518:. O'Brien swept back to Parliament again for his old Cork constituency as the only begetter of the League and as a senior member of the inner circle of party managers. He could feel proud of his achievement after the reunited party fought its first election on the program of the United Irish League. The unity disturbed O'Brien however as it resulted in most of the ineffective party candidates being re-elected, preventing the UIL Directory from using its power in the pre-selection of candidates. The task facing the united Irish Party's new leader Redmond was now to create a unified political organisation, effectively grounded in the realities of Irish society. By 1901 revolutionary nationalism was moribund, though it was, of course, to undergo a miraculous recovery.
618:, for informal talks on 6 February, the National Directory and the Parliamentary party gave approval to the Land Conference terms on 16 February. The bill to achieve social reconciliation in Ireland was finally introduced by Wyndham on 25 March 1903. The Irish Landowners' Convention which met in April acclaimed the bill as "by far the largest and most liberal measure ever offered to landlords and tenants by any Government in any country". A League Convention on 16 April saw 3,000 Nationalist supporters applaud the bill and O'Brien's resolution which "pledged the Irish nation ... to the vital principle of the policy of national reconciliation". He followed this by orchestrating the greatest and widest piece of social legislation Ireland had yet seen, the
511:
League. To avoid this in the future he saw the only way was by retaining control of the UIL through individuals who were agrarian agitators. A National
Convention of the League was called and held in Dublin on 19 and 20 June 1900. It registered the triumph of the League as the national organisation with elaborate rules and a constitution drawn up by O'Brien. Redmond was elected chairman. He himself had no doubt as to the future action to be taken. Redmond intended to capture O'Brien's organisation and subordinate it to party Parliamentarian interests. He assumed the role of president in December. Within two years he and Dillon were to tactically adjunct the UIL under the wing of the IPP, manoeuvring it out of O'Brien's control.
591:
richly complex initiatives in the entire political history of modern
Ireland. In June a landlord of moderate views, Lindsay Talbot Crosbie, wrote to the press calling for an agreed settlement between representatives of the proprietor and tenant interests. On 3 September a similar letter was published by another Galway landlord, Captain John Shawe-Taylor setting out proposals for a landlord-tenant conference. They were important because they articulated the desires of a small but influential group of moderate landlords, who, encouraged by the Administration in Dublin Castle, heralded an era of landlord-tenant rapprochement in Ireland. What saved Taylor's letter from being branded, as Crosbie's scheme was by O'Brien's
433:
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represented the true feeling of the country. But what in fact happened was that party members soon dominated the councils of the League and its administrative machinery. Redmond never attempted to hide the necessity for the party to be dominant in policy-making. Once O'Brien began to campaign against party policy, he was treated as a "factionist". In 1900 the leadership of the UIL had consisted of O'Brien and Dillon. In 1905, it consisted of
Redmond, Dillon, and to a lesser extent, Joseph Devlin and
348:. William O'Brien was the prime mover, and the difficulty of the project can be gauged from the fact that the parliamentary leaders had very different opinions on the land question. Dillon regarded the unresolved land issue as an essential motor for the nationalist home rule movement. O'Brien championed the smallholders against the large graziers while Davitt, whose original idea had been state ownership and agrarian socialism, was not particularly enamoured by peasant proprietorship.
494:
crucial years of the League's existence, but in
February, worn out and ill, he left for abroad. The settlement of the party leadership question now focused on the two most important men in Irish politics, O'Brien and Redmond. The initiative seemed to lie with O'Brien, yet Redmond had the prestige of being the Irish party leader. O'Brien was not in the true sense a politician, he possessed great popular gifts, but lacked that will to power which is the hallmark of the politician.
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possessing a dynamism which had long been lost by the older bodies. The ill-feeling between the League and many clergymen transcended the political conflicts within the Irish party. The dominance of the Church in Irish rural life made almost inevitable a sense of frustration on the part of young men of ambition among the lower classes. A generation earlier such men had gravitated into pathetic secret protest movement. Now they found a place in the United Irish League.
648:, Dillon denounced the legislation and the "doctrine of conciliation". This divergence, was in a few short weeks to turn the two old and once intimate friends into mortal enemies. Davitt condemned both peasant land proprietorship and that land was being purchased rather than confiscated from the landlords. O'Brien requested from his conciliatory friend Redmond that they be disciplined, which to O'Brien's consternation he refused to do, fearing a renewed party split.
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150:
312:, established by Balfour in 1891, for redistribution among the tenants of smaller agricultural holdings. It was largely welcomed even among some of the clergy while the authorities on the other hand kept the new movement under close observation. Actually, O'Brien put more life into the country in the first six months of the League than the Nationalist party had aroused in years, after widespread agrarian agitation recommenced in 1898.
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physical force, were the best means of achieving its goals. It was O'Brien's and Davitt's hope that reunion could be forced on the party from the outside, by organising the country and transforming the Irish representation in
Parliament through the election of "good men". Dillon became ambivalent about the new association, believing that it would lead to confrontation with the government and endanger the alliance with the
471:, who assured that UIL and ILLA branch reports were given weekly press coverage, crucial for the expansion and growth of the UIL in Cork. The existence of these two organisations, the UIL centred on popular broad-nationalism, the ILLA based on 'labour nationalism' at first apparently corroborative of one another, would within a decade ultimately lead to self-destructive class-tensions, schisms and divisions.
388:(Sept. 1899 – Nov. 1903). In it he declared that the new League was the people's organisation and that the people, and not the politicians, should be its base. Its organisation included an elaborate representative structure linked to a National Directory. This threat to the divided factions of the IPP began a reunification among MPs, led from above, to counter the UIL threat growing up from below.
484:
752:, a bill rejected by the UIL, as a step in the right direction, or "Home Rule by instalments". These involvements inflamed the Dillonite section of the IPP to the extent that they were determined to destroy both O'Brien and Sheehan "before they poison the whole country" and published regular denunciations of their conciliatory policies in the IPP's
756:. By 1907, there were seven MPs outside the parliamentary party. Proposals to reunite the party were made by Redmond and a meeting summoned for the Mansion House, Dublin, in April 1908. In the interest of unity, O'Brien and others rejoined the party, though a year later O'Brien left it for good. This time he was hounded out by Devlin's
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the
Administration to the least sign of popular unrest. In August 1901 the UIL reached nearly 100,000 members, when its Directory issued a resolution calling for active agitation throughout Ireland. O'Brien now at the height of his prestige, dominated the UIL machine and in a vigorous speech on 15 September called for
728:
From the founding of the UIL, O'Brien held the view that
Ireland's problems were caused by the manoeuvrings of the parliamentary politicians who were out of touch with popular opinion. Under the new arrangements after 1900, O'Brien proclaimed that the party should be subordinated to the League, which
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of the central office reported 22 lapsed divisional bodies by
December, 489 lapsed branches by the spring of 1904. The League was wholly dead in the west and in Dublin. Particularly younger men turned from any support whatever for the parliamentary movement. Davitt reported that it was also virtually
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MP and Ulster's T. W. Russell MP representing tenant farmers on the other hand. Thus after considerable internal deliberations on both sides, the eight delegates met in Dublin on 20 December 1902 in a conference publicly hailed by
Redmond as "the most significant episode in the public life of Ireland
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The UIL tactic at the time of setting the have-nots against the haves naturally appealed to the self-interest of the simpler peasants and was the main reason for the rapid spread of the movement. By April 1900 the League's listing showed 462 branches, representing between 60,000 and 80,000 members in
299:
had been accompanied by the conversion of previously cultivated land into large grazing ranches, so that in many areas most of the local population was still crowded on tiny, uneconomical holdings within sight of open, untilled fields. At the very place in
Westport where in 1879 Parnell once launched
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overseeing the new landowner's low interest annuities. O'Brien saw his achievement as having guided the official nationalist movement into endorsement of a new policy of "conference plus business" and of having set in motion events of decisive importance in reversing the consequences of centuries of
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With the National Convention in January 1902 claiming 1230 branches, the scene was thus set for a clash between a strong government, which was in no mood to allow an Irish land war to deflect it from its own constructive ideas, and a League pledged to attack landlordism, turning more and more to the
506:
The League organisers worked furiously during the months following the reunion to spread the UIL organisation into the eastern and southern parts of the country, the sharp rise during 1900 probably reflected the absorption of old National League and National Federation branches, the new organisation
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MP as its general secretary the UIL performed extremely well and threatened the position of the divided Irish Parliamentary Party. As a consequence, it quickly gained popular support among tenant farmer, its branches sweeping over most of the country, dictating to the demoralised Irish party leaders
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Balfour gave Wyndham the go-ahead to prepare for a Land Purchase Bill early in 1902, which when introduced in spring turned out to be a half-hearted abortive Bill, its terms, as urged by O'Brien, rejected by the party, so that the measure was withdrawn. There then arose one of the most striking and
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bishops expressed approval of attempts "to create peasant proprietorship with enlarged holdings in the west of Ireland". The Tuam provincial hierarchy's accommodation of the League up to 1900 reflected predominantly the genuine congruence of their social ideals with the stated aims of the movement.
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a young MP of remarkable political ability who in time gained complete control and leadership of the entire party organisation. It deprived O'Brien of all authority. Devlin was devoted to Dillon, who had helped him greatly in his rise to eminence, and Dillon in his turn had come to heavily rely on
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The UIL agitation focused attention on the fact that many families lived on patches of land too small to provide a decent livelihood even without rent. Agitation by tenant farmers continued to press for compulsory land purchase, but the four years of almost ceaseless activity that O'Brien put into
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Throughout the early months of 1901 agitation was limited, merely thirty-five cases of boycotting reported, due to O'Brien's weak health and Davitt being in America for most of the year. Despite this the Nationalists felt the old sting of League meetings being outlawed, the traditional reaction of
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One crucial problem had yet to be faced – the question of who should be president of the League. O'Brien, now at the pinnacle of national popularity, had created the League primarily to promote land purchase through vigorous agitation. This had been crippled earlier by Parnell in the National
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influence in many areas. The enfranchisement of local electors allowed the development of a new political class, creating a significant body of experienced politicians who would enter national politics in Ireland in the 1920s, and increase the stability of the transitions to the parliaments of the
275:
Act, which helped to eliminate the old cry of "land-grabbers" but since the 1890s the cry was supplemented by "grass-grabbers". O'Brien thus began to take the first steps in his new campaign of agrarian agitation that would ultimately establish peasant proprietorship. This prompted him to call for
243:
Peoples Right's Association. O'Brien had become disillusioned with the internal party quarrels and its failure to rouse the people to a new sense of involvement with national goals. After O'Brien had withdrawn to the West of Ireland he experienced at first hand in his Mayo exile the plight of the
493:
Around 1900 O'Brien, an unbending social reformer and agrarian agitator, was the most influential and powerful figure within the nationalist movement, although not formally its leader. The period was marked by considerable political development in which Davitt had been of great help during the
351:
Though O'Brien claimed that his organisation had no political objective, he became intrinsically aware that to further their cause the three split factions of the IPP needed to be re-united. He strongly believed that only agitational politics combined with constitutional pressures, rather than
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MP, largely fearing O'Brien's return to the political field. The National League and the Irish National Federation, representing the two wings of the IPP, both merged with the UIL, which actually became accepted by the parliamentarians as the main support organisation of the parliamentary
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and withdrawing from public life. Despite appeals from friends and allies he refused to reconsider. O'Brien's resignation was a very serious matter for the party, throwing it into a state disarray not experienced since the Parnell crisis in 1890. It had repercussions at home and abroad.
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to compulsory land purchase, O'Brien whipping up enthusiasm for his winter program of boycotting and agitation together with the cost of maintaining a huge police force to quell agrarian unrest, influenced Wyndham to recognise that the time had come to construct a Land Bill for Ireland.
453:, where long standing trade union and labour traditions existed, the electorate tended to adhere to representatives of their allegiances. The depth of support for labour was particularly displayed in Mid-Cork, no doubt due to the growth of another organisation, the
497:
The result of the rapid growth of his UIL as a national organisation in achieving unity through organised popular opinion, was to effect a quick defensive re-union of the discredited IPP factions on 6 February in London under the unanimously agreed leadership of
639:
The passing of the Land Act in August 1903 precipitated a full-scale attack on O'Brien and the Act. The conciliatory approach and achievement in solving the land question aggravated Dillon who generally detested any negotiations with landlords. Together with
595:, as "a stale and rotten red-herring across the path of the National movement" was its endorsement by the Chief Secretary Wyndham, who grasped the chance to salvage his Land Bill for reintroduction on terms agreed to in advance by both interested parties.
260:, the so-called grasslands-grabbers, from whom the small tenant farmers were obliged to rent land for their needs. O'Brien saw the necessity to tackle the owners of these grazing ranches. He wanted to have the lands redistributed, a new idea at the time.
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were held in the spring of 1899 when the Leagues' candidates swept the field and Nationalist county and district councillors began to conduct the local administrative functions hitherto performed by landlord-dominated grand-juries. In some areas such as
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the terms for reconstruction, not only of the party but the nationalist movement in Ireland. The UIL platform included commitments to such themes as language revival and industrial development. The movement was backed by O'Brien's new newspaper
407:
dominated "Grand Juries", for the first time passing absolute democratic control of local affairs into the hands of the people through elected Local County Councils. Next to full Home Rule a no more remarkable concession to popular rights and
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for the last century". After only six sittings, the conference report as framed by O'Brien was published on 4 January 1903, making eighteen recommendations. The report was received favourably by people holding most shades of public opinion.
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nationalists. The UIL resembled the old INL, however, in its organisers; many of them were old INL cadre whom O'Brien had recruited for a repeat performance, and it thrived in those areas where land-hungry men were particularly dominant.
339:
The League was equally and explicitly designed to reconcile the various parliamentary fragments by bringing them together in a new grass roots organisation around a programme of agrarian agitation, political reform, settlement of the
395:, which the Irish Land League had campaigned on two decades earlier, but had been sidelined after the IPP split into the declining Irish National League and the Irish National Federation. The League's first electoral target was the
415:
The creation of the new councils had a significant effect on Ireland as it allowed local people to take decisions affecting themselves. The County and the sub-county District Councils created a political platform for proponents of
308:(UIL) in January 1898 under the banner of 'The Land for the People'. The League had as its prime declared object the breaking up of the large grassland farmers, by compelling them to surrender their lands voluntarily to the
531:
as its winter program. What he wanted was boycotting and the filling of Irish jails. Dillon also made several fiery speeches against the government, and to tenants encouraging them to demand rent reduction and
688: – what he called "the most damnable fact in the history of this country", and was bitterly resentful and unsparing in his attacks upon it. AOH members represented Catholic-nationalism of a
627:
alien domination. In the period 1903 to 1909 over 200,000 peasants became owners of their holdings under the Act. There is no reason to doubt O'Brien's sincerity in viewing the settlement of the
651:
Seeing himself thus alienated from the party O'Brien informed Redmond on 4 November 1903 that he was resigning from Parliament, leaving the UIL Directory, ceasing publication of his newspaper,
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O'Brien had always been gravely disturbed by the Irish Parliamentary Party's involvement with "that sinister sectarian secret society", the Ancient Order of Hibernians, often known as the
603:
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When letters of approval by Redmond and O'Brien were published in response by the press at the end of September there was no turning back. It resulted in Wyndham calling for a
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and landless labourers, their distressed hardship trying to eke out an existence in its rocky landscape. In contrast, the grazier ranches on the rich plains of counties Mayo,
764:", in a dispute over the financial arrangements for the next stage of the 1909 Land Purchase Act. As a consequence, O'Brien next founded his new political movement, the
775:
The United Irish League remained politically active as Devlin's support organisation for the Parliamentary party, becoming largely infiltrated by members of the
720:, the Irish Party leader, that a planned meeting of the UIL would be well attended because he would be able to get more than 400 AOH delegates to fill the hall.
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and by the Spring of 1902 the counties of Cavan, Clare, Cork, Leitrim, Mayo, Roscommon, Sligo, Tipperary and Waterford were proclaimed to fall under the Act.
276:
the introduction of a Land Bill with a provision for the compulsory purchase of untenanted grazier-ranches for distribution among tenants. The failure of the
2410:
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At the November 1904 National Convention, the General Secretary of the League, O'Brien's loyal John O'Donnell MP, was replaced by Dillon's close protégé and
2018:
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the League had not brought the benefits for the tenants he had hoped for, apart from giving the Parliamentary party a new lease of life. Nevertheless, the
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dead in United States. The League continued to decline nationwide over the next years seriously affecting the funding of both the party and the League.
563:
came to recognise the dire situation of the starved population of the west of Ireland. The existence of the United Irish League, the conversion of the
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twenty five counties. Within two years O'Brien's UIL was by far the largest organisation in the country, comprising 1150 branches and 84,355 members.
1901:
1693:
548:. A steady stream of proclamations and arrests continued so that between 1901 and 1902 among others, thirteen Irish MPs were imprisoned under the
287:, convinced O'Brien that something more than Parliamentary oratory was needed to encourage official circles to attend to the needs of the people.
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were in the hands of local town shopkeepers, retired policemen, and other middle-class Irish elements. They were, according to O'Brien, the real
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769:
748:, which became his new platform for renewed political activity. In addition O'Brien supported both the 1904 devolution scheme and the 1907
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as the first step in the attainment of Home Rule. Unfortunately few others would have the same outlook, for which he was yet to suffer.
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baton troops, a wing of the Hibernian Order, on the occasion of the rigged Dublin National Convention in February 1909, called the "
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to strive for a settlement by mutual agreement between landlord and tenant. It was to be among four landlord delegates to be led by
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section of the Irish Party, was now additionally General Secretary of O'Brien's adopted UIL. Devlin was already known as "the real
138:
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733:. O'Brien, by refusing to play the game according to the unwritten rules, forfeited his place in the leadership of the League.
220:
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MP and the Catholic clergy of the district. By 1900 it had expanded to be represented by 462 branches in twenty-five counties.
1906:
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hardened to such a degree that O'Brien moved a parliamentary amendment in January 1901 condemning a resort to the methods of
309:
331:, who expressed sympathy for the goals of its agitation. By September 1899 the League had spread to the extent that all six
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split, by which the party became fragmented into three separate networks of local organisation—the Parnellite
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the AOH could draw large crowds and stage impressive demonstrations. In 1907, Devlin was able to assure
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through Parliament. The Act provided generous bonus-subsidy terms to landowners on sale, the
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304:, and in response to the near-famine of 1897–98, O'Brien established a new organisation, the
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1993:
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O'Donovan, John (2012). "Class, Conflict, and the United Irish League in Cork, 1900–1903".
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him, not only for control of the United Irish League and the Catholic organisation, the
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712:", his AOH spreading successfully and eventually saturating the entire island. Even in
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323:. Elsewhere the clergy were in no hurry to sanction the League's agitation. Except for
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After O'Brien and Redmond had met the head of the Civil Service in Dublin Castle, Sir
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in SAOTHAR 37 pp.19–29, Journal of the Irish Labour History Society pp.20–21, (2012)
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823:
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677:(AOH), but also because he was the outstanding representative of Ulster Nationalism.
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William O'Brien and the course of Irish Politics, 1881–1918: The United Irish League
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promoted the League with considerable zeal, one parish priest called for a branch
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356:. This marked the first significant strain in the O'Brien-Dillon relationship.
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1104:, Ch. 7 pp.204–05, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London (1968), SBN 7100 2887 3
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farmers to surrender their lands for redistribution among the small
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political party in Ireland, launched 23 January 1898 with the motto
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the UIL was able to gain control of Mayo and Sligo county councils.
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332:
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traditional weapons of boycott and outrage. The attitude of the
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Class, Conflict, and the United Irish League in Cork, 1900–1903
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534:"for the purpose of driving every landlord out of the country"
175:. Its objective to be achieved through agrarian agitation and
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to hunt the grabbers and Scottish graziers out of the country
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Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organisations
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on the one hand and William O'Brien MP, John Redmond MP,
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1617:
That Irishman: The Life and Times of John O'Connor Power
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Barberis, Peter; McHugh, John; Tyldesley, Mike (2005).
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529:"a great national strike against ranching and grabbing"
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917:
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The Reconstruction of Nationalist Politics, 1891–1910
373:(29 February 1908), the official newspaper of the UIL
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Current political parties in the Republic of Ireland
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SAOTHAR: Journal of the Irish Labour History Society
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The Long Gestation: Irish Nationalist Life 1891–1918
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1417:The Life of William O'Brien, the Irish Nationalist
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586:for the League and tenant farmers' representative.
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2019:Sligo–Leitrim Independent Socialist Organisation
315:The clergy in the district around Westport and
787:in 1914. From 1918, the UIL was restricted to
768:, which returned eight independent MPs in the
736:O'Brien subsequently became involved with the
446:first local government elections under the Act
1902:Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist–Leninist)
1687:
1633:
1548:Church, State and Nation in Ireland 1898–1921
820:Church, State and Nation in Ireland 1898–1921
267:during the 1880s saw the introduction of the
16:Former nationalist political party in Ireland
1493:, pp.199–206, Daniel O'Connor, London (1921)
391:The League immediately took up the issue of
1589:The Evolution of Irish Nationalist Politics
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989:The Evolution of Irish Nationalist Politics
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2482:Political parties in pre-partition Ireland
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740:1904–1905, then turned to and allied with
280:to provide for compulsory purchase under
1897:British and Irish Communist Organisation
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482:
431:
363:
148:
1833:Irish Metropolitan Conservative Society
2434:
2348:National Socialist Irish Workers Party
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1545:
822:pp.19–28, Gill & Macmillan (1973)
399:elections under the new revolutionary
2477:Political parties established in 1898
2139:Women's Social and Progressive League
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1662:United-Irish-League-in-Cork-1900-1910
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1283:Home Rule: An Irish History 1800—2000
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906:
219:In 1895 William O'Brien retired from
2462:Defunct political parties in Ireland
2421:List of political parties by country
2416:Elections in the Republic of Ireland
1419:, pp.181–2, Ernst Benn London (1928)
521:
295:The decline in population since the
2406:Politics of the Republic of Ireland
2364:Fathers Rights-Responsibility Party
2247:Christian Democrat Party of Ireland
995:p.102, Gill & Macmillan (2005)
791:; it was defunct by the mid-1920s.
401:Local Government (Ireland) Act 1898
269:Purchase of Land (Ireland) Act 1885
13:
2452:1920s disestablishments in Ireland
1531:. University of California Press.
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457:(ILLA), assiduously cultivated by
14:
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2333:Irish Monetary Reform Association
2056:All Ireland Anti-Partition League
1962:Socialist Party of Ireland (1971)
1957:Socialist Party of Ireland (1904)
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746:Irish Land and Labour Association
455:Irish Land and Labour Association
403:. The Act broke the power of the
235:, the Dillionite anti-Parnellite
203:MP, who worded its constitution,
1790:Irish Socialist Republican Party
153:William O'Brien, founder of the
2189:Business and Professional Group
1828:Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union
1667:United Ireland League campaigns
1508:
1483:
1462:
1453:
1440:
1431:
1422:
1409:
1400:
1355:
1295:
1275:
1242:
1233:
1212:
1191:
1170:
1137:
1116:
1107:
1091:
1058:
1049:
1029:
978:
969:
960:
951:
770:December 1910 general elections
723:
634:
2467:History of Ireland (1801–1923)
2447:1898 establishments in Ireland
2295:Unionist Anti-Partition League
2124:Community Democrats of Ireland
2014:National Progressive Democrats
1932:League for a Workers' Republic
1610:. Continuum Publishing London.
891:
846:
812:
575:
487:John Redmond MP, first leader
1:
1947:Revolutionary Workers' Groups
1702:Defunct political parties in
1619:. The History Press Ireland.
1520:
1285:p.104, Phoenix Press (2003)
290:
214:
2328:Immigration Control Platform
2086:Cumann Poblachta na hÉireann
704:had attached himself to the
542:Dublin Castle administration
359:
7:
2457:Agrarian parties in Ireland
2369:Independent Health Alliance
2096:Irish Anti-Partition League
1927:Irish Workers' Party (1948)
1922:Irish Workers' Party (1926)
1907:Independent Socialist Party
1750:Home Government Association
1527:O'Brien, Joseph V. (1976).
1428:MacDonagh, Michael pp.181–2
777:Ancient Order of Hibernians
696:Protestant counterpart the
675:Ancient Order of Hibernians
558:Chief Secretary for Ireland
489:of the United Irish League.
438:first Irish local elections
187:. Founded and initiated at
10:
2498:
2252:Christian Solidarity Party
2004:Democratic Socialist Party
1448:The Rise of the Hibernians
710:Chief Secretary of Ireland
516:September general election
2401:
2356:
2303:
2280:Donegal Progressive Party
2270:
2227:
2175:
2167:National Democratic Party
2147:
2114:
2042:
1980:
1883:
1876:
1846:
1808:
1775:Irish Parliamentary Party
1765:Irish National Federation
1721:
1714:
1546:Miller, David W. (1973).
1437:MacDonagh, Michael: p.182
1239:Lyons, F. S. L.: pp.224–5
1064:Garvin, Tom: table p. 101
1055:O'Donovan, John: pp.26–27
888:O'Brien, Joseph V.: p.107
843:O'Brien, Joseph V.: p.112
700:. Joseph Devlin, the AOH
567:Protestant tenant leader
310:Congested Districts Board
237:Irish National Federation
227:(IPP) in the wake of the
225:Irish Parliamentary Party
173:"The Land for the People"
124:
111:
93:
85:
67:
57:
32:
23:
2379:Irish Monarchist Society
2343:National Corporate Party
2242:Christian Centrist Party
2129:Liberal Party of Ireland
2101:Irish Independence Party
1818:Irish Conservative Party
1785:Irish Reform Association
1591:. Gill & Macmillan.
1569:. Gill & Macmillan.
1550:. Gill & Macmillan.
1468:Miller, David: pp.140–42
794:
738:Irish Reform Association
620:Land (Purchase) Act 1903
2091:Independent Fianna Fáil
1838:Irish Unionist Alliance
1760:Independent Irish Party
1615:Stanford, Jane (2011).
1565:Maume, Patrick (1999).
779:, up until the rise of
584:Timothy Harrington, MP
461:the then editor of the
410:economic reconstruction
278:Conservative Government
73:; 126 years ago
2472:Land reform in Ireland
2374:Irish Democratic Party
2024:Socialist Labour Party
1735:All-for-Ireland League
1406:Lyons, F. S. L.: p.288
1361:Lyons, F. S. L.: p.236
1218:Lyons, F. S. L.: p.225
1197:Lyons, F. S. L.: p.223
1143:Lyons, F. S. L.: p.213
783:after the outbreak of
766:All-for-Ireland League
644:and his Irish party's
587:
490:
441:
374:
195:, it was supported by
156:
2313:Ailtirà na hAiséirghe
2290:Irish Dominion League
2214:National League Party
2209:National Centre Party
2134:Progressive Democrats
2106:National Party (1924)
2009:National Labour Party
1972:World Socialist Party
1770:Irish National League
1514:Garvin, Tom: pp.108–9
1491:Ireland since Parnell
1301:Jackson, Alwin: p.104
1272:O'Brien, J. V.: p.140
624:Irish Land Commission
583:
486:
435:
367:
233:Irish National League
189:Westport, County Mayo
152:
47:(Dec 1900 – Mar 1918)
42:(Jan 1898 – Dec 1900)
2034:United Left Alliance
1994:Cork Socialist Party
1917:Irish Workers' Group
1745:Healyite Nationalist
1459:Garvin, Tom: 105–110
1415:MacDonagh, Michael:
1122:Miller, David: p. 48
1076:, pp. 111, 119.
897:Miller, David: p. 18
317:Newport, County Mayo
271:, also known as the
179:, compelling larger
155:United Irish League.
112:National affiliation
2442:United Irish League
2262:Poblacht ChrĂostĂşil
2257:Muintir na hÉireann
2219:Social Credit Party
2199:Cumann na nGaedheal
2081:Cumann na Poblachta
1942:Republican Congress
1912:Irish Worker League
1823:Irish Liberal Party
1800:United Irish League
1780:Irish Patriot Party
1385:, pp. 161–163.
1328:, pp. 151–155.
1313:, pp. 146–147.
1260:, pp. 138–139.
1248:Miller, David: p.76
1209:, pp. 130–131.
1188:, pp. 129–130.
1176:Miller, David: p.60
1134:Miller, David: p.57
975:Miller, David: p.18
966:Miller, David: p.23
957:Miller, David: p.20
936:, pp. 107–108.
852:Miller, David: p.17
405:landlord ascendancy
393:land redistribution
342:Irish land question
325:Archbishop McEvilly
306:United Irish League
209:John O'Connor Power
161:United Irish League
129:Politics of Ireland
26:United Irish League
2318:CĂłras na Poblachta
2285:Irish Centre Party
2237:Catholic Democrats
2076:Clann na Poblachta
1795:Repeal Association
1113:Garvin, Tom: p.103
818:Miller, David W.:
750:Irish Council Bill
616:Anthony MacDonnell
608:Timothy Harrington
588:
491:
442:
375:
205:Timothy Harrington
157:
2429:
2428:
2397:
2396:
2384:Natural Law Party
1937:Vanguard Movement
1872:
1871:
1626:978-1-84588-698-1
1035:O'Donovan, John:
1014:, pp. 108–9.
754:Freeman's Journal
692:tradition, their
646:Freeman's Journal
522:Renewed agitation
468:The Southern Star
465:based newspaper,
302:Irish Land League
147:
146:
134:Political parties
2489:
2323:Identity Ireland
2194:Cork Civic Party
2157:Clann na Talmhan
2066:Aontacht Éireann
1881:
1880:
1755:Home Rule League
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789:Northern Ireland
762:Baton Convention
658:Laurence Ginnell
653:The Irish People
427:Irish Free State
385:The Irish People
370:The Irish People
115:None (1898–1901)
103:Political reform
81:
79:
74:
53:
52:(Mar 1918–1920s)
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2223:
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2110:
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1999:Democratic Left
1976:
1868:
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600:Land Conference
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479:Party re-united
418:Irish Home Rule
362:
346:Irish Home Rule
344:and pursuit of
293:
265:land agitations
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193:William O'Brien
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106:Irish Home Rule
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1656:External links
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924:, p. 31.
923:
918:
916:
909:, p. 30.
908:
903:
894:
885:
883:
875:
870:
863:
858:
849:
840:
838:
836:
829:
828:0-7171-0645-4
825:
821:
815:
808:
803:
799:
792:
790:
786:
782:
778:
773:
771:
767:
763:
759:
758:Molly Maguire
755:
751:
747:
743:
742:D. D. Sheehan
739:
734:
732:
721:
719:
715:
711:
707:
703:
699:
695:
691:
687:
683:
678:
676:
671:
670:Joseph Devlin
667:
662:
659:
654:
649:
647:
643:
642:Thomas Sexton
632:
630:
629:land question
625:
621:
617:
612:
609:
605:
604:Lord Dunraven
601:
596:
594:
582:
573:
570:
569:T. W. Russell
566:
562:
559:
553:
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547:
543:
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530:
519:
517:
512:
508:
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476:
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470:
469:
464:
460:
459:D. D. Sheehan
456:
452:
447:
439:
434:
430:
428:
423:
420:, displacing
419:
413:
411:
406:
402:
398:
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389:
387:
386:
380:
377:Organised by
372:
371:
366:
357:
355:
349:
347:
343:
337:
334:
330:
326:
322:
318:
313:
311:
307:
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298:
288:
286:
285:1891 Land Act
283:
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114:
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107:
101:
98:
96:
92:
88:
84:
70:
66:
63:
60:
56:
51:
50:Joseph Devlin
46:
41:
37:
35:
31:
22:
19:
2177:Conservative
2061:Anti H-Block
1799:
1639:
1635:
1616:
1607:
1588:
1566:
1547:
1528:
1510:
1503:O'Brien 1976
1498:
1490:
1485:
1478:O'Brien 1976
1473:
1464:
1455:
1447:
1442:
1433:
1424:
1416:
1411:
1402:
1390:
1383:O'Brien 1976
1378:
1366:
1357:
1350:O'Brien 1976
1345:
1338:O'Brien 1976
1333:
1326:O'Brien 1976
1311:O'Brien 1976
1306:
1297:
1282:
1277:
1258:O'Brien 1976
1253:
1244:
1235:
1228:O'Brien 1976
1223:
1214:
1207:O'Brien 1976
1202:
1193:
1186:O'Brien 1976
1181:
1172:
1165:O'Brien 1976
1160:
1153:O'Brien 1976
1148:
1139:
1118:
1109:
1101:
1093:
1086:O'Brien 1976
1081:
1074:O'Brien 1976
1069:
1060:
1051:
1036:
1031:
1024:O'Brien 1976
1019:
1012:O'Brien 1976
1007:
992:
988:
980:
971:
962:
953:
946:O'Brien 1976
941:
934:O'Brien 1976
929:
902:
893:
874:O'Brien 1976
869:
862:O'Brien 1976
857:
848:
819:
814:
807:O'Brien 1976
802:
774:
753:
735:
727:
724:Paths divide
718:John Redmond
698:Orange Order
685:
679:
663:
652:
650:
638:
635:Estrangement
613:
597:
593:Irish People
592:
589:
554:
538:
533:
528:
525:
513:
509:
505:
500:John Redmond
496:
492:
473:
466:
443:
414:
390:
383:
376:
368:
350:
338:
320:
314:
305:
297:Great Famine
294:
262:
257:
218:
172:
164:
160:
158:
45:John Redmond
18:
2048:nationalist
2029:United Left
1727:Nationalist
1585:Garvin, Tom
1102:John Dillon
985:Garvin, Tom
785:World War I
702:Grandmaster
686:the Mollies
576:Achievement
451:county Cork
201:John Dillon
177:land reform
169:nationalist
120:(1901–1918)
100:Land reform
2436:Categories
2389:New Vision
2181:right-wing
2044:Republican
1521:References
1450:pp.105–110
1395:Maume 1999
1371:Maume 1999
922:Maume 1999
907:Maume 1999
550:Crimes Act
463:Skibbereen
291:Objectives
221:Parliament
215:Background
2305:Far-right
1986:left-wing
1982:Socialist
1952:Saor Éire
1885:Communist
1877:post 1918
1723:Home Rule
1648:0332-1169
1642:: 19–29.
1587:(2005) .
1045:0332-1169
781:Sinn FĂ©in
706:Dillonite
360:Expansion
282:Balfour's
273:Ashbourne
250:Roscommon
139:Elections
86:Dissolved
2338:Lia Fáil
2272:Unionist
2204:Libertas
2149:Agrarian
1889:far-left
1854:Radicals
1810:Unionist
744:and his
422:Unionist
354:Liberals
333:Connacht
244:peasant
241:Healyite
239:and the
223:and the
167:) was a
95:Ideology
2116:Liberal
1715:to 1918
1706:Ireland
666:Belfast
561:Wyndham
514:In the
436:In the
229:Parnell
181:grazier
76: (
68:Founded
58:Founder
1859:Tories
1646:
1623:
1595:
1573:
1554:
1535:
1289:
1043:
999:
826:
714:Dublin
694:Ulster
690:Ribbon
565:Ulster
254:Galway
34:Leader
2357:Other
1864:Whigs
795:Notes
684:, or
668:ally
89:1920s
2179:and
2046:and
1984:and
1887:and
1644:ISSN
1621:ISBN
1593:ISBN
1571:ISBN
1552:ISBN
1533:ISBN
1287:ISBN
1041:ISSN
997:ISBN
824:ISBN
444:The
329:Tuam
300:the
263:The
252:and
207:MP,
199:MP,
159:The
327:of
191:by
165:UIL
118:IPP
2438::
1640:37
1638:.
1318:^
1265:^
1127:^
1100::
991::
987::
914:^
881:^
834:^
772:.
536:.
429:.
412:.
1725:/
1695:e
1688:t
1681:v
1650:.
1629:.
1601:.
1579:.
1560:.
1541:.
163:(
80:)
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