977:(NRC) claimed that it had to act to remove the ill effects of the currency devaluation of the previous government and thereby, at least in the short run, to improve living conditions for individual Ghanaians. Under the circumstances, the NRC was compelled to take immediate measures. Although committed to the reversal of the fiscal policies of the PP government, the NRC, by comparison, adopted policies that appeared painless and, therefore, popular. But unlike the coup leaders of the NLC, members of the NRC did not outline any plan for the return of the nation to democratic rule. Some observers accused the NRC of acting simply to rectify their own grievances. To justify their takeover, coup leaders leveled charges of corruption against Busia and his ministers. In its first years, the NRC drew support from a public pleased by the reversal of Busia's austerity measures. The Ghanaian currency was revalued upward, and two moves were announced to lessen the burden of existing foreign debts: the repudiation of US$ 90 million of Nkrumah's debts to British companies, and the unilateral rescheduling of the rest of the country's debts for payment over fifty years. Later, the NRC
748:, many problems remained. For example, the underlying ethnic and regional divisions within the society had to be addressed. The apparent spirit of national unity that seemed to have developed during the Nkrumah years turned out to have resulted in part from his coercive powers as well as from his charisma. As a consequence, successive new leaders faced the problem of forging disparate personal, ethnic, and sectional interests into a nation with shared identity and interests. The economic burdens, aggravated by what some described as past extravagance, crippled each future government's ability to foster the rapid development needed to satisfy even minimal popular demands for a better life. The fear of a resurgence of an overly strong central authority continued to dominate the constitutional agenda and to pervade the thinking of many educated, politically minded Ghanaians. Others, however, felt that a strong government was essential.
992:(SMC), and its membership was restricted to a few senior military officers. The intent was to consolidate the military's hold over government administration and to address occasional disagreements, conflicts, and suspicions within the armed forces, which by now had emerged as the constituency of the military government. Little input from the civilian sector was allowed, and no offers were made to return any part of the government to civilian control during the SMC's first five years in power. SMC members believed that the country's problems were caused by a lack of organization, which could be remedied by applying military organization and thinking. This was the extent of the SMC philosophy. Officers were put in charge of all ministries and state enterprises; junior officers and sergeants were assigned leadership roles down to the local level in every government department and
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situation. The policies were popular because they forced out of the retail sector of the economy those foreigners, especially
Lebanese, Asians, and Nigerians, who were perceived as unfairly monopolizing trade to the disadvantage of Ghanaians. Many other Busia moves, however, were not popular. Busia's decision to introduce a loan program for university students, who had hitherto received free education, was challenged because it was interpreted as introducing a class system into the country's highest institutions of learning. Some observers even saw Busia's devaluation of the national currency and his encouragement of foreign investment in the industrial sector of the economy as conservative ideas that could undermine Ghana's sovereignty.
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strikes over economic and political issues, the Akuffo government at length announced that the formation of political parties would be allowed after
January 1979. Akuffo also granted amnesty to former members of both Nkrumah's CPP and Busia's PP, as well as to all those convicted of subversion under Acheampong. The decree lifting the ban on party politics went into effect on 1 January 1979, as planned. The constitutional assembly that had been working on a new constitution presented an approved draft and adjourned in May. All appeared set for a new attempt at constitutional government in July, when a group of young army officers overthrew the SMC government in June 1979.
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792:. Political party activity was allowed to commence with the opening of the assembly. By election time in August 1969, the first competitive nationwide political contest since 1956, five parties had been organized. The assembly produced a document providing for a parliamentary republic with a president as head of state and a prime minister as head of government. Largely in response to Nkrumah's authoritarian excesses, the president's powers were greatly reduced, to a point almost entirely ceremonial. Real power rested with the prime minister and cabinet.
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1044:, who chaired the seventeen-member ad hoc committee appointed by the government to work out details of the plan, defended it as the solution to the nation's political problems. Supporters of the union government idea viewed multi-party political contests as the perpetrators of social tension and community conflict among classes, regions, and ethnic groups. Unionists argued that their plan had the potential to depoliticize public life and to allow the nation to concentrate its energies on economic problems.
913:. Cocoa prices had always been volatile, but exports of this tropical crop normally provided about half of the country's foreign currency earnings. Beginning in the 1960s, however, a number of factors combined to limit severely this vital source of national income. These factors included foreign competition (particularly from neighbouring Côte d'Ivoire), a lack of understanding of free-market forces (by the government in setting prices paid to farmers), accusations of bureaucratic incompetence in the
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785:(NLC), composed of four army officers and four police officers, assumed executive power. It appointed a cabinet of civil servants and promised to restore democratic government as quickly as possible. The ban on the formation of political parties remained in force until late 1968, but activity by individual figures began much earlier with the appointment of a succession of committees composed of civil servants and politicians as the first step in the return to civilian and representative rule.
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970:, a system that delayed decision-making processes and, therefore, the ability to take action to foster development. The fall of both the Nkrumah and the Busia regimes seemed to have confused many with regard to the political direction the nation needed to take. In other words, in the first few years after the Nkrumah administration, Ghanaians were unable to arrive at a consensus on the type of government suited to address their national problems.
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priorities emerged. For example, was rural development more important than the needs of the urban population? Or, to what extent was the government to incur the cost of university education? And more important, was the public to be drawn into the debate about the nation's future? The impact of the fall of Ghana's Second
Republic cast a shadow across the nation's political future because no clear answers to these problems emerged.
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their decisions would be in the general interest of the nation, as compared with those made by the
Nkrumah administration, which were judged to satisfy narrow party interests and, more important, Nkrumah's personal agenda. The NLC had given assurances that there would be more democracy, more political maturity, and more freedom in Ghana, because the politicians allowed to run for the 1969 elections were proponents of
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continued to decline even as the population grew, largely because of poor price management and urbanization. When world cocoa prices rose again in the late 1970s, Ghana was unable to take advantage of the price rise because of the low productivity of its old orchards. Moreover, because of the low prices paid to cocoa farmers, some growers along the nation's borders smuggled their produce to
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The PP government had inherited US$ 580 million in medium- and long-term debts, an amount equal to 25 per cent of the gross domestic product of 1969. By 1971 the US$ 580 million had been further inflated by US$ 72 million in accrued interest payments and US$ 296 million in short-term commercial credits. Within the country, an even larger internal debt fueled inflation.
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Ocran, served in place of an elected president for the first year and a half of civilian rule. The commission dissolved itself in August 1970. Before stepping down, Afrifa criticized the constitution, particularly provisions that served more as a bar to the rise of a dictator than as a blueprint for an effective, decisive government. The electoral college chose as president Chief
Justice
733:'s aggressive involvement in African politics and by his belief that Ghanaian troops could be sent anywhere in Africa to fight so-called liberation wars, even though they never did so. Above all, they pointed to the absence of democratic practices in the nation—a situation they claimed had affected the morale of the armed forces. According to General Kotoka, the military
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organized civilian groups) called for a return to civilian constitutional rule, Acheampong and the SMC favoured a union government—a mixture of elected civilian and appointed military leaders—but one in which party politics would be abolished. University students and many intellectuals criticized the union government idea, but others, such as
Justice
832:, the PP won some Ewe seats, while the NAL won all seats in the non-Ewe northern section. Overall, the PP gained 59 per cent of the popular vote and 74 per cent of the seats in the National Assembly. The PP's victories demonstrated some support among nearly all the ethnic groups. An estimated 60 per cent of the electorate voted.
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programs of primary interest to the urban work force. The ruling PP emphasized the need for development in rural areas, both to slow the movement of population to the cities and to redress regional imbalance in levels of development. The JP and a growing number of PP members favoured suspension of payment on some
936:, and rising import prices. These measures precipitated protests from the Trade Union Congress. In response, the government sent the army to occupy the trade union headquarters and to block strike actions—a situation that some perceived as negating the government's claim to be operating democratically.
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Whatever limited success the NRC had in these efforts, however, was overridden by other basic economic factors. Industry and transportation suffered greatly as world oil prices rose during and after 1974, and the lack of foreign exchange and credit left the country without fuel. Basic food production
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within twenty-seven months. Neither ethnic nor class differences played a role in the overthrow of the PP government. The crucial causes were the country's continuing economic difficulties, both those stemming from the high foreign debts incurred by
Nkrumah and those resulting from internal problems.
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Despite Akuffo's assurances, opposition to the SMC persisted. Because Akuffo implemented a number of austerity programs which intensified the food shortages and the toll on the people, the call for the formation of political parties intensified. In an effort to gain support in the face of continuing
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During the NRC's early years, these administrative changes led many
Ghanaians to hope that the soldiers in command would improve the efficiency of the country's bloated bureaucracies. Acheampong's popularity continued into 1974 as the government successfully negotiated international loan agreements
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The army troops and officers upon whom Busia relied for support were themselves affected, both in their personal lives and in the tightening of the defence budget, by these same austerity measures. As the leader of the anti-Busia coup declared on 13 January 1972, even those amenities enjoyed by the
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by a
Supreme Court decision involving those CPP members who had been accused of financial crimes. Gbedemah retired permanently from active participation in politics. The NAL, left without a strong leader, controlled thirty seats; in October 1970, it absorbed the members of three other minor parties
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The agenda for change in the union government referendum called for the drafting of a new constitution by an SMC-appointed commission, the selection of a constituent assembly by
November 1978, and general elections in June 1979. The ad hoc committee had recommended a non-party election, an elected
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Despite its short existence, the Second Republic was significant in that the development problems the nation faced came clearly into focus. These included uneven distribution of investment funds and favouritism toward certain groups and regions. Furthermore, important questions about developmental
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was held in March 1978 to allow the people to accept or reject the union government concept. A rejection of the union government meant a continuation of military rule. Given this choice, it was surprising that so narrow a margin voted in favour of union government. Opponents of the idea organized
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Busia, the PP leader in both parliament and the nation, became prime minister when the National Assembly met in September. An interim three-member presidential commission, composed of Major Afrifa, Police Inspector General Harlley of the NLC, and the chief of the defense staff, Major General A.K.
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and the North. This link was strengthened by the fact that Busia had headed the NLM and its successor, the UP, before fleeing the country to oppose Nkrumah from exile. Similarly, the NAL was seen as the successor of the CPP's right wing, which Gbedemah had headed until he was ousted by Nkrumah in
860:
All attention, however, remained focused on Prime Minister Busia and his government. Much was expected of the Busia administration, because its parliamentarians were considered intellectuals and, therefore, more perceptive in their evaluations of what needed to be done. Many Ghanaians hoped that
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The opposition Justice Party's basic policies did not differ significantly from those of the Busia administration. Still, the party attempted to stress the importance of the central government rather than that of limited private enterprise in economic development, and it continued to emphasize
1039:
Despite these efforts, the SMC by 1977 found itself constrained by mounting non-violent opposition. To be sure, discussions about the nation's political future and its relationship to the SMC had begun in earnest. Although the various opposition groups (university students, lawyers, and other
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According to one writer, the overthrow of the PP government revealed that Ghana was no longer the pace-setter in Africa's search for workable political institutions. Both the radical left and the conservative right had failed. In opposing Nkrumah's one-party state, Busia allegedly argued that
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The reorganization of the NRC into the SMC in 1975 may have been part of a face-saving attempt. Shortly after that time, the government sought to stifle opposition by issuing a decree forbidding the propagation of rumours and by banning a number of independent newspapers and detaining their
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Two early measures initiated by the Busia government were the expulsion of large numbers of non-citizens from the country and a companion measure to limit foreign involvement in small businesses. The moves were aimed at relieving the unemployment created by the country's precarious economic
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measures imposed by the Busia administration alienated influential Farmers, who until then had been PP supporters. These measures were part of Busia's economic structural adjustment efforts to put the country on a sounder financial base. The austerity programs had been recommended by the
751:
A considerable portion of the population had become convinced that effective, honest government was incompatible with competitive political parties. Many Ghanaians remained committed to non-political leadership for the nation, even in the form of military rule. The problems of the Busia
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production fell to half its 1964 peak. The council was also motivated by Acheampong's failure to dampen rising political pressure for changes. Akuffo, the new SMC chairman, promised publicly to hand over political power to a new government to be elected by 1 July 1979.
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the United States Government's ongoing official history of American foreign policy, revealed that the United States government was aware of plans to overthrown Nkrumah's government. This was corroborated by a former CIA case officer, Robert Stockwell, in his memoir,
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army during the Nkrumah regime were no longer available. Knowing that austerity had alienated the officers, the Busia government began to change the leadership of the army's combat elements. This, however, was the last straw. Lieutenant Colonel
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of the Nkrumah era. This attitude grew more popular as debt payments became more difficult to meet. Both parties favoured creation of a West African economic community or an economic union with the neighbouring West African states.
816:. Critics associated these two leading parties with the political divisions of the early Nkrumah years. The PP found much of its support among the old opponents of Nkrumah's CPP - the educated middle class and traditionalists of
1073:. The SMC apparently acted in response to continuing pressure to find a solution to the country's economic dilemma. Inflation was estimated to be as high as 300 per cent that year. There were shortages of basic commodities, and
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program, all Ghanaians were encouraged to undertake some form of food production, with the goal of eventual food self-sufficiency for the country. The program enjoyed some initial success, but support for it gradually waned.
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and rescheduled Ghana's debts. The government also provided price supports for basic food imports, while seeking to encourage Ghanaians to become self- reliant in agriculture and the production of raw materials. In the
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demonstrations against the government, arguing that the referendum vote had not been free or fair. The Acheampong government reacted by banning several organizations and by jailing as many as 300 of its opponents.
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executive president, and a cabinet whose members would be drawn from outside a single-house National Assembly. The military council would then step down, although its members could run for office as individuals.
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rule in Ghana had led to unemployment and poverty for many while party officials grew richer at the expense of the masses. But in justifying the one-party state, Nkrumah pointed to the weaknesses of multi-party
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The leaders of the coup that overthrew Nkrumah immediately opened the country's borders and its prison gates to allow the return from exile or release from preventive detention of all opponents of Nkrumah. The
849:(JP) under the leadership of Joseph Appiah. Their combined strength constituted what amounted to a southern bloc with a solid constituency among most of the Ewe and the peoples of the coastal cities.
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all large foreign-owned companies. But these measures, while instantly popular in the streets, did nothing to solve the country's real problems. If anything, they aggravated the problem of
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journalists. Also, armed soldiers broke up student demonstrations, and the government repeatedly closed the universities, which had become important centres of opposition to NRC policies.
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It was this situation—the inability of the PP government to satisfy diverse interest groups—that ostensibly gave Acheampong an excuse for the 13 January takeover. Acheampong's
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1022:. Disillusionment with the government grew, particularly among the educated. Accusations of personal corruption among the rulers also began to surface.
865:. In fact, these were the same individuals who had suffered under the old regime and were, therefore, thought to understand the benefits of democracy.
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Unlike the NLC of 1966, the NRC sought to create a truly military government; hence, in October 1975, the ruling council was reorganized into the
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of 1966 was a nationalist one because it liberated the nation from Nkrumah's dictatorship—a declaration that was supported by
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The elections demonstrated an interesting voting pattern. For example, the PP carried all the seats among the Asante and the
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In July 1978, in a sudden move, the other SMC officers forced Acheampong to resign, replacing him with Lieutenant General
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officially was the country's president. The council eventually assembled another government and held the
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In January 1972, Ghana's government was overthrown again. This led to yet another government run by the
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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The National Liberation Council and the Busia Years, 1966–71".
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Ghana's economy remained largely dependent upon the often difficult cultivation of and market for
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McLaughlin, James L. and David Owusu-Ansah. "Historical Setting" (and subchapters). In
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McLaughlin & Owusu-Ansah (1994), "The National Redemption Council Years, 1972–79".
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828:. All seats in the northern regions of the country were closely contested. In the
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921:. As a result, Ghana's income from cocoa exports continued to fall dramatically.
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Immediately after the elections, Gbedemah was barred from taking his seat in the
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administration was abusive and corrupt. They were equally disturbed by
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was overthrown in a military coup d'état. Leaders of the established
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This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the
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National Liberation Council and the Busia years (1966–1971)
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personal reflection, personal essay, or argumentative essay
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948:, led a bloodless coup that ended the Second Republic.
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107:. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
944:, temporarily commanding the First Brigade around
679:In 1979, the SMC was overthrown yet again in the
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741:, Nkrumah's former minister of foreign affairs.
725:, justified their takeover by charging that the
649:(NLC) took control of the country of Ghana, and
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70:Learn how and when to remove these messages
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638:(one which may have been foreseen by the
634:was overthrown on February 24, 1966 by a
243:Learn how and when to remove this message
225:Learn how and when to remove this message
167:Learn how and when to remove this message
701:On February 24, 1966, the government of
29:For broader coverage of this topic, see
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626:underwent a turbulent era as the
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116:"History of Ghana" 1966–1979
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1909:Contemporary history by country
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577:First Republic of Ghana
1914:Military dictatorships
1194:A Country Study: Ghana
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109:
85:
77:
66:
44:
43:
36:
31:History of Ghana
21:
1929:
1928:
1924:
1923:
1922:
1920:
1919:
1918:
1889:
1888:
1887:
1882:
1874:
1867:
1860:
1853:
1840:
1816:Public holidays
1811:National pledge
1806:National anthem
1767:
1753:Street children
1649:
1585:Cedi (currency)
1554:
1525:Law enforcement
1452:
1438:Protected areas
1381:
1355:
1351:Nana Akufo-Addo
1253:
1244:
1189:
1184:
1179:
1152:
1147:
1118:
1113:
1104:
1100:
1088:
1067:
1065:Leadership coup
1050:
1033:
1028:
1002:
954:
895:
889:
884:
838:
798:
778:
762:
699:
693:
676:(SMC) in 1975.
595:
570:
537:
524:
513:13 January 1972
510:
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200:
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110:
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45:
41:
34:
23:
22:
15:
12:
11:
5:
1927:
1917:
1916:
1911:
1906:
1904:1970s in Ghana
1901:
1899:1960s in Ghana
1884:
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1872:
1865:
1858:
1850:
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1826:Social conduct
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1695:
1693:Discrimination
1690:
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1667:
1661:
1655:
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1625:Stock Exchange
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1550:Prime Minister
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1433:National parks
1430:
1425:
1420:
1417:Climate change
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1405:
1399:
1393:
1387:
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1369:
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1333:
1331:Jerry Rawlings
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1286:Ashanti Empire
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996:organization.
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891:Main article:
888:
885:
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880:
837:
834:
818:Ashanti Region
812:(NAL), led by
802:Progress Party
797:
794:
777:
774:
761:
758:
723:J.W.K. Harlley
695:Main article:
692:
689:
663:Progress Party
661:, who led the
618:
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427:Prime Minister
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9:
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3:
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1926:
1915:
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1708:Ethnic groups
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1611:
1610:Manufacturing
1608:
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1304:
1302:
1299:
1297:
1294:
1292:
1289:
1287:
1284:
1282:
1279:
1277:
1276:Early history
1274:
1273:
1271:
1269:
1265:
1262:
1260:
1256:
1252:
1248:
1241:
1236:
1234:
1229:
1227:
1222:
1221:
1218:
1212:
1211:
1208:
1207:public domain
1202:
1199:
1195:
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1175:
1173:
1171:
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1163:
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1076:
1072:
1062:
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1045:
1043:
1037:
1023:
1021:
1020:Côte d'Ivoire
1017:
1011:
1008:
997:
995:
991:
986:
984:
980:
976:
971:
969:
964:
958:
949:
947:
943:
937:
935:
931:
926:
922:
920:
919:Côte d'Ivoire
916:
912:
907:
904:
900:
894:
879:
876:
875:Foreign Debts
870:
866:
864:
858:
856:
850:
848:
847:Justice Party
843:
833:
831:
827:
822:
819:
815:
811:
807:
806:Kofi A. Busia
803:
796:1969 election
793:
791:
786:
784:
773:
772:
767:
757:
755:
749:
747:
746:Kwame Nkrumah
742:
740:
736:
732:
731:Kwame Nkrumah
728:
724:
720:
716:
712:
708:
704:
703:Kwame Nkrumah
698:
688:
686:
682:
677:
675:
671:
666:
664:
660:
656:
652:
651:Joseph Ankrah
648:
643:
641:
640:US government
637:
636:military coup
633:
632:Kwame Nkrumah
629:
625:
616:
613:
611:Today part of
609:
593:
591:
588:
587:
584:
578:
575:
568:
567:
564:
563:
560:
557:
555:
552:
551:
547:
543:
539:
536:
530:
526:
523:seizes power
522:
516:
512:
509:seizes power
508:
502:
498:
495:
489:
485:
482:
476:
472:
468:
464:
461:
458:
454:
450:
447:
444:
438:
434:
430:
428:
424:
420:
417:
414:
408:
405:
402:
396:
393:
390:
384:
381:
378:
372:
369:
368:Akwasi Afrifa
366:
360:
357:
356:Joseph Ankrah
354:
348:
344:
340:
338:
334:
331:
327:
324:
320:
317:
314:
310:
306:
301:
291:
279:
271:
266:
256:
247:
244:
229:
226:
218:
208:
204:
198:
197:
192:This article
190:
181:
180:
171:
168:
160:
149:
146:
142:
139:
135:
132:
128:
125:
121:
118: –
117:
113:
112:Find sources:
106:
102:
96:
95:
90:This article
88:
84:
79:
78:
73:
71:
64:
63:
58:
57:
52:
47:
38:
37:
32:
27:
19:
1869:Bibliography
1743:Prostitution
1688:Demographics
1590:Central Bank
1508:Human rights
1483:Constitution
1321:Hilla Limann
1204:
1193:
1080:
1068:
1059:
1051:
1038:
1034:
1012:
1003:
987:
983:capital flow
979:nationalized
972:
959:
955:
938:
923:
908:
896:
871:
867:
859:
851:
839:
830:Volta Region
823:
799:
787:
779:
770:
765:
763:
750:
743:
719:J. A. Ankrah
715:A. A. Afrifa
700:
678:
667:
644:
621:
559:Succeeded by
558:
553:
375:• 1970
295:Coat of arms
239:
221:
215:January 2018
212:
193:
163:
157:January 2018
154:
144:
137:
130:
123:
111:
99:Please help
94:verification
91:
67:
60:
54:
53:Please help
50:
26:
1831:Video games
1733:Mob justice
1580:Agriculture
1346:John Mahama
1336:John Kufuor
1187:Works cited
554:Preceded by
540:4 June 1979
481:Established
456:Legislature
416:Fred Akuffo
1893:Categories
1836:Witchcraft
1681:Cybercrime
1540:Parliament
1503:Government
1341:John Mills
1306:Kofi Busia
1291:Gold Coast
1281:Bono state
1098:References
1048:Referendum
994:parastatal
808:, and the
659:Kofi Busia
322:Government
127:newspapers
56:improve it
1791:Festivals
1758:Squatting
1728:Languages
1703:Education
1640:Transport
1545:President
1520:Judiciary
1493:Elections
1428:Mountains
1391:Geography
1372:Political
963:socialist
925:Austerity
337:President
268:1966–1979
62:talk page
1878:Category
1748:Religion
1738:Polygamy
1671:Abortion
1530:Military
1462:Politics
1448:Wildlife
1367:Economic
1360:By topic
1251:articles
1086:See also
713:, Major
328:under a
1855:Outline
1786:Cuisine
1773:Culture
1659:Society
1635:Tourism
1600:Fishing
1568:Economy
1488:Cabinet
1423:Forests
1413:Climate
1403:Borders
1259:History
533:•
519:•
505:•
492:•
479:•
466:History
312:Capital
201:Please
141:scholar
1821:Sports
1713:Health
1615:Mining
1595:Energy
1443:Rivers
1408:Cities
1377:Postal
1249:
821:1961.
469:
431:
341:
143:
136:
129:
122:
114:
1862:Index
1801:Music
1796:Media
1763:Women
1676:Crime
1605:Labor
1247:Ghana
1075:cocoa
946:Accra
911:cocoa
826:Brong
754:Ghana
624:Ghana
615:Ghana
316:Accra
262:Ghana
148:JSTOR
134:books
1513:LGBT
1016:Togo
903:coup
735:coup
707:coup
283:Flag
120:news
1620:Oil
1018:or
727:CPP
642:).
103:by
1895::
1153:^
1119:^
1105:^
1052:A
985:.
687:.
665:.
65:.
1419:)
1415:(
1239:e
1232:t
1225:v
1209:.
246:)
240:(
228:)
222:(
217:)
213:(
209:.
170:)
164:(
159:)
155:(
145:·
138:·
131:·
124:·
97:.
72:)
68:(
33:.
20:)
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