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LĂ©vi-Strauss' model is correct, then why do not all human societies act accordingly and structure their kinship systems around alliances and exchanges? Kuper allowed that exchange was the universal form of marriage, but there could be other significant factors. And even if reciprocity was the primary principle that underlies marriages, the return would not have to be in kind but could take other forms (such as money, livestock, services or favours of various kinds). Also, social cohesion through reciprocity does not have to rest primarily on the bride exchange. Mauss showed that different cultures use all kinds of gifts to create and maintain alliances.
1473:. These tribal societies are made up of multiple moieties that often split up, rendering them comparatively unstable. Generalised exchange is more integrative but contains an implicit hierarchy, as e.g. amongst the Kachin where wife-givers are superior to wife-takers. Consequently, the last wife-taking group in the chain is significantly inferior to the first wife-giving group to which it is supposed to give its wives. These status inequalities can destabilise the entire system or can at least lead to an accumulation of wives (and in the case of the Kachin, also of
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asymmetries in the system. According to Leach, in Kachin reality instabilities arose primarily from competition for bridewealth. Men sought to get the maximum profit in forms of either bridewealth or political advantage from their daughters' marriage. LĂ©vi-Strauss had only accorded a symbolic role to marriage prestations, effectively overlooking their significance within the system. Leach argued that they are also (or even primarily) economic and political transactions and are frequently connected to transfers of rights over land, too.
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in alliance theory, as he is the one who ultimately decides whom his daughter will marry. Moreover, it is not just the nuclear family as such, but alliances between families that matter in regard to the creation of social structures, reflecting the typical structuralist argument that the position of an element in the structure is more significant than the element itself. Descent theory and alliance theory therefore look at two sides of one coin: the former emphasising bonds of
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is supported by fact that patrilateral cross-cousin marriage is in fact the rarest of three types. However, matrilateral generalised exchange poses a risk as group A depends on receiving a woman from a group that it has not itself given a woman to, producing a less immediate obligation to reciprocate compared to a restricted exchange system. The risk created by such a delayed return is obviously lowest in restricted exchange systems.
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wife-givers; in reality, it was the other way round, and the former usually had to make substantial bridewealth payments to obtain wives. Overall, some lineages would accumulate more wives and material wealth than others, meaning that the system was not driven primarily by reciprocity. The marriage system was quite messy and the chance of it breaking down increased with the number of groups involved.
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restricted (or direct) exchange, a symmetric form of exchange between two groups (also called moieties) of wife-givers and wife-takers; in an initial restricted exchange FZ marries MB, with all children then being bilateral cross-cousins (the daughter is both MBD and FZD). Continued restricted exchange means that the two lineages marry together. Restricted exchange structures are generally uncommon.
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1437:. Over time, marriage rules create social structures because marriages are primarily forged between groups and not just between spouses. When groups exchange women on a regular basis, they marry together; consequently, each marriage creates a debtor/creditor relationship that must be balanced through the "repayment" of wives, either immediately or in the next generation.
1693:. LĂ©vi-Strauss did not develop a framework that could prove the existence of his concept of the fundamental structures of human thought, but simply assumed their existence. Boyer pointed out that experimental research on concepts in psychology have not supported a structuralistic view of concepts, but rather a theory-oriented or prototype-based view.
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Critics also saw weaknesses in LĂ©vi-Strauss' methods, in the fact that he looked for ideal structures, thereby neglecting the reality and complexity of actual practices. His model explained practices that were not observed. Kuper pointed out that if the structures of the mind really are universal and
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He found that the latter's analysis of the Kachin contained serious flaws. According to Leach, LĂ©vi-Strauss' project had been overly ambitious, meaning that his analyses were too superficial and the available data treated with too little care. While part of his analysis of the Kachin was simply based
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From a structural perspective matrilateral cross-cousin marriage is superior to its patrilateral counterpart; the latter has less potential to produce social cohesion since its exchange cycles are shorter (the direction of wife exchange is reversed in each successive generation). LĂ©vi-Strauss' theory
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Only those who practice structural analysis are aware of what they are actually trying to do: that is, to reunite perspectives that the "narrow" scientific outlook of recent centuries believed to be mutually exclusive: sensibility and intellect, quality and quantity, the concrete and the geometrical,
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Multiple researchers were educated in this school. This theory attracted students and researchers interested in a holistic approach, that was broad and deep, that related economic circumstances with mythological and spatial classifications and that explored the relationship between the natural world
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Lévi-Strauss also discovered that a wide range of historically unrelated cultures had the rule that individuals should marry their cross-cousin, meaning children of siblings of the opposite sex—from a male perspective that is either the FZD (father's sister's daughter) or the MBD (mother's brother's
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to check natural impulses; secondarily, it divides labor by gender. Prescribing exogamy creates a distinction between marriageable and tabooed women that necessitates a search for women outside one's own kin group ("marry out or die out") and fosters exchange relationships with other groups. Exogamy
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In LĂ©vi-Strauss' view, the basic building block of kinship is not just the nuclear family, as in structural-functionalism, but the so-called kinship atom: the nuclear family together with the wife's brother. This "mother's brother" (from the perspective of the wife-seeking son) plays a crucial role
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were usually found in pairs, or in paired groups that oppose each other yet need one another. For example, in the Amazon basin, two extended families would build their houses in two facing semicircles that together form a big circle. He showed too that the ways people initially categorized animals,
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cross-cousin marriage) or his FZD (patrilateral cross-cousin marriage). This involves an asymmetric exchange between at least three groups. Matrilateral cross-cousin marriage arrangements where the marriage of the parents is repeated by successive generations are very common in parts of Asia (e.g.
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structures, meaning that patterns in social interaction can be treated as their manifestations. While structural-functionalists looked for structures within social organisation, structuralism seeks to identify links between structures of thought and social structures. Possibly the most significant
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LĂ©vi-Strauss proposed a third structure between elementary and complex structures, called semi-complex structure or Crow-Omaha system. Semi-complex structures contain so many negative marriage rules that they effectively prescribe marriage to specific parties, thus somewhat resembling elementary
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In generalised exchange systems, more groups imply greater complexity to ensure that all wife-givers will eventually be on the receiving end, an issue that LĂ©vi-Strauss had already foreseen. He thought that in practice there would be competition for women, leading to accumulation and therefore
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In theory, Kachin groups were supposed to marry in a circle ideally consisting of five groups. In reality, the system was strongly unbalanced with built-in status differences between wife-givers and wife-takers. LĂ©vi-Strauss had incorrectly assumed that wife-takers would be of higher rank than
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Elementary structures are based on positive marriage rules that specify whom a person must marry, while complex systems specify negative marriage rules (whom one must not marry), thus leaving room for choice based on preference. Elementary structures can operate based on two forms of exchange:
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critique LĂ©vi-Strauss' claim that the underlying principle according to which all societies work is the exchange of women by men, who dispose of them as if they were objects. Others, for example
Godelier, critiqued structuralism's synchronic approach that led it to be essentially ahistorical.
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Marriage exchanges need to be analysed within their wider economic and political context rather than in isolation, as LĂ©vi-Strauss attempted. Leach charged the latter with neglecting the effects of material conditions on social relations. He also challenged the claims to universality made by
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and others analysed sounds based on the presence or absence of certain features, such as "voiceless" vs. "voiced". LĂ©vi-Strauss included this in his conceptualization of the mind's universal structures. For him, opposites formed the basis of social structure and culture.
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LĂ©vi-Strauss took this idea and postulated three fundamental properties of the human mind: a) people follow rules; b) reciprocity is the simplest way to create social relationships; c) a gift binds both giver and recipient in a continuing social relationship.
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shifted the attention within anthropology from an almost exclusive preoccupation with kinship to an emphasis on economic issues. For them, social structures were primarily shaped by material conditions, property relations and class struggles.
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daughter). Accordingly, he grouped all possible kinship systems into a scheme containing three basic kinship structures constructed out of two types of exchange. He called the three kinship structures elementary, semi-complex and complex.
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that compels a response. Gift exchanges, therefore play a crucial role in creating and maintaining social relationships by establishing bonds of obligations. Gifts are not merely physical, incidental objects; they possess cultural and
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LĂ©vi-Strauss applied this distinction in his search for mental structures that underlie all acts of human behavior: Just as speakers can talk without awareness of grammar, he argued, humans are unaware of the workings of
1469:). LĂ©vi-Strauss considered generalised exchange to be superior to restricted exchange because it allows the integration of indefinite numbers of groups. Examples of restricted exchange are found, for instance, in the
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1378:"), meaning that social structures influence individual cognitive structures, LĂ©vi-Strauss proposed the opposite, arguing that it is the latter that gives rise to the former. Social structures mirror
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systems, the structures of which depend on the type of marriage rules that apply. Because of its strong focus on vertical social relations, LĂ©vi-Strauss' model of kinship systems came to be called
1581:. They also found grounds for critiquing LĂ©vi-Strauss. Leach was more concerned with researching people's actual lives than with the discovery of universal mental structures.
1546:. This type of anthropology, developed by late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century scholars, was eventually called "de Leidse Richting," or "de Leidse School,".
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By overstressing the structural significance of affinal ties, alliance theory effectively neglected the importance of descent and genealogical ties. Some societies (e.g.
1389:. Mauss argued that gifts are not free, but rather oblige the recipient to reciprocate. Through the gift, the givers give part of themselves, imbuing the gift a certain
1121:." LĂ©vi-Strauss argued that cultures also have this structure. He showed, for example, how opposing ideas would fight and were resolved to establish the rules of
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are therefore based on exchange; Durkheimian solidarity, according to Mauss, is best achieved through structures of reciprocity and related systems of exchange.
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systems. This was long before structuralism. The "Leiden" perspective drove research for many decades, influencing successive generations of anthropologists.
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Culture, he claimed, has to take into account both life and death and needs to have a way of mediating between the two. Mythology (see his several-volume
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of the Amazon were found to divide their villages into two rival halves; however, members from each half married each other, resolving the opposition.
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can be understood in terms of these opposites. "From the very start," he wrote, "the process of visual perception makes use of binary oppositions.
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tribal societies) employ descent as their primary organizational principle. In others, alliances are of primary significance, as in e.g. many
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The second form of exchange within elementary structures is called generalised exchange, meaning that a man can only marry either his MBD (
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LĂ©vi-Strauss about the model, doubting whether structures generated by marriage rules would be the same in different social contexts.
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properties. It is a "total prestation" as Mauss called it, as it carries the power to create a system of reciprocity in which the
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Structures are universal; their realization is culturally specific. LĂ©vi-Strauss argued that exchange is the universal basis of
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Three of the most prominent structural anthropologists are LĂ©vi-Strauss himself and the
British neo-structuralists
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1561:(chair: 1922–1956, 1964), who coined the concept of the Field of Ethnological Study in 1935, and later his nephew
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Structuralism's main propositions were not formulated in a way so that they could be subject to verification or
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of tribal South
America as related to one another through a series of transformations—as one opposite in tales
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cultures, and that these "dual organizations" represent opposites and their synthesis. As an illustration,
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theories receded. Internal incoherence and a range of intrinsic limitations further reduced its appeal.
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that focused frequently on the relationship between apparent cultural phenomena found in the
Indonesian
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1339:. These particular opposites (raw/cooked) are symbolic of human culture itself, in which by means of
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Much earlier, and some 450 miles north of Paris, a specific type of applied anthropology emerged at
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people think about the world in terms of binary opposites—such as high and low, inside and outside,
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on incorrect ethnographic information, the rest reflected Kachin ideology but not actual practice.
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2215:. Translated by Jacobson, Claire; Schoepf, Brooke Grundfest. New York: Doubleday Anchor Books.
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1113:. Hegel explains that every situation presents two opposing things and their resolution;
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1504:(kinship by blood), the latter stressing bonds of affinity (kinship by law or choice).
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in daily life. The structures that form the "deep grammar" of society originate in the
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By the late 1970s/early 1980s, alliance theory had lost influence. With the advent of
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LĂ©vi-Strauss proposed that the initial motivation for the exchange of women was the
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Explaining religious concepts. LĂ©vi- Strauss the brilliant and problematic ancestor
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societies cannot be conclusively explained by either descent or alliance theory.
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The
British brand of structuralism was mainly espoused by Rodney Needham and
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counterparts in other cultures, essentially that all cultures are equatable.
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1444:. He deemed this the beginning and essence of culture, as it was the first
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societies and amongst Amazon tribes; and still others emphasise both. The
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1542:, etc., though it was primarily aimed at training governors for colonial
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1198:. The latter was the author of such essays as "Time and False Noses" (in
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promotes inter-group alliances and forms structures of social networks.
1236:. Saussure argued that linguists needed to move beyond the recording of
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LĂ©vi-Strauss' model attempted to offer a single explanation for cross-
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1310:, and other natural features, were based on a series of oppositions.
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2017:
Boyer, P. (31 May 2013). Mccorkle, William W.; Xygalatas, D (eds.).
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91:. Statements consisting only of original research should be removed.
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The
Invention of Primitive Society: Transformations of an Illusion
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Interview with Sir Edmund Leach, website of Prof. Alan MacFarlane
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Kinship diagrams that exemplify cross-cousin marriage structures
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structures. These structures are found, for example, among the
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1133:. This approach, he felt, made for fresh new ideas. He stated:
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he showed that there are "dual organizations" throughout
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1086:' 1949 idea that immutable deep structures exist in all
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fit very well into the alliance theory mold, while the
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of the natural world are collective in origin (the "
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149:. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
1433:, sister-exchange, dual organization and rules of
1298:In his early work LĂ©vi-Strauss argued that tribal
1942:
1109:, though dialectics (as a concept) dates back to
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1402:of both giver and recipient are engaged. Social
1097:LĂ©vi-Strauss' approach arose in large part from
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1900:
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1840:
1828:
1816:
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1383:influence on structuralism came from Mauss'
1976:
1876:
50:Learn how and when to remove these messages
1980:Research practices in the study of kinship
1063:
1049:
2146:An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology
2061:The Development of Cognitive Anthropology
289:Learn how and when to remove this message
271:Learn how and when to remove this message
209:Learn how and when to remove this message
107:Learn how and when to remove this message
234:This article includes a list of general
2094:Anthropological Perspectives on Kinship
2023:. Durham, UK: Acumen. pp. 164–75.
1963:
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2142:
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1991:
1936:
1804:
1277:Another concept was borrowed from the
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2129:
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2058:D'Andrade, Roy G. (27 January 1995).
2016:
1977:Barnard, Alan; Good, Anthony (1984).
1948:
1912:
1792:
1494:Native Americans in the United States
2201:The Elementary Structures of Kinship
2169:Political Systems of Highland Burma.
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1995:Three Styles in the Study of Kinship
1761:
1557:The most recent chairs were held by
1507:
1187:) unites opposites in diverse ways.
220:
147:adding citations to reliable sources
118:
56:
15:
1331:For example, as the title implies,
1327:changed into its opposite in tales
13:
1966:History and Theory in Anthropology
1626:Excessive emphasis of affinal ties
1605:
1244:) and come to an understanding of
1216:LĂ©vi-Strauss took many ideas from
240:it lacks sufficient corresponding
14:
2290:
2234:
1703:Structuralist theory of mythology
1119:thesis, antithesis, and synthesis
31:This article has multiple issues.
2132:Anthropology and Anthropologists
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320:
225:
123:
61:
20:
134:needs additional citations for
39:or discuss these issues on the
1749:Anthropologie structurale deux
1010:Anthropologists by nationality
1:
1769:"3.6 Structural Anthropology"
1755:
1654:(1996) pointed out that some
1205:
1600:
1559:J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong
1370:While Durkheim thought that
7:
1696:
1618:thought, structuralist and
1477:) at one end of the chain.
1424:
87:the claims made and adding
10:
2295:
2254:(1958). Online PDF version
2151:Cambridge University Press
2066:Cambridge University Press
1970:Cambridge University Press
1957:
1673:Materialistic perspectives
1565:(chair: 1956–1987, 1999).
1511:
1313:In his most popular work,
1293:
1209:
1080:sociocultural anthropology
1030:List of indigenous peoples
2252:Anthropologie structurale
2226:Structuralism and Ecology
1569:British neo-structuralism
1563:P. E. de Josselin de Jong
775:Cross-cultural comparison
158:"Structural anthropology"
1723:Structural functionalism
1162:or as we say today, the
1111:Ancient Greek philosophy
947:Historical particularism
2213:Structural Anthropology
2203:. Boston: Beacon Press.
2178:Rethinking Anthropology
2143:Layton, Robert (1997).
1877:Barnard & Good 1984
1347:, raw materials become
1200:Rethinking Anthropology
1076:Structural anthropology
780:Participant observation
255:more precise citations.
1964:Barnard, Alan (2000).
1316:The Raw and the Cooked
1218:structural linguistics
1164:"etic" and the "emic."
1159:
922:Cross-cultural studies
2175:Leach, E. R. (1966).
1992:Barnes, J.A. (1971).
1579:Arthur Maurice Hocart
1335:becomes its opposite
1222:Ferdinand de Saussure
1220:, including those of
1210:Further information:
1135:
2221:LĂ©vi-Strauss, Claude
2209:LĂ©vi-Strauss, Claude
2197:LĂ©vi-Strauss, Claude
2130:Kuper, Adam (1996).
2105:Kuper, Adam (1988).
2000:Taylor & Francis
1376:collective conscious
1015:Anthropology by year
952:Boasian anthropology
927:Cultural materialism
912:Actor–network theory
510:Paleoanthropological
143:improve this article
2181:. Berg Publishers.
2083:Devlin, D. (2006).
1728:Claude LĂ©vi-Strauss
1084:Claude LĂ©vi-Strauss
967:Performance studies
860:Kinship and descent
800:Cultural relativism
450:Paleoethnobotanical
425:Ethnoarchaeological
2279:Anthropology books
1939:, p. 165-171.
1843:, p. 117-119.
1819:, p. 119-124.
1718:Post-structuralism
1345:labour (economics)
1254:of each language.
1117:had termed these "
987:Post-structuralism
746:Research framework
72:possibly contains
2188:978-1-84520-004-6
2160:978-0-521-62982-9
2122:978-0-415-00903-4
2092:Holy, L. (1996).
2075:978-0-521-45976-1
2030:978-1-84465-664-6
2009:978-1-136-53500-0
1901:LĂ©vi-Strauss 1967
1889:LĂ©vi-Strauss 1967
1865:LĂ©vi-Strauss 1969
1853:LĂ©vi-Strauss 1969
1841:LĂ©vi-Strauss 1967
1829:LĂ©vi-Strauss 1969
1817:LĂ©vi-Strauss 1969
1520:Leiden University
1514:The Leiden school
1508:The Leiden school
1270:(albeit not in a
1260:social structures
1174:Amazon rainforest
1073:
1072:
972:Political economy
795:Thick description
592:Political economy
455:Zooarchaeological
415:Bioarchaeological
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2167:Leach, E. 1954.
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2113:Psychology Press
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1776:. Retrieved
1772:
1763:
1747:
1743:Edmund Leach
1738:Marcel Mauss
1688:
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1587:
1583:
1575:Edmund Leach
1572:
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1471:Amazon basin
1465:amongst the
1462:matrilateral
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1442:incest taboo
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1266:and operate
1256:
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1234:Marcel Mauss
1215:
1199:
1196:Edmund Leach
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1020:Bibliography
981:
962:Interpretive
937:Diffusionism
906:Key theories
892: /
822:Key concepts
733:Sociological
713:Ethnological
500:Neurological
485:Evolutionary
430:Experiential
314:Anthropology
285:
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141:Please help
136:verification
133:
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94:
71:
47:
40:
34:
33:Please help
30:
2098:Pluto Press
2085:Late Modern
2047:|work=
1937:Barnes 1971
1805:Layton 1997
1778:29 November
1616:hermeneutic
1536:Minangkabau
1528:archipelago
1524:Netherlands
1487:Crow Nation
1475:bridewealth
1446:prohibition
1283:linguistics
1242:speech acts
1185:Mythologies
890:Colonialism
833:Development
790:Reflexivity
758:Ethnography
708:Descriptive
566:Development
505:Nutritional
480:Biocultural
405:Battlefield
253:introducing
2263:Categories
2134:. London:
2096:. London:
1949:Boyer 2013
1913:Kuper 1988
1793:Leach 1966
1773:LibreTexts
1756:References
1612:postmodern
1372:taxonomies
1321:folk tales
1206:Influences
1099:dialectics
1092:homologous
870:Prehistory
723:Historical
696:Linguistic
608:Historical
576:Ecological
468:Biological
370:Linguistic
360:Biological
236:references
199:March 2013
169:newspapers
97:March 2013
81:improve it
36:improve it
2211:(1967) .
2136:Routledge
2049:ignored (
2039:cite book
1666:Feminists
1601:Critiques
1544:Indonesia
1396:spiritual
1380:cognitive
1178:GĂŞ tribes
1127:mythology
1082:based on
843:Evolution
838:Ethnicity
770:Ethnology
648:Political
556:Cognitive
495:Molecular
85:verifying
42:talk page
2223:(1972).
2199:(1969).
1697:See also
1678:Marxists
1650:do not.
1644:Tallensi
1640:Yanomami
1552:symbolic
1540:Moluccas
1425:Marriage
1386:The Gift
1274:sense).
1272:Freudian
1123:marriage
1088:cultures
1025:Journals
942:Feminism
728:Semiotic
668:Symbolic
663:Religion
598:Feminist
586:Economic
536:Cultural
490:Forensic
445:Maritime
440:Forensic
435:Feminist
410:Biblical
400:Aviation
365:Cultural
306:a series
304:Part of
261:May 2023
1958:Sources
1632:African
1435:exogamy
1415:kinship
1357:weapons
1349:clothes
1341:thought
1300:kinship
1294:Kinship
1252:grammar
1155:culture
880:Society
828:Culture
643:Musical
638:Museums
633:Medical
618:Kinship
571:Digital
546:Applied
338:History
333:Outline
249:improve
183:scholar
79:Please
2185:
2157:
2119:
2072:
2027:
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1648:Azande
1467:Kachin
1400:honour
1337:cooked
1329:there.
1303:groups
1250:, the
1247:langue
1238:parole
1143:animal
1139:person
1131:ritual
1115:Fichte
855:Gender
785:Holism
683:Visual
658:Public
561:Cyborg
531:Social
395:Aerial
375:Social
238:, but
185:
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1532:Batak
1491:Omaha
1391:power
1365:ideas
1308:trees
1151:death
1107:Hegel
1004:Lists
885:Value
763:cyber
678:Urban
628:Media
623:Legal
349:Types
190:JSTOR
176:books
2183:ISBN
2155:ISBN
2117:ISBN
2070:ISBN
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2025:ISBN
2004:ISBN
1780:2023
1652:HolĂ˝
1489:and
1363:and
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1343:and
1325:here
1264:mind
1232:and
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1147:life
1141:and
1129:and
1105:and
1103:Marx
875:Race
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162:news
1646:or
1361:art
1333:raw
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1168:In
551:Art
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