310:) and the government avoided the unnecessary slaughter of animals that would have resulted from strict enforcement. Although the household plots had long existed, the idea of household stock-breeding was not approved of by everyone. In 1959, a report to the Political Committee worried that in some areas, local farm leaders continued to oppose the creation of household plots and made life difficult for those private owners. Government attempts push for
315:
has not reached a high enough level for collective production to take over the supply . . . In many places the transitional measures are being branded in a sectarian manner as 'capitalist tendencies' or regarded as some sort of 'sin or act against socialism' ... These damaging, narrow-minded ideas must now be forcefully eliminated, and everybody must understand ... the country needs meat!"
70:'s territory, some 93,000 square kilometers of land. While the wealthy who lost their land in the deal had obviously lost out, the problems of smaller peasant landholders were by no means solved. Many of them saw only slight increases in their property size to 11,000 square meters, “too small to provide a livelihood, let alone the basis for efficient agricultural production.” These
238:'s New Course, the changes suggested in the July 1957 Agrarian Theses were not drastic, but they made room for the possibility of further reforms. Some changes came almost immediately. The compulsory deliveries were not reintroduced and the purchasing prices introduced in 1957 were 80% higher than the compulsory prices had been.
142:) and incredibly low agricultural producer prices. Although individual families were allowed a small private household plot intended to serve their own personal needs, decrees passed in 1949 and 1950 limited these plots with an absolute limit of 4,300 square meters, and its output was also subject to compulsory deliveries. The
314:
of their measures stressed the “transitional” nature of the situation. In the summer of 1960, Lajos Fehér, Deputy Prime
Minister, insisted that "...ousehold farming is an integral complementary part of cooperative farming ... It will be needed so long as the economic activity of the co-operative ...
343:
With relatively little use of force, the great wave of collectivization occurred between 1959 and 1961, earlier than forecast in the
Agrarian Theses. At the end of this period, more than 95% of agricultural land in Hungary had become the property of collective farms. In February 1961, the Central
268:
were converted into repair shops. Out of 235 machine stations in use in 1961, only 63 were open in 1964 and by the end of the decade, only a few remained in poor areas. Most of the stations were transformed into repair shops to service the machinery quickly being acquired by the co-operatives. The
442:
With the ever-looming uncertainty of collectivization, Hungarian farmers became fearful and hesitant to purchase even simple tools to improve the production of their farms. They feared that their investment would be unable to be reaped by themselves, but would instead be used to benefit others.
263:
suggested that machine stations had outlived their usefulness, and they were soon abolished. More purchasing of machinery was allowed the following year, and in 1961, a number of machine stations were allowed to sell off their obsolete machines. Furthermore, the machine stations in
Turkeve and
326:
and worked on relatively independently. The family would receive pay based on their work hours but also a percentage of the surplus from their particular strip of land. This helped to motivate members to work harder, particularly with crops like potatoes that required more
293:
co-operatively could simply not be built quickly enough. The government adopted the common-sense solution of allowing members to keep animals on their household plots. The solution was a good fit. The farmers enjoyed the benefits of keeping their own animals (including
433:
worked with the concerns of the farmers, allowing them mechanical independence, semi-private production on their household plots and crop-shared fields, and a decent standard of living from higher agricultural producer prices and substantial government investment.
396:
Whether or not peasants really wanted to join, the adjustments made to the agricultural system in 1957 clearly managed to satisfy the membership adequately enough that the co-operatives did not fall apart as they had in the past. Like
254:
had been kept in special state-run machine stations, but new regulations encouraged co-operatives to buy most forms of light machinery. By the end of the year, the 2557 existing agricultural co-operatives had purchased over 1000 light
134:, but large numbers opted instead to leave their villages. In the early 1950s, only one quarter of peasants agreed to join co-operatives. Even once collectivized, farms were subject to harsh compulsory deliveries (
38:
was attempted a number of times in the late 1940s, until it was finally successfully implemented in the early 1960s. By consolidating individual landowning farmers into agricultural co-operatives, the
368:
for members of co-operatives were a legal requirement after 1958, some elderly potential members were not convinced of the long-term financial security of co-operatives, and chose to leave their
150:
of credit for co-operatives (later downscaled to 8 million) but by 1953, less than half of that had been made available. Without credit from the government, or any reasonable ability to earn a
170:'s “New Course,” introduced in 1954, promised an easing of social tension between co-operatives and the state. First, the compulsory deliveries were abolished, alleviating much stress for
443:
Additionally, many of the individual farms which operated before the collectivization attempts in the late 1940s and 1950s which were used for specific agricultural niches, such as
182:
were put into service than during the entire 1950-3 period.” These new beginnings would not last long, however, as power struggles within the MDP in the spring of 1955 led to
344:
Committee declared that collectivization had been completed. This quick success should not be confused with enthusiastic adoption of collective idealism on the part of the
819:
429:, the state had only a bare tolerance for household plots and the transitional system was marked by its almost total inflexibility. In contrast, transitional measures in
794:
95:
75:
758:
774:
58:. When the proposed legislation was passed in March, it merely acknowledged the seizures the peasants had already undertaken. Prior to the reforms, half of
106:
would be adopted and applied with physical force if necessary. In July 1948, government regulations allowed the seizure of larger landholdings from
695:
388:, the peasants were less interested in resisting, and as membership levels increased, those who remained likely grew worried about being left out.
845:
384:
factors might have been the deciding influence. Demoralized after two successive (and harsh) collectivization campaigns and the events of the
661:
Nigel Swain, Central
European Agricultural Structures in Transition (Discussion Paper for Frankfurt Institute for Transition Studies, 1999)
203:
17:
331:. Both of these transitional measures integrated pre-soviet “family labor” practices with the ideal “socialist wage labor” to balance
718:
743:
942:
455:. This, mixed with the inefficiency of the state-run farms, led to an overall decrease in production and profit for many farmers.
753:
114:). These regulations enabled over 800 square kilometers of land to be confiscated, 60% of which went to recently formed farming
799:
50:
In early 1945, the provisional
Hungarian government had appointed “land claimants” committees to examine the situation of the
748:
784:
688:
723:
99:
738:
198:, again using physical force to encourage membership. This attempt failed to last even as long as the previous drive.
278:
231:
425:
open to obvious discrimination and they suffered from a lack of financial and structural support from the state. In
681:
31:
417:, a sort of “dual agricultural” model was developed in which 20% of land was controlled by large, inefficient
214:
model had been rather apparent to some after the first wave in the early 1950s, but the inflexibility of the
35:
421:, and the rest privately owned, mostly in the form of small peasant farms. This isolated situation left the
870:
464:
103:
937:
932:
855:
814:
728:
824:
385:
227:
83:
130:
agricultural policy. Both economic and direct police pressure were used to coerce peasants to join
413:
phase of collectivization in the 1950s before leaving it behind in the search for a new model. In
42:
hoped to increase production and efficiency, and put agriculture under the control of the state.
670:
Peter D. Bell, Peasants in
Socialist Transition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984)
891:
860:
704:
469:
269:
new independent machine ownership would later spawn further demands by the collective farmers.
265:
906:
658:
Nigel Swain, Hungary: The Rise and Fall of
Feasible Socialism (London: New Left Books, 1992)
215:
207:
191:
183:
143:
123:
39:
277:
Another shift that resulted from the
Agrarian Theses was a new willingness on the part of
8:
865:
840:
667:, The Hungarian Economic Reforms 1953-1988 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
78:
which won a significant majority in the
November election, but political maneuvering and
655:
Nigel Swain, Collective Farms Which Work? (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1985),
210:'s ensuing resignation led to second failure at collectivization. The weaknesses in the
634:
98:
would have solved the problems resulting from their dwarf properties, the plans of the
733:
626:
373:
349:
260:
199:
896:
664:
789:
616:
361:
357:
195:
151:
139:
135:
119:
250:
to purchase limited amounts of machinery for their own use. Until this point, all
174:. Second, the government devoted nearly one quarter of its national investment to
809:
234:(MSzMP) began to draw up a plan for a more gradual collectivization drive. Like
186:'s return to power and a condemnation of the “right deviation” supported in the
804:
444:
426:
406:
286:
251:
79:
285:
farms. The acceptance of household plots grew primarily out of necessity; the
926:
630:
381:
319:
303:
451:, for which there was a significant market, were changed to instead produce
66:-type” estates. The provisional government legislation redistributed 35% of
353:
328:
282:
247:
155:
131:
115:
875:
673:
448:
175:
71:
59:
55:
850:
638:
311:
299:
410:
290:
211:
187:
167:
127:
51:
621:
604:
118:, the rest going to private peasants. This first serious attempt at
332:
63:
230:
and the re-establishment of political order, officials of the new
911:
901:
430:
422:
418:
398:
377:
365:
345:
256:
179:
67:
414:
402:
323:
171:
147:
820:
Five-year plans for the national economy of the Soviet Union
322:, in which co-operatively owned land was divided up between
154:, peasants were unable to invest in their own farms and the
452:
369:
295:
235:
307:
161:
272:
218:
government left no room for any creative solutions.
89:
775:
Collectivization in the People's Republic of Poland
281:to accept household plots belonging to members of
924:
241:
86:led to its failure in the following election.
62:land had controlled by large, privately owned “
689:
364:meant negotiation and uncertainty. Although
605:"Collectivization in Hungarian Agriculture"
846:Wage reform in the Soviet Union, 1956–1962
739:Economy of the People's Republic of Poland
703:
696:
682:
871:Economic System of Socialism (GDR, 1970s)
841:New Economic Policy (Soviet Union, 1920s)
620:
27:Land reform process in communist Hungary
861:New Economic Mechanism (Hungary, 1960s)
602:
221:
14:
925:
102:(MDP) soon became clear. The model of
45:
677:
162:Nagy's New Course and Rákosi's return
856:Kosygin reform (Soviet Union, 1960s)
785:Collectivization in the Soviet Union
724:Economy of Communist Czechoslovakia
590:Swain, Structures in Transition, 4.
583:Swain, Structures in Transition, 4.
138:in physical units passed down from
24:
246:The government began to allow the
25:
954:
876:Perestroika (Soviet Union, 1980s)
318:Also allowed was the practice of
273:Household plots and sharecropping
232:Hungarian Socialist Workers Party
94:While it remains unclear how the
90:First attempt at collectivization
866:New Economic System (GDR, 1960s)
166:Although certainly not radical,
100:Hungarian Working People's Party
586:
579:
572:
565:
558:
551:
544:
376:work where they were sure of a
596:
537:
530:
523:
516:
509:
502:
495:
488:
481:
146:initially promised 11 billion
13:
1:
734:Goulash (Hungarian) Communism
475:
338:
242:Tractors and machine stations
126:, and both bore the marks of
36:agricultural collectivization
465:Collectivization in the USSR
437:
122:corresponded with the first
7:
943:Hungarian People's Republic
815:Collectivization in Romania
795:Collectivization in Ukraine
780:Collectivization in Hungary
729:Economy of the Soviet Union
458:
391:
178:and in just one year “more
32:Hungarian People's Republic
10:
959:
800:Land Reforms (Afghanistan)
649:
335:with economic well-being.
104:Stalinist collectivization
18:Agrarian reform in Hungary
884:
833:
825:Systematization (Romania)
790:Battle for trade (Poland)
767:
759:Economy of SFR Yugoslavia
711:
609:Journal of Farm Economics
603:Balassa, Bela A. (1960).
386:1956 Hungarian Revolution
228:1956 Hungarian Revolution
810:Three Year Plan (Poland)
226:After the events of the
851:New Course (GDR, 1950s)
834:Pre-dissolution reforms
719:Economy of East Germany
380:. In the end, however,
54:and develop a plan for
892:Eastern Bloc economies
705:Eastern Bloc economies
470:Eastern Bloc economies
194:renewed the drive for
744:Economy of Lithuania
289:required to shelter
222:1957 Agrarian Theses
40:Communist government
754:Economy of Moldavia
46:Post-War background
938:Collective farming
933:Agricultural labor
158:began to crumble.
96:Smallholders Party
920:
919:
749:Economy of Latvia
350:Private ownership
259:. In March 1958,
200:Nikita Khrushchev
136:production quotas
16:(Redirected from
950:
897:Shortage economy
885:Related concepts
768:Collectivization
698:
691:
684:
675:
674:
643:
642:
624:
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589:
582:
575:
568:
562:Swain, CFWW, 33.
561:
554:
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541:Swain, CFWW, 37.
540:
533:
526:
519:
513:Swain, RFFS, 42.
512:
506:Swain, RFFS, 36.
505:
499:Swain, RFFS, 35.
498:
491:
485:Swain, RFFS, 35.
484:
362:collectivization
358:self-sufficiency
196:collectivization
140:central planning
120:collectivization
21:
958:
957:
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622:10.2307/1235320
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569:Swain, CFWW, 4.
527:Swain, CFWW, 27
492:Swain, CFWW, 3.
478:
461:
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341:
275:
244:
224:
190:'s New Course.
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76:political party
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28:
23:
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12:
11:
5:
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805:Dekulakization
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665:Iván T. Berend
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445:horse-breeding
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427:Czechoslovakia
407:Czechoslovakia
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337:
287:infrastructure
274:
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266:Székesfehérvár
252:farm machinery
243:
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223:
220:
163:
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144:Five Year Plan
124:Five Year Plan
91:
88:
80:election fraud
47:
44:
26:
9:
6:
4:
3:
2:
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382:psychological
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320:sharecropping
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248:co-operatives
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205:
204:secret speech
201:
197:
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184:Mátyás Rákosi
181:
177:
173:
169:
159:
157:
156:co-operatives
153:
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137:
133:
132:co-operatives
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116:co-operatives
113:
109:
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87:
85:
81:
77:
73:
69:
65:
61:
57:
53:
43:
41:
37:
33:
19:
907:Stakhanovite
779:
615:(1): 35–51.
612:
608:
598:
587:
580:
573:
566:
559:
552:
548:Berend, 102.
545:
538:
534:Berend, 106.
531:
524:
517:
510:
503:
496:
489:
482:
441:
409:underwent a
395:
354:independence
342:
329:manual labor
317:
283:co-operative
276:
245:
225:
165:
111:
107:
93:
72:smallholders
60:agricultural
49:
29:
555:Berend, 98.
449:viticulture
419:state farms
176:agriculture
110:(Hungarian
56:land reform
927:Categories
476:References
453:food crops
374:industrial
339:Resistance
261:Khrushchev
108:nagygazdák
84:Communists
712:Economies
631:1071-1031
576:Bell, 137
520:Berend, 2
438:Drawbacks
411:Stalinist
312:tolerance
291:livestock
212:Stalinist
168:Imre Nagy
128:Stalinist
74:formed a
52:peasantry
459:See also
423:peasants
392:Benefits
372:to seek
366:pensions
346:peasants
333:ideology
324:families
257:tractors
180:tractors
64:hacienda
912:Comecon
902:Sovkhoz
650:Sources
639:1235320
431:Hungary
399:Hungary
378:pension
308:piglets
302:, even
172:farmers
152:surplus
148:forints
82:by the
68:Hungary
30:In the
637:
629:
415:Poland
403:Poland
352:meant
304:calves
216:Rákosi
208:Rákosi
192:Rákosi
635:JSTOR
370:farms
279:Party
627:ISSN
447:and
405:and
356:and
306:and
300:eggs
296:milk
236:Nagy
206:and
188:Nagy
617:doi
202:'s
929::
633:.
625:.
613:42
611:.
607:.
401:,
360:,
348:.
298:,
34:,
697:e
690:t
683:v
641:.
619::
112:s
20:)
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