305:'s guerrilla forces in the 1920s caused even the most remote Mayangna communities to become embroiled in the conflict, and Mayangna men appear to have been in high demand from both Sandino's men and the Marines as guides and boatmen, and even as fighters: a description of the Sandinista raiders who blew up the La Luz mine in 1928 notes that “among their number were several Sumu armed with shotguns and machetes.” But the biggest threat to the Mayangna in the first half of the twentieth century was the loss of lands to mestizo settlers from Western Nicaragua, and destruction and theft of Mayangna natural resources. The rising price of copper meant the opening of a new mine at Rosita in 1959, which by 1970 had generated 40-50 million dollars for its American owners. But the discharge of toxic waste products into the local rivers devastated the ecosystems that the Mayangna communities traditionally depended on for their food supply. In Wasakin, only a few miles downriver from Rosita, these also caused “stomach pains, vomiting, vomiting blood, fevers, headaches and coughing” in those who bathed in or drank the water, eventually resulting in the deaths of up to three children a day in January and February 1979.
277:. However, these attempts were made difficult by the resistance of the neighbouring Mayangna groups who constantly raided the new communities, sometimes in conjunction with Miskito war parties. In the same period, the Mayangna themselves also increasingly succumbed to the better-armed Miskito raiders, and began a steady retreat into the interior, towards the headwaters of the rivers along which most of the groups had originally lived. Contrary to the assumptions of some scholars, this did not mean that the Mayangna totally cut themselves off from the outside world, and while those who remained in coastal areas were often forced to pay tribute to the Miskito King, even the more isolated Mayangna communities formed an integral part of regional trading networks, and through their access to the highest quality tropical hardwoods controlled the production and sale of the canoes that -ironically - were used against them by the Miskito in their slaving expeditions.
298:
language brought the
Mayangna into increased contact with both the Miskito themselves and with Miskito culture in general. This increased the tendency of Mayangna individuals to try to shed their original identity either by marrying out of the group or by abandoning their original language in order to move higher within the Coastal ethnic hierarchy, in which the Miskito had a higher position, and by the mid-twentieth century many of the new communities founded by Mayangna converts, such as Quamwatla, Prinzubila and Bikbila, regarded themselves as wholly Miskito. Meanwhile, for those who still regarded themselves as Mayangna, the new religion became a key part of their identity, and the Moravian Church replaced the old hold of the chieftains and sukias (traditional healers) on Mayangna life.
294:, who arrived in the region from Germany in 1847 but only began to make a real impact on the native population after the departure of the British. During the so-called ‘Great Awakening’ of the 1880s much of the Miskito population converted to the new faith en masse, and buoyed by this success the Moravians increasingly turned their attention to the Mayangna. Just as the Catholic missionaries of the colonial era had done throughout the Spanish Empire, this first involved persuading the Mayangna, who up to this point had lived in dispersed family groupings and had continued to observe a traditional and often semi-nomadic lifestyle based on hunting, fishing and a shifting agriculture, to come together and settle permanently in new, compact and accessible communities, centred around a church.
371:
the advancing ‘agricultural frontier’ of mestizo peasants, who invade their communal lands and despoil their forests, on the one side, and on the other, once again, the
Miskito leaders, who ignore their distinct problems as a people and yet still portray themselves as representatives of all of the indigenous of the Coast, depriving the Mayangna of the chance to ever make themselves heard. The Mayangna look to the Sandinista-run central government as their only ally, and hope that the gradual progress of territorial demarcation and the titling of lands that has taken place under the Ortega government will eventually usher in a real autonomy for the Mayangna.
266:
weapons tipped the local balance of power firmly in the direction of the latter. Miskito raids into the interior carried away increasing numbers of (primarily
Mayangna) captives, of whom the women were kept and the men sold on to the British to work the growing Jamaican plantations. Augmented by this new influx of women into their communities, as well as by the absorption of escaped or ship-wrecked African slaves, the Miskito population boomed and this formerly small tribe soon emerged as the politically and demographically dominant local power, a fact already acknowledged by the British in 1660 when they crowned a chieftain called
333:, prompting the Sandinistas to arrest Mayangna leaders and occupy various Mayangna communities. More than 3000 Mayangna - around half of the total Mayangna population - subsequently fled to squalid refugee camps in Honduras, where many were then drafted (often forcibly) into MISURA, the main Miskito guerrilla force. Many of those remaining in Nicaragua were then moved by the Sandinista government from their homes - now in the midst of a war zone - to equally unsanitary camps in the interior of the country.
38:
314:
of the
Atlantic Coast, the Sandinistas dramatically increased the presence of the State in the most remote corners of the region. Early Mayangna experiences of the Revolution were largely positive, as new roads and clinics were built and the Sandinista-led 'Literacy Crusade', which eventually included teaching in local native languages, led to many Mayangna learning to read and write – 1,449 according to a government report – and the birth of Mayangna itself as a written language.
196:
Grande de
Matagalpa. The isolation of these communities has allowed the Mayagna to preserve their language and culture away from the assimilatory impulses of both the larger Miskito group, who live closer to the Atlantic coastline, and the ‘Spaniards’ (as the Mayangna still refer to the Spanish-speaking Mestizos who form the ethnic majority population of Nicaragua), who are for the most part confined to the larger towns in the region that the Mayangna inhabit.
1086:
70:
245:
territories stretched from the southern
Atlantic Coast far into the interior of Nicaragua, as evidenced by the preponderance of Mayangna-language place-names that survive across this region. But it was a different indigenous group who profited from friendly contact with the new European arrivals. Sometimes posited as a coastal-dwelling Mayangna sub-tribe, but given their distinctive language more likely to have been a related Misumalpan group, the
1039:
82:
362:. Soon after, in April 1985, the recently elected Assemblea Nacional passed an amnesty decree, proposed by Mayangna leader Ronas Dolores Green amongst others, which specifically covered 'miskitos, sumos, ramas y creoles.' This helped to restore Mayangna trust in the Sandinistas, and paved the way for the return to Nicaragua of the Mayangna refugees and ex-combatants in Honduras, harassed there as they were by the Miskito.
249:, who appear to have originally lived on the northern Atlantic Coast around Cabo Gracias a Dios, are an interesting example of people who grew through culture-contact on the Coast, and whose ethnic identity and even racial composition is intimately intertwined with their position as intermediaries in the relations between the Europeans and the other Indigenous living in the region, who also included the
265:
The
Miskito acquired firearms as a result of their lucrative trading arrangements with the Europeans, and through their position as allies of the British in their prolonged conflict with the Spanish. The Mayangna tribes and the Miskito had always raided as well as traded with one another, but the new
289:
in 1860, due to the combined effects of disease, internecine warfare, and assimilationist pressures from both
Miskito and the new Nicaraguan state. From a possible pre-contact total of more than 30,000, by 1862 only around 5-6000 remained. The final blow for the Mayangna came at the beginning of the
195:
The
Mayangna today are divided into the Panamahka, Tawahka and Ulwa ethno-linguistic subgroups. They live primarily in remote settlements on the rivers Coco, Waspuk, Pispis and Bocay in north-eastern Nicaragua, as well as on the Patuca across the border in Honduras and far to the south along the Río
370:
In the
Mayangna language, ‘autonomy’ translates as “alas yalahnin lani” – ‘to live our system of life.” However, the current autonomous political system falls far short of this ideal in the eyes of the Mayanga, who feel that despite countless sacrifices they are still caught between two fires; with
313:
The Nicaraguan Revolution heralded sudden and dramatic change on the Atlantic Coast, which had long been an internal colony of Somoza's Pacific-oriented Nicaraguan state, which exploited the region's resources but otherwise neglected it. Proclaiming as one of their primary targets the ‘integration’
345:
For the Mayangna, an escape from the conflict was only possible after a genuine shift occurred in the Sandinistas’ own nationalist ideology, which moved beyond a purely rhetorical acceptance of the ‘differences’ on the Coast towards a practical commitment to embrace them as part of the process of
297:
This disruption of their old lifestyle had a negative effect on the Mayangnas' attachment to many aspects of their traditional culture, while the proximity of the new settlements to Miskito communities, and the missionaries’ policy of preaching the Gospel and teaching literacy only in the Miskito
244:
In the seventeenth century the British, rather than the Spaniards, established a presence in the eastern regions of what are now Nicaragua and Honduras. When they arrived on the Caribbean coast in the 1630s, it appears that the Mayangna were divided into at least nine different sub-tribes, whose
183:. Their culture is closer to that of the indigenous peoples of Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia than to the Mesoamerican cultures to the north. The Mayangna inhabited much of the Mosquito Coast in the 16th century. Since then, they have become more marginalized following the emergence of the
336:
Perceived mistreatment by both the Miskito leadership and lower-ranking Miskito ‘comrades’ generated serious discontent amongst the Mayangna guerrillas, and in 1983, the most important Mayangna rebel commander, Ampinio Palacios, decided to leave MISURA with his men and go over to the
341:
with around two-hundred other Mayangna troops. Most other Mayangna guerrillas deserted soon after, but they faced serious threats from MISURA which, angered and worried by the desertions, tried to forcibly recruit the reluctant Mayangna back into its ranks.
446:
Today, most people speak Mayangna at home but can also speak Miskito in order to interact with the communities around them, and the existence of the Ulwa language is regarded as increasingly threatened by this shift to Miskito.
232:
tongues once spoken in the Nicaraguan highlands and southern El Salvador, indicates the continuous presence of these groups in the region from around 2000BC. In fact, until the migration from southern Mexico of tribes speaking
199:
The Ulwa community in Nicaragua is an integral part of the Mayagna, Panamahka, and Ulwa family. They are predominantly located in the Karawala settlement within the Rio Grande basin of
350:
announced in December 1984 that the Sandinistas would recognize the Atlantic Coast's right to autonomy, the Mayangna ethnic organisation SUKALWALA began direct negotiations with
1074:
549:
522:
894:
393:) a state of violent confrontation between the Mayangna and invading Mestizos has led to the killing of a rancher and the subsequent murder of two young indigenous.
810:
Nathaniel Morris, 'Between Two Fires: Mayangna Indians in Post-Revolutionary Nicaragua, 1979–1990', in Bulletin of Latin American Research, Vol. 33, Issue 2, p.215
497:
273:
In the eighteenth century the Spanish managed to penetrate the central Nicaraguan highlands, where they converted and permanently settled many of the indigenous
321:
broke out between the Sandinista state and Miskito, some Mayangna, under pressure from two seemingly neutral institutions dominated by the Miskito - the
408:
390:
1067:
1237:
887:
1227:
1052:
1060:
407:
The indigenous groups previously known collectively as the 'Sumu' have never spoken a single, unified language. The language spoken around
968:
43:
880:
792:
Americas Watch Committee, The Sumus in Nicaragua and Honduras: An Endangered People (New York and Washington, D.C.: Americas Watch, 1987)
416:
355:
820:
428:
1232:
1242:
386:(OAS). The ruling established that indigenous peoples had rights to the land where they had traditionally lived and had tenure.
1020:
379:
978:
501:
241:
groups from even further north that followed, Misumalpan languages were probably spoken across the whole of Nicaragua.
203:. Established since 1853, this indigenous group holds great significance, comprising approximately 3500 individuals.
1247:
1183:
1090:
1173:
1102:
1008:
903:
383:
1222:
1082:
998:
662:
M, Olien, ‘After the Indian Slave Trade: Cross-Cultural Trade in the Western Caribbean Rimland, 1816-1820,’
973:
338:
42:
Aurelio Martinez representing the Tawahka subgroup of the Sumo people in Honduras at a conference at the
17:
329:, both of which had come to play an important part in Mayangna cultural and political life - joined the
270:
as the ‘Miskito King,’ recognising him and his descendants as the legitimate authorities on the coast.
439:
language family. The name "ulwa" was mentioned for the first time in 1586, with different spellings:
290:
twentieth century with their conversion to Christianity, a task undertaken by missionaries from the
866:
1188:
993:
423:', is in fact two closely related dialects, Twahka and Panamahka. Meanwhile the ulwa people of
234:
318:
757:
INNICA, Logros y problemas del gobierno revolucionario en Zelaya Norte, (Managua, 1981), p.3
724:
431:, who were also formerly regarded as 'Sumu', speak a closely related sister-language called
917:
432:
217:
285:
The Mayangna population continued to decline after the British gave up their claim to the
8:
1158:
824:
550:"The Rescue and Revitalization of the Ulwa Language in the Community of Karawala RACCS"
523:"The Rescue and Revitalization of the Ulwa Language in the Community of Karawala RACCS"
229:
225:
1252:
1178:
1003:
872:
837:
710:
G. von Houwald and J. Jenkins Molieri, ‘Distribución y vivienda sumu en Nicaragua,’
535:
G. von Houwald and J. Jenkins Molieri, ‘Distribución y vivienda sumu en Nicaragua,’
389:
However, problems with the land continue, and in Wasakin (a Mayangna community near
1202:
1168:
1153:
221:
131:
107:
103:
1043:
322:
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291:
220:
language family, to which the Mayangna languages belong and which also includes
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1110:
988:
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723:
Letter from the American Consul to the American Legation, Managua, 17/05/1928 (
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246:
184:
180:
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135:
99:
351:
237:
who arrived on the Pacific Coast of Nicaragua in the ninth century AD and the
1216:
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963:
821:"Más muertos en tierra indígena - LA PRENSA — EL Diario de los Nicaragüenses"
347:
267:
37:
638:
To Die In This Way: Nicaraguan Indians and the Myth of Mestizaje, 1880–1965
359:
119:
1130:
1125:
1120:
942:
937:
927:
801:'Aprobado amnestía para miskitos, sumos y ramas,’ "Barricada", 30/04/1985
457:
375:
254:
250:
436:
1094:
484:"Nicaragua - IWGIA - International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs"
483:
463:
274:
200:
160:
75:
358:
Autonomy Commission, and won the exemption of the Mayangna from the
1137:
983:
424:
420:
179:, as the name "Sumo" is a derogatory name historically used by the
164:
87:
1025:
1015:
412:
330:
326:
172:
382:, established in 1979 by agreement among the signatories of the
922:
653:, Colección Cultural de Centro América (Managua, 2006), p.215
238:
714:, Revista de la Universidad Centroamericana (1975), pp.78-80
766:
S. Hawley, ‘Protestantism and Indigenous Mobilisation,’
902:
781:
Situcación de los desplazados de guerra – Mina Rosita,
623:
P. Dennis and M. Olien, ‘Kingship among the Miskito,’
601:
M. Helms, ‘The Cultural Ecology of a Colonial Tribe,’
378:(then 1100 people) won an important ruling from the
253:and the now much reduced but previously widespread
838:https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000227038
562:B. Pineda, 'Miskitu and Misumalpan Languages', in
539:, Revista de la Universidad Centroamericana (1975)
854:Worldmark Encyclopedia of Cultures and Daily Life
159:) are a people who live on the eastern coasts of
1214:
374:In 2001 the Mayagna of the small community of
1068:
888:
852:Gall, T. L. & Gale Group, et al. (1998).
346:constructing a new society. After President
216:The evidence provided by an analysis of the
308:
301:The arrival in the region of rebel general
1075:
1061:
895:
881:
280:
36:
44:Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras
869:, National Museum of the American Indian
1238:North Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region
14:
1215:
441:oldwe, ulwa, ulba, wulwa, woolwa, ulúa
260:
1228:Indigenous peoples of Central America
1056:
876:
666:, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Spring, 1988), p.5
498:"Awas Tingni Project - Case Summary"
396:
380:Inter-American Court of Human Rights
62:Regions with significant populations
664:Journal of Anthropological Research
24:
904:Ancestry and ethnicity in Honduras
25:
1264:
860:
770:, Vol. 29, No.1 (Feb. 1997), p.14
768:Journal of Latin American Studies
605:, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Jan., 1969), p.6
577:Las viejas historias de los Sumus
415:in the north-eastern part of the
1084:
1037:
211:
167:, an area commonly known as the
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68:
1233:Indigenous peoples in Nicaragua
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795:
786:
773:
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742:
729:
717:
704:
695:
682:
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656:
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617:
608:
435:. Both languages belong to the
384:Organization of American States
190:
1243:Indigenous peoples in Honduras
595:
582:
569:
556:
542:
529:
515:
490:
476:
13:
1:
846:
690:A Lexicographic Study of Ulwa
692:(PhD Thesis: MIT, 1989) p.13
564:Encyclopaedia of Linguistics
500:. 2004-08-31. Archived from
7:
450:
365:
10:
1269:
400:
206:
1199:
1146:
1101:
1034:
956:
910:
640:(Durham, 1998) p.31, p.76
130:
125:
118:
113:
98:
93:
66:
61:
56:
51:
35:
579:(CIDCA, undated) p.16-17
469:
331:Miskito guerrilla forces
309:Revolution and civil war
1248:Circum-Caribbean tribes
281:Early twentieth century
100:Panamahka, Twahka, Ulwa
1091:Ancestry and ethnicity
748:R. Dolores Green, p.21
419:, and today known as '
235:Oto-Manguean languages
1223:Mesoamerican cultures
856:, Detroit, MI: Gale.
187:as a regional power.
126:Related ethnic groups
625:American Ethnologist
1044:Honduras portal
261:The Miskito Kingdom
32:
783:CIDCA (Nov., 1985)
627:, (Nov. 1984), p.2
575:R. Dolores Green,
354:, the head of the
257:in the far south.
171:. Their preferred
30:
1210:
1209:
1050:
1049:
552:. 5 October 2020.
525:. 5 October 2020.
462:The community of
456:The community of
397:Mayangna language
141:
140:
16:(Redirected from
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1089:
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1070:
1063:
1054:
1053:
1042:
1041:
1040:
897:
890:
883:
874:
873:
840:
835:
829:
828:
823:. Archived from
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811:
808:
802:
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793:
790:
784:
777:
771:
764:
758:
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749:
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224:and the extinct
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52:Total population
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648:
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635:
631:
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613:
609:
600:
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587:
583:
574:
570:
561:
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543:
534:
530:
521:
520:
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507:
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472:
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356:Northern Zelaya
323:Moravian Church
317:However, after
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303:Augusto Sandino
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147:(also known as
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15:
12:
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5:
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1200:
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1194:
1193:
1192:
1191:
1186:
1181:
1176:
1166:
1161:
1156:
1150:
1148:
1147:Non-Indigenous
1144:
1143:
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1140:
1135:
1134:
1133:
1123:
1118:
1113:
1107:
1105:
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1079:
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1065:
1057:
1048:
1047:
1035:
1032:
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1029:
1028:
1023:
1018:
1013:
1012:
1011:
1006:
1001:
996:
986:
981:
976:
971:
966:
960:
958:
957:Non-Indigenous
954:
953:
951:
950:
945:
940:
935:
930:
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867:Sumo artwork
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825:the original
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506:. Retrieved
502:the original
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191:Distribution
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120:Christianity
27:Ethnic group
1189:Palestinian
1131:Awas Tingni
679:, p.121-122
675:Conzemius,
588:Conzemius,
566:Vol.II, p.1
458:Awas Tingni
376:Awas Tingni
352:Tomás Borge
18:Sumo people
1217:Categories
1103:Indigenous
911:Indigenous
847:References
688:T. Green,
636:J. Gould,
614:Carey, p.4
508:2007-01-31
437:Misumalpan
327:MISURASATA
275:Matagalpas
226:Matagalpan
218:Misumalpan
1095:Nicaragua
994:Bulgarian
969:Americans
712:Encuentro
603:Ethnology
537:Encuentro
464:Krausirpi
230:Cacaopera
201:Matagalpa
161:Nicaragua
132:Cacaopera
94:Languages
76:Nicaragua
1253:Mayangna
1138:Garifuna
1021:Mexicans
1004:Italians
984:Garifuna
918:Chʼortiʼ
651:Mayangna
451:See also
425:Karawala
421:Mayangna
366:Autonomy
319:fighting
177:Mayangna
165:Honduras
145:Mayangna
114:Religion
88:Honduras
31:Mayangna
1174:English
1159:Chinese
1154:African
1116:Nicarao
1111:Miskito
1026:Mulatto
1016:Mestizo
999:Spanish
979:Chinese
948:Tolupan
933:Miskito
779:CIDCA,
735:CIERA,
427:in the
413:Bonanza
222:Miskito
207:History
185:Miskito
173:autonym
136:Miskito
108:Miskito
104:Spanish
1203:Portal
1184:Jewish
1179:German
677:Survey
592:, p.14
590:Survey
409:Rosita
391:Rosita
268:Oldman
85:
73:
57:27,000
1169:White
989:White
923:Lenca
739:, p.6
470:Notes
360:draft
239:Nahua
1164:Roma
1126:Sumo
1121:Rama
1009:Jews
943:Sumo
938:Pech
928:Maya
433:Ulwa
429:RAAS
417:RAAN
411:and
325:and
255:Rama
251:Pech
228:and
163:and
157:Sumo
153:Sumu
149:Ulwa
143:The
1093:in
339:FDN
175:is
155:or
1219::
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20:)
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