surface head-final structures are derived from underlying head-initial structures by moving the complements, further extraction from within the moved complement violates CED.
1656:
299:
cases the need for extra movements (previously unnecessary because different underlying orders were assumed for different languages) can explain some otherwise mysterious typological generalizations. His explanation for the lack of
840:
as such: it claims that at an underlying level, all languages are head-initial. In fact, it argued that all languages have the underlying order
Specifier-Head-Complement. Deviations from this order are accounted for by different
1010:
Here, at each phrasal level in turn, the head of the phrase moves from left to right position relative to its complement. The eventual result reflects the ordering of complex nested phrases found in languages such as Japanese.
502:
involves immediate temporal precedence (or immediate linear precedence) so that H immediately precedes (i-precedes) C. Kayne proposes furthermore that when a specifier S merges, it forms an ordered pair with the head directly,
437:
Kayne proposed recasting the antisymmetry of natural language as a condition of "Merge", the operation which combines two elements into one. Kayne proposes that merging a head H and its complement C yields an ordered pair
870:, where the verb frequently fails to agree with the following plural noun, and in French and Italian compound tenses, where the past participle may agree with a preceding direct object but not with the following one.
987:, this would involve complex and massive leftward movement, which violates the ideal of grammatical simplicity. An example of the type of movement scheme that would need to be envisaged is provided by Tokizaki:
281:
and complements (though the order of heads and complements themselves is relatively free). He further argues that a movement approach to deriving non-S-H-C orders is appropriate since it derives asymmetries in
1598:
Elordieta, Arantzazu (2014). Biberauer, T.; Sheehan, M., eds. "On the relevance of the Head Parameter in a mixed OV language". Theoretical Approaches to Disharmonic Word Order (Oxford Scholarship Online), p.
175:
535:, or S i-precedes H. Invoking i-precedence prevents more than two elements from merging with H; only one element can i-precede H (the specifier), and H can i-precede only one element (the complement).
220:
788:
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1243:
One of the examples of movement that Takita looks at is that of VP-fronting in Japanese. Grammatically, the sentence without VP-fronting, (a), and the sentence where the VP moves to the
1215:, is ungrammatical. Lin cites this and other related findings as evidence that the above analysis is correct, supporting the view that Chinese aspect phrases are deeply head-initial.
959:
The specifier, at first internal to the complement, is moved to the unoccupied position to the left of the head. In terms of merged pairs, this structure can also be represented as:
1372:
involves binary head-directionality, and is not antisymmetric. Takita briefly applies the same tests to Turkish, another seemingly head-final language, and reports similar results.
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738:
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Nolda, Andreas (2004). Topics Detached to the Left: On ‘Left Dislocation’, ‘Hanging Topic’, and Related Constructions in German. Berlin: ZAS Papers in Linguistics. pp. 423–448.
1437:
Since any rightward movement must also be downward movement if there are no rightward specifiers or right adjunction, and downward movement is generally assumed to be illicit.
425:, a weak version of antisymmetry, which allows the generation of non-LCA compatible structures (points of symmetry) before the hierarchical structure is linearized at
248:
As a result, there is no right adjunction, and hence in practice no rightward movement either. Furthermore, the underlying order must be specifier-head-complement.
216:
ordering of all terminal nodes — if it cannot consistently order all of the terminal nodes in a tree, the tree is illicit. Consider the following tree:
939:
acts as a probe and looks for a goal, namely its complement. Kayne proposes that the direction of the probe-goal search must share the direction of language
1064:, assuming the above analysis, since that verb phrase has moved into a non-complement (specifier) position, and thus further movement (such as that which
395:
to C). Why is it that this particle is on the left edge of the clause in English, but on the right edge in Japanese? Kayne suggests that in Japanese, the
1056:
at surface level); and (b) movement is not possible from within a non-complement (Huang's Condition on Extraction Domain or CED). This would imply that
399:(apart from the question particle in C) has moved to the position. So, the structure for the Japanese example above is something like the following:
193:(The above is not an exhaustive list of c-command relations in the tree, but covers all of those that are significant in the following exposition.)
58:
229:
In this tree, the set of pairs of nonterminal categories such that the first member of the pair asymmetrically c-commands the second member is:
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away from this underlying base order. It has been pointed out, though, that in predominantly head-final languages such as Japanese and
979:
Antisymmetry then leads to a universal Specifier-Head-Complement order. The varied ordering found in human languages are explained by
863:
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appear at the start of sentences, as in "Henry – I've known that guy for a long time". They are not found at the end of sentences.
1608:
Tokizaki, Hisao (2011). "The nature of linear information in the morphosyntax-PF interface". English Linguistics 28 (2), p. 238.
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In arguing for a universal underlying Head-Complement order, Kayne uses the concept of a probe-goal search (based on the
1565:". Acquisition of Relative Clauses : Processing, typology, and function. John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 150.
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76:
226:(S and S' may either be simplex structures like BP, or complex structures with specifiers and complements like CP.)
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1416:
828:] would retain the first subcomponent and replace 2 by 3 in the second, arguably with no loss in restrictiveness".
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Moro, A. 2000 Dynamic Antisymmetry, Linguistic Inquiry Monograph Series 38, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
28:
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X-bar syntactic tree showing the movement of the specifier (S) relative to the head (H) and complement (C)
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is not mappable to a tree structure, since H would have two mothers, and that it has the consequence that
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is the relation that holds between two categories, A and B, if A c-commands B but B does not c-command A.
121:. Kayne hypothesizes that all phrases whose surface order is not specifier-head-complement have undergone
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According to the "surface true" viewpoint, analysis of head direction must take place at the level of
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that disrupt this underlying order. Others have posited specifier-complement-head as the basic
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is required to undergo at LF level) is not possible. Such a restriction on the occurrence of
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The Japanese equivalent of this sentence is as follows (note the lack of wh-movement):
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Kayne, Richard S. (2003). "Antisymmetry and Japanese". English Linguistics 20: 1–40.
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Takita, Kensuke (February 2009). "If Chinese is head-initial, Japanese cannot be".
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and Japanese) tend to differ from those that follow the noun: they more often lack
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Kayne, Richard S. (1981) "Unambiguous Paths," in Robert May and Jan Koster (eds.)
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An attempt to provide evidence for Kayne's scheme is made by Lin, who considered
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Antisymmetry as a principle of word order is reliant on X-bar notions such as
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and are more likely to be non-finite (this can be found, for example, in
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Other areas in which asymmetries are found, according to Kayne, include
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1289:{} Taro-NOM {} Hanako-NOM {} book-ACC discard-even did C think
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The Antisymmetry of Syntax. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph Twenty-Five
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1354:{} book-ACC discard-even Taro-NOM {} Hanako-NOM did C think
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are not mirrored by any known "verb second-from-last" languages).
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on the difficulty of parsing languages with rightward movement.
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Effects of Short-Term Storage in Processing Rightward Movement
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of a phrase. He represents the relevant scheme as follows:
866:). Examples of this are found in English sentences such as
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to C (in the case of the example above, by the movement of
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LCA). Moreover, this principle must suffice to establish a
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follow a universal order, namely specifier-head-complement
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Desymmetrization: Parametric variation at the PF-Interface
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1049:(LF) level (even though, in Chinese, they do not display
140:, and the existence of order-altering mechanisms such as
1659:". The Canadian Journal of Linguistics 53 (2-3), p. 283.
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783:{\displaystyle \langle S,H\rangle ,\langle H,C\rangle }
695:{\displaystyle \langle S,H\rangle ,\langle H,C\rangle }
581:{\displaystyle \langle S,H\rangle ,\langle H,C\rangle }
286:(such as the fact that "verb-second" languages such as
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Logical relations in Chinese and the theory of grammar
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could not appear in a verb phrase with sentence-final
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Complement-to-specifier movement in Mandarin Chinese
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is stronger when the noun phrase precedes the verb (
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may be too technical for most readers to understand
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1463:(Second ed.). Arnold/Oxford University Press.
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947:Kayne's theory also addresses the position of the
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23:. For the property of mathematical relations, see
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652:would seem to be constituents. He suggests that
470:(rather than the standard symmetric set {H,C}).
1480:Storage and Computation in the Language Faculty
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1402:A Theory of the Morphology-Syntax Interface
383:Japanese has an overt "question particle" (
241:}. This gives rise to the total ordering:
1474:Neeleman, Ad & Peter Ackema (2002). "
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77:Learn how and when to remove this message
61:, without removing the technical details.
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273:since the most widely attested order in
1729:Kayne, Richard S. (February 12, 2010).
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1621:". Ms., National Tsing Hua University.
1465:(See p. 461 for the Japanese example.)
1231:Existence of true head-final languages
1203:("How has Zhangsan repaired the car?")
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260:of this article is in accordance with
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821:{\displaystyle \langle S,H,C\rangle }
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59:make it understandable to non-experts
1461:Introducing Transformational Grammar
1247:, (b), do not significantly differ.
1033:As evidence for this, Lin considers
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1482:. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Pages 219-256.
1123:"How does Zhangsan repair the car?"
1030:position, which precedes the head.
1025:. This particle is taken to convey
645:{\displaystyle \langle H,C\rangle }
613:{\displaystyle \langle S,H\rangle }
528:{\displaystyle \langle S,H\rangle }
495:{\displaystyle \langle H,C\rangle }
463:{\displaystyle \langle H,C\rangle }
203:Precedence and asymmetric c-command
13:
1519:. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Pages 143-183
1517:Levels of Syntactic Representation
1418:The Syntactic Domain of Anaphora.
433:Antisymmetry and ternary branching
312:would proceed roughly as follows:
218:
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19:For the property of matrices, see
14:
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1752:Journal of East Asian Linguistics
1041:("how?"). Based on prior work by
1478:" In S. Nooteboom et al. (eds.)
972:This process can be mapped onto
836:Antisymmetry theory rejects the
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876:that precede the noun (as in
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277:is for specifiers to precede
1617:Lin, Tzong-Hong J. (2006), "
1561:Courtney, Ellen H. (2011). "
373:John-wa nani-o kaimashita ka
7:
1655:Richards, Marc D. (2008). "
1197:{} Zhangsan how repair car
915:, and forward and backward
10:
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1710:Kayne, Richard S. (1994).
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868:There's books on the table
376:John-TOP what-ACC bought Q
252:Derivation of X-bar theory
107:The Antisymmetry of Syntax
18:
1764:10.1007/s10831-009-9038-z
1634:". PhD dissertation, MIT.
1630:Huang, C.-T. J. (1982). "
1368:These results imply that
1286:-sae shita to] omotteiru]
909:serial verb constructions
1415:Reinhart, Tanya (1979).
864:Greenberg's Universal 33
256:The example tree in the
148:theories (as opposed to
1807:Syntactic relationships
1207:Sentence (b), in which
1120:Zhangsan how repair car
1020:sentence-final particle
243:⟨b, a, c⟩
1459:Jamal Ouhalla (1999).
1359:(Takita 2009 57: (33b)
1351:Taro-ga to] omotteiru
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144:. It is disputed by
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1018:sentences with the
843:syntactic movements
397:whole of the clause
379:'What did John buy'
275:linguistic typology
268:The universal order
123:syntactic movements
1802:Grammar frameworks
1400:Li, Yafei (2005).
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933:Minimalist program
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105:'s 1994 monograph
1797:Generative syntax
1742:978-1-57473-441-6
1449:, pp. 34–36.
1370:Universal Grammar
1072:is indeed found:
1027:perfect aspectual
917:pronominalization
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884:(akin to English
538:Kayne notes that
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115:branching order
83:
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55:help improve it
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921:
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897:
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854:Hanging topics
833:
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169:Tanya Reinhart
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154:
85:
84:
46:
44:
37:
15:
9:
6:
4:
3:
2:
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1714:. MIT Press.
1713:
1708:
1707:
1697:, p. 59.
1696:
1691:
1682:
1676:, p. 57.
1675:
1670:
1668:
1666:
1658:
1652:
1646:, p. 44.
1645:
1640:
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1627:
1620:
1614:
1605:
1595:
1589:, p. 15.
1588:
1583:
1577:, p. 12.
1576:
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1245:matrix clause
1241:
1237:
1228:
1226:
1216:
1214:
1210:
1204:
1201:
1195:
1193:
1189:
1183:
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1170:
1167:
1162:
1159:
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1124:
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1073:
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1063:
1059:
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1048:
1044:
1040:
1036:
1031:
1028:
1024:
1021:
1017:
1012:
1005:
1002:
999:
996:
993:
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989:
988:
986:
982:
977:
975:
962:
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952:
950:
945:
942:
938:
934:
925:
918:
914:
910:
906:
902:
898:
895:
891:
887:
883:
879:
875:
872:
869:
865:
861:
858:
855:
852:
851:
850:
846:
844:
839:
829:
812:
809:
806:
803:
800:
774:
771:
768:
762:
756:
753:
750:
724:
721:
718:
715:
712:
686:
683:
680:
674:
668:
665:
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633:
630:
604:
601:
598:
572:
569:
566:
560:
554:
551:
548:
536:
519:
516:
513:
486:
483:
480:
454:
451:
448:
430:
428:
427:Phonetic Form
424:
420:
411:
405:
402:
401:
400:
398:
394:
390:
386:
380:
377:
374:
370:
365:
360:
357:
352:
346:
341:
335:
330:
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320:
317:
316:
315:
314:
313:
311:
306:
302:
291:
289:
285:
280:
276:
265:
263:
259:
258:first section
249:
246:
227:
221:
217:
215:
211:
200:
198:
194:
191:
176:
172:
170:
166:
162:
153:
151:
147:
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135:
130:
128:
124:
120:
116:
112:
108:
104:
101:presented in
100:
96:
92:
81:
78:
70:
60:
56:
50:
47:This article
45:
36:
35:
30:
26:
22:
1758:(1): 41–61.
1755:
1751:
1731:
1711:
1690:
1681:
1651:
1639:
1626:
1613:
1604:
1594:
1582:
1570:
1557:
1552:, p. 7.
1545:
1540:, p. 4.
1533:
1524:
1516:
1511:
1487:
1479:
1470:
1460:
1454:
1442:
1433:
1421:
1417:
1410:
1404:. MIT Press.
1401:
1395:
1383:
1366:
1362:
1356:
1353:
1346:
1342:
1334:
1326:
1316:
1309:discard-even
1308:
1291:
1288:
1285:
1281:
1273:
1265:
1258:discard-even
1257:
1242:
1238:
1234:
1222:
1212:
1208:
1206:
1202:
1196:
1191:
1187:
1185:
1179:
1174:
1168:
1160:
1152:
1148:
1142:
1134:
1122:
1119:
1114:
1112:
1108:
1100:
1092:
1088:
1082:
1069:
1065:
1061:
1057:
1051:
1047:logical form
1038:
1034:
1032:
1022:
1013:
1009:
1006:N] P] V]] C]
978:
971:
958:
946:
944:complement.
930:
913:coordination
885:
867:
847:
835:
537:
436:
417:
408:
396:
392:
384:
382:
378:
375:
372:
366:
358:
347:
336:
328:
318:
309:
297:
271:
262:X-bar theory
255:
247:
228:
225:
213:
209:
206:
196:
195:
192:
180:
159:
131:
119:X-bar theory
106:
95:antisymmetry
94:
88:
73:
64:
48:
1695:Takita 2009
1674:Takita 2009
1644:Takita 2009
1186:* Zhangsan
1043:James Huang
905:dislocation
903:and clitic
419:Andrea Moro
319:wh-movement
301:wh-movement
152:theories).
91:linguistics
67:August 2021
1791:Categories
1587:Kayne 2010
1575:Kayne 2010
1550:Kayne 2010
1538:Kayne 2010
1504:Kayne 2010
1447:Kayne 1994
1388:Kayne 1994
1376:References
1279:omotteiru]
1003:N] P] V]]]
356:kaimashita
214:consistent
138:complement
127:word order
1817:Asymmetry
1780:121661611
1772:0925-8558
1340:omotteiru
1209:zenmeyang
1188:zenmeyang
1149:zenmeyang
1115:zenmeyang
1113:Zhangsan
1089:zenmeyang
1070:zenmeyang
1066:zenmeyang
1058:zenmeyang
1054:-movement
1039:zenmeyang
949:specifier
816:⟩
798:⟨
778:⟩
766:⟨
760:⟩
748:⟨
728:⟩
710:⟨
690:⟩
678:⟨
672:⟩
660:⟨
640:⟩
628:⟨
608:⟩
596:⟨
576:⟩
564:⟨
558:⟩
546:⟨
523:⟩
511:⟨
490:⟩
478:⟨
458:⟩
446:⟨
421:proposed
389:auxiliary
161:C-command
134:specifier
1190:xiu che
1143:Zhangsan
1140:Zhangsan
1117:xiu che?
1083:Zhangsan
1080:Zhangsan
1000:N] P]]]]
305:Japanese
284:typology
210:complete
142:movement
1704:Sources
1314:Taro-ga
941:parsing
901:clitics
878:Chinese
334:John-wa
53:Please
1812:Syntax
1778:
1770:
1739:
1718:
1161:repair
1135:
1101:repair
997:N]]]]]
985:Basque
359:bought
345:nani-o
288:German
185:and AP
1776:S2CID
1425:(PDF)
1343:think
1317:Taro-
1282:think
1263:shita
994:]]]]]
991:]]]]]
974:X-bar
888:) or
348:what-
337:John-
279:heads
97:is a
1768:ISSN
1737:ISBN
1716:ISBN
1347:-sae
1303:-sae
1255:-sae
1106:che?
955:S H
937:head
886:that
620:and
404:C ka
212:and
165:tree
136:and
1760:doi
1332:to]
1327:did
1319:NOM
1271:to]
1266:did
1169:car
1166:che
1158:xiu
1153:how
1128:(b)
1109:car
1098:xiu
1093:how
1076:(a)
790:to
393:did
350:ACC
339:TOP
303:in
89:In
57:to
1793::
1774:.
1766:.
1756:18
1754:.
1664:^
1599:5.
1496:^
1335:C
1299:b.
1274:C
1251:a.
1213:le
1199:PF
1192:le
1181:PF
1175:le
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1052:wh
1035:wh
1023:le
911:,
907:,
896:.)
385:ka
364:ka
245:.
237:,
233:,
181:AP
129:.
93:,
1782:.
1762::
1745:.
1724:.
1506:.
1390:.
1349:i
1305:i
1194:?
1177:?
1132:*
919:.
813:C
810:,
807:H
804:,
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772:,
769:H
763:,
757:H
754:,
751:S
725:C
722:,
719:H
716:,
713:S
687:C
684:,
681:H
675:,
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666:,
663:S
637:C
634:,
631:H
605:H
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573:C
570:,
567:H
561:,
555:H
552:,
549:S
520:H
517:,
514:S
487:C
484:,
481:H
455:C
452:,
449:H
368:Q
321:→
187:2
183:1
80:)
74:(
69:)
65:(
51:.
31:.
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