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Symbolic ethnicity

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noting that "the ethnic associations were mainly symbolic, and that the traditional community interactions were lost". Those Catholic and Jewish Americans identified "their ethnic race in a personal perspective, as opposed to a communal" perspective, which actions produced an "outward ethnic identity that uses superficial symbols and icons to label and categorizes a certain race". That is to say, people identify their ethnicity by way of images from the mass communications media, as accepted through past associations derived from social and historical judgments.
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decreases. Ethnicity then becomes a symbolic identity more than a lifestyle. The definition of ethnicity, as formed by cinema, follows this symbolic pattern. In fact, in most cinemas that deals with ethnic integration, ethnic lifestyle is inseparable from its symbolic codes. Ethnic lifestyle is not an associative or collective means of existence, but a symbolic codeβ€”an icon.
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and who are often subsumed into the general "white" population, including on historical Census Bureau returns, which did not have a separate category for "Hispanic". That term did not refer to a race in the traditional conception of the term, as it was understood during the 19th century. Many Latinos
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In the U.S., symbolic ethnicity is an important component of American cultural identity, assumed as "a voluntary, personally chosen identity marker, rather than the totally ascribed characteristic" determined by physical appearance. As a sociological phenomenon, symbolic ethnicity is attributed to
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From unrelenting integration of outside influences, self-definition becomes less associated with the community as a collective and becomes more associated with personal ethnicity as self. As the definition of ethnicity becomes increasingly personal, the need to reassert the community associations
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whereby the person's "ethnic identity is solely associated with iconic elements of the culture" from which he or she originated. Gans's investigations concentrated on the later generations of Roman Catholic and Jewish Americans who had "begun to re-associate themselves with their ethnic culture",
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Symbolic ethnicity is concerned with the symbols of ethnic cultures rather than with the cultures themselves, and this seems true also of the cultural commitments of ethnic identity: the cultural stuff of ethnicity continues to wither, and thus ethnic identity tend to latch onto a few symbolic
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used to describe symbolic ethnicity in the Irish diaspora, Hickman (2002) states that the use of this term was "a part of the process by which the second-generation Irish are positioned as inauthentic within the two identities, of Englishness and Irishness... The message from each is that
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were recorded on official US government records as simply "white". This is doubly true for fair-skinned Latinos who only speak English, and remains true to this day, as the primary marker of ethnicity for Latino group membership is not physical appearance but rather language spoken.
348:. . . ethnicity that is individualistic in nature and without real social cost for the individual. These symbolic identifications are essentially leisure-time activities, rooted in nuclear family traditions and reinforced by the voluntary enjoyable aspects of being ethnic. 372:
in North America, do not necessarily conform to the stereotype of individuals feeling entitled to a cultural ethnicity due to ancestry. Most Gaelic learners in one study, even those with Scottish ancestry, stated that Gaelic ethnic identity was not related to ancestry.
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Marc Scully. (2009). 'Plastic and Proud'?: The discourse of Authenticity among the second-generation Irish in England. Open University p126-127. Marc Scully. (2009). 'Plastic and Proud'?: The discourse of Authenticity among the second-generation Irish in England. Open
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Hickman, M.J. et al., (2005). The Limitations of Whiteness and the Boundaries of Englishness. Ethnicities, 5 160–182. Cited in Marc Scully. (2009). 'Plastic and Proud'?: The discourse of Authenticity among the second-generation Irish in England. Open
344:, on family holidays, or for vacations. They do not usually belong to Irish-American organizations, live in Irish neighborhoods, work in Irish jobs, or marry other Irish people." Therefore, the symbolic identity of "being Irish" is: 275:
do not have the option of a symbolic ethnicity, at present, in the United States"; a socio-economic circumstance "in which ethnicity does not matter for white Americans, it does matter for non-whites".
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that can be felt and lived without having to be incorporated to the person's everyday behavior; as such, a symbolic ethnic identity usually is composed of images from mass communications media.
340:(2006), by B. Singh Bolaria and Sean P. Hier, symbolic ethnicity is defined by, with, and in the actions of "individuals who identify as Irish, for example, on occasions such as 259:
The development of symbolic ethnicity, as a sociological phenomenon, is attributed to mainly to ethnic European immigrants of second and subsequent generations, because "
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second-generation Irish are 'really English' and many of the second-generation resist this." This perspective suggests that symbolic ethnicity is a result of
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This view, however, ignores the complicated history of actual race relations in the United States, including persons of black ancestry who appeared
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Gans, Herbert J. (1994). "Symbolic ethnicity and symbolic religiosity: Towards a comparison of ethnic and religious acculturation".
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and some assimilated individuals may prefer to explore a culture that they may not have been raised with to a significant extent.
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Lastly, there are a number of "thin-blooded" Native American tribes where many members appear phenotypically white, such as the
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Winter, J. Alan (March 1996). "Symbolic ethnicity or religion among Jews in the United States: a test of Gansian hypothesis".
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The term was introduced in the article "Symbolic Ethnicity: The Future of Ethnic Groups and Cultures in America" (1979), by
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Gans, Herbert J. (1 January 1979). "Symbolic ethnicity: The future of ethnic groups and cultures in America*".
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as white. It also ignores the reality of many Americans of Cuban, Argentine, and other Latino descent who have
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In the culture of the U.S., the celebration of Saint Patrick's Day, by many Americans, not just of
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Americans of European ancestry, most of whom either are influenced by or assimilated to the
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Many displays of what could be argued to be symbolic ethnicity, such as the study of
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While symbolic expressions of Irish ethnicity, such as St. Patrick's Day...
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Identity and Belonging: Rethinking Race and Ethnicity in Canadian Society
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Identity and Belonging: Rethinking Race and Ethnicity in Canadian Society
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close enough to perceived norms of "whiteness" to allow them to
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deal primarily with North America and do not represent a
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commitments (such as St. Patrick's Day among the Irish).
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is a nostalgic allegiance to, love for, and pride in a
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Ethnic options : choosing identities in America
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Ethnic Identity: The Transformation of White America
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Everyday Religion: Observing Modern Religious Lives
768: 327:(1993), Stephen Lee describes symbolic ethnicity: 665:"(E)race: Symbolic Ethnicity and the Asian Image" 1811: 504: 639:. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 56. 325:(E)race: Symbolic Ethnicity and the Asian Image 315:As such, symbolic ethnicity is the process of 805: 138:The examples and perspective in this article 775:. Berkeley: University of California Press. 509:. In B. Singh Bolaria; Sean P. Hier (eds.). 443:It Looks At You: The Returned Gaze of Cinema 57:Learn how and when to remove these messages 812: 798: 601: 93:. Please do not remove this message until 194:Learn how and when to remove this message 176:Learn how and when to remove this message 113:Learn how and when to remove this message 634: 205: 89:Relevant discussion may be found on the 1812: 766: 533: 214:, is an example of symbolic ethnicity. 793: 658: 656: 513:. Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press. 507:"Optional Ethnicity for Whites Only?" 468: 745: 607: 568: 411: 124: 63: 22: 662: 440: 13: 739: 711: 653: 471:Process, Praxis, and Transcendence 14: 1836: 38:This article has multiple issues. 1797: 670:. University of British Columbia 352:In terms of the derogatory term 129: 68: 27: 705: 695: 46:or discuss these issues on the 663:Lee, Stephen (December 1993). 628: 562: 527: 473:. SUNY Press. pp. 12–13. 462: 434: 405: 254: 1: 819: 760:10.1080/01419870.1979.9993248 622:10.1080/01419870.1994.9993841 595:10.1080/01419870.1979.9993248 398: 536:Review of Religious Research 310:White Anglo-Saxon Protestant 236: 7: 635:Ammerman, Nancy T. (2007). 376: 302: 152:, discuss the issue on the 95:conditions to do so are met 10: 1841: 1181:Countries by ethnic groups 1176:Contemporary ethnic groups 15: 1769: 1652: 1524: 1327: 1161: 962: 827: 748:Ethnic and Racial Studies 610:Ethnic and Racial Studies 582:Ethnic and Racial Studies 505:Marcy. C. Waters (2006). 469:Jiobu, Robert M. (1988). 412:Alba, Richard D. (1992). 297:Seminole Tribe of Florida 248:Ethnic and Racial Studies 1820:Sociological terminology 767:Waters, Mary C. 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Index

Ethnosymbolism
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neutrality
disputed
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worldwide view
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Irish descent
sociology
cultural
tradition
Herbert J. Gans
Ethnic and Racial Studies
Black
Hispanic
Asian
Indian Americans
phenotypically
pass
fair complexions
Seminole Tribe of Florida

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