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Phillips points to the unprecedented national debt, currently approaching eighteen trillion dollars. He also points to a "debt culture." He suggests underlying problems because the "debt industry" is larger than industries that actually manufacture goods (such as the automotive industry). He suggests
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were religious outsiders, who were non-conformist and more radical than the establishment would allow (which was why they left Europe in the first place). He points to a history of highly emotional religious practices in the 17th and 18th centuries. He then argues that after "fundamentalist religion"
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he admits that while these "mutations," as he calls them, could have been predicted, he did not foresee the extent to which they would develop and dominate the coalition he helped put together. The last chapter of this book references his first work and is called "The Erring
Republican Majority."
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Phillips points to political ramifications. He cites statistics that show that people who use more oil are more likely to vote
Republican. These people are more likely to drive larger domestic trucks and SUVs and live further from the urban center of a city, thus driving more in less efficient
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in this
Republican coalition. Finally, he points to the "debt culture" of this coalition, and to a coming "debt bubble" related to the debt of the U.S. Government and U.S. consumers. He argues that similar issues have been prevalent in the past, when other world powers, such as the
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Phillips argues that religion is, by far, the most accurate predictor of political and ideological belief. He cites this as the primary determinant of who picked what side during what he refers to as the three great civil wars between
English speaking people: the
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before that was built on wind and waterpower. When these energy sources became scarce or were replaced with a new source, argues
Phillips, these countries lost their greatness to the master of the new energy source.
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Finally, Phillips suggests that oil has been the driving force in U.S. foreign policy for nearly thirty years. He suggests that the
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has been transformed into a worldwide oil protection force. He suggests that various military events in the 1980s, as well as the
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American society and geography being built around oil, with widely dispersed suburbs and exurbs. He criticizes the "
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a coming debt bubble. He predicts a liquidation of U.S. government debt by foreign creditors, and mass insolvency of consumers.
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Phillips starts this section by tracing the history of
American religion. He argues that the pilgrims who emigrated to the
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in particular, but particularly focuses on the end-times prophecies of what he refers to as
Christian Reconstructionists.
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Phillips describes three central, unifying planks in the
Republican coalition. The first is oil. The second is radical
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who made similar statements. He points to hostility by the social conservatives towards science in general, and
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American
Theocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21st Century
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American Theocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21st Century
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In this section, Phillips refers to the large presence in the conservative coalition of religious
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Phillips points to three unifying themes holding this coalition together. First, its tie to
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and the role oil plays in American and world events. Second, to the coalition of
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suggesting that he is speaking for God, and points to past leaders, such as
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While working as a strategist in the presidential campaign of
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estimates that oil supplies in most of the world have peaked
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vehicles. Of the top ten oil states, eight voted for
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Books critical of conservatism in the United States
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437:Book Review. Retrieved on 2008-10-27.
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