267:, who published an article on the ethics of smartphones and how we use them. Though the means of producing these products go against ethical human rights standards, Leonard encourages the use of smartphones on the basis that the technology they provide can be utilized as a means of changing the problematic situation of their manufacture. The ability to communicate quickly and on a global scale enables the spread of knowledge, such as the conditions that corporations provide to the workers they employ, and the result their widespread manufacturing has on globalization. Leonard argues that phones and tablets can be effective tools in bringing about change through slacktivism, because they allow us to spread knowledge, donate money, and more effectively speak our opinions on important matters.
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organization's request for support on
Twitter, signing Internet petitions, and posting and sharing YouTube videos about a cause. It can be argued that a person is not "liking" the photo in order to help the person in need, but to feel better about themselves, and to feel like they have done something positive for the person or scene depicted in front of them. This phenomenon has become increasingly popular with individuals whether they are going on trips to help less fortunate people, or by "liking" many posts on Facebook in order to "help" the person in the picture. Examples include the
317:(=) in the middle. The logo symbolized equality and if Facebook users put the image as their profile photo, it meant they were in support of marriage equality. The campaign was credited for raising positive awareness and cultivating an environment of support for the marriage equality cause. This study concluded that, although the act of changing one's profile photo is small, ultimately social media campaigns such as this make a cumulative difference over time.
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influence others." Cited benefits of slacktivism in achieving clear objectives include creating a secure, low-cost, effective means of organizing that is environmentally friendly. These "social champions" have the ability to directly link social media engagement with responsiveness, leveraging their transparent dialogue into economic, social or political action. Going along this mindset is Andrew
Leonard, a staff writer at
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204:, argues that the internet activities that slacktivism is associated with are a waste of time at their best and at their worst are ways to "steal millions of dollars from armchair activists who are persuaded to donate actual money to what they're told is some useful cause." He says that most slacktivism campaigns are "based on bad information, bad science, and are hoaxes as often as not."
548:, holding a sign displaying the hashtag, posted to her official Twitter account, helping to spread the awareness of the kidnapping. Comparisons have been made between the #BringBackOurGirls campaign and the Kony 2012 campaign. The campaign was labeled slacktivism by some critics, particularly as the weeks and months passed with no progress being made in recovery of the kidnapped girls.
240:(see above), journalist Leo Mirani argues that he might be right if activism is defined only as sit-ins, taking direct action, and confrontations on the streets. However, if activism is about arousing awareness of people, changing people's minds, and influencing opinions across the world, then the revolution will indeed be "tweeted," "hashtagged," and "YouTubed." In a March 2012
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numbers: "their aggregate contribution to the spread of protest messages is comparable in magnitude to that of core participants." However, Tufekci argues that the enhanced ability to rally protest is accompanied by a weakened ability to actually make an impact, as slacktivism can fail to reach the level of protest required in order to bring about change.
130:(2011). In it, Morozov relates slacktivism to the Colding-Jørgensen experiment. In 2009, a Danish psychologist named Anders Colding-Jørgensen created a fictitious Facebook group as part of his research. On the page, he posted an announcement suggesting that the Copenhagen city authorities would be demolishing the historical
216:, the charity who created the film, reported $ 31.9 million of gross receipts. The money in the end was not used to stop Kony, but rather to make another movie about stopping Kony. Dunning goes as far as to say that raising awareness of Kony was not even useful, as law enforcement groups had been after him for years.
65:, characterized as involving very little effort or commitment. Additional forms of slacktivism include engaging in online activities such as "liking," "sharing," or "tweeting" about a cause on social media, signing an Internet petition, copying and pasting a status or message in support of the cause, sharing specific
134:. Within the first day, 125 Facebook members joined Colding-Jørgensen's. The number of fans began to grow at a staggering rate, eventually reaching 27,500. Morozov argues the Colding-Jørgensen experiment reveals a key component of slacktivism: "When communication costs are low, groups can easily spring into action."
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There is a saying: "Actions speak louder than words." Leaders from around the world came out and said they would assist to bring the girls back, but now we hear nothing. The question I wish to raise is: why? If they knew they would not do anything, they wouldn't have even made that promise at all. By
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The video seemed to embody the slacktivist ethos: viewers oblivious to a complex foreign conflict are made heroic by watching a video, buying a bracelet, hanging a poster. Advocates of
Invisible Children's campaign protested that their desire to catch Kony was sincere, their emotional response to the
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that the slacktivism commonly present within the movement has been linked with a positive effect on active participation in it. The fact that participants in this movement were able to contribute from their phones increased awareness and participation of the public, particularly in the United States.
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because it was a form of free speech, and could successfully spark mainstream media coverage, such as when a hashtag becomes "a trending topic helps generate media attention, even as it helps organize information....The power of social media to help shape the international news agenda is one of the
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An example of a campaign against slacktivism is the advertisement series "Liking Isn't
Helping" created by the international advertisement company Publicis Singapore for a relief organization, Crisis Relief Singapore (CRS). This campaign features images of people struggling or in need, surrounded by
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An example of sympathy slacktivism is the
Swedish newspaper Aftonbladet's campaign "Vi Gillar Olika" (literal translation: "We like different"). This campaign was launched against xenophobia and racism, something that was a hot topic in Sweden in 2010. The main icon of the campaign was an open hand
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In sympathy slacktivism, images of young children, animals and people seemingly in need are often used to give a sense of credibility to the viewers, making the campaign resonate longer in their memory. Using children in campaigns is often the most effective way of reaching a larger audience due to
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as an example. The site is full of hundreds of thousands of petitions. A person signing one of these online petitions may feel good about himself, but these petitions are generally not binding nor do they lead to any major change. Dunning suggests that before donating, or even "liking", a cause one
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movement calls for the end of systemic racism. The movement has been inextricably linked with social media since 2014, in particular to
Twitter with the hashtags #blacklivesmatter and #BLM. Much of the support and awareness of this movement has been made possible through social media. Studies show
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Micah White has argued that although slacktivism is typically the easiest route to participation in movements and changes, the novelty of online activism wears off as people begin to realize that their participation created virtually no effect, leading people to lose hope in all forms of activism.
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The reaction to and participation in this campaign demonstrates charity slacktivism due to the way in which many viewers responded. The success of the campaign has been attributed mostly by how many people viewed the video rather than the donations received. After watching the video, many viewers
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entitled "The
Dynamics of Cause Engagement" determined that so-called slacktivists are indeed "more likely to take meaningful actions". Notably, "slacktivists participate in more than twice as many activities as people who don't engage in slacktivism, and their actions "have a higher potential to
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Critics of slacktivism suggest that it fails to make a meaningful contribution to an overall cause because a low-stakes show of support, whether online or offline, is superficial, ineffective, draws off energy that might be used more constructively, and serves as a substitute for more substantive
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Sympathy slacktivism can be observed on social media networks such as
Facebook, where users can like pages to support a cause or show support to people in need. Also common in this type of slacktivism is for users to change their profile pictures to one that shows the user's peers that they care
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This is the act of purchasing products that highlight support for a particular cause and advertise that a percentage of the cost of the good will go to the cause. In some instances the donated funds are spread across various entities within one foundation, which in theory helps several deserving
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Clicktivism can also be demonstrated by monitoring the success of a campaign by how many "likes" it receives. Clicktivism strives to quantify support, presence and outreach without putting emphasis on real participation. The act of "liking" a photo on
Facebook or clicking a petition is in itself
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Various people and groups express doubts about the value and effectiveness of slacktivism. Particularly, some skeptics argue that it entails an underlying assumption that all problems can be seamlessly fixed using social media, and while this may be true for local issues, slacktivism could prove
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in real life. However, as many studies on slacktivism relate only to a specific case or campaign, it is difficult to find an exact percentage of slacktivist actions that reach a stated goal. Furthermore, many studies also focus on such activism in democratic or open contexts, whereas the act of
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The campaign was used as an experiment to see if an online video could reach such a large audience that it would make a war criminal, Joseph Kony, famous. It became the fastest-growing viral video of all time, reaching 100 million views in six days. The campaign grew an unprecedented amount of
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for protest. A 2015 study describes how slacktivism can contribute to a quicker growth of social protests, by propagation of information through peripheral nodes in social networks. The authors note that although slacktivists are less active than committed minorities, their power lies in their
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claimed it was attacked by
Chinese hackers and brought down in April 2011. Change.org claimed the fact that hackers "felt the need to bring down the website must be seen as a testament to Change.org's fast-growing success and a vindication of one particular petition: A Call for the Release of
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Although slacktivism has often been used pejoratively, some scholars point out that activism within the digital space is a reality. These scholars suggest that slacktivism may have its deficiencies, but it can be a positive contributor to activism, and it is inescapable in the current digital
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A 2011 study looking at college students found only a small positive correlation between those who engage online in politics on Facebook with those who engage off of it. Those who did engage only did so by posting comments and other low forms of political participation, helping to confirm the
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Charity slacktivism is an action in support of a cause that takes little effort on the part of the individual. Examples of online charity slacktivism include posting a Facebook status to support a cause, "liking" a charity organization's cause on Facebook, tweeting or retweeting a charity
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piece by Morozov asked whether "the publicity gains gained through this greater reliance on new media worth the organizational losses that traditional activist entities are likely to suffer, as ordinary people would begin to turn away from conventional (and proven) forms of activism."
97:. The term was meant to shorten the phrase slacker activism, which refers to bottom-up activities by young people to affect society on a small, personal scale (such as planting a tree, as opposed to participating in a protest). The term originally had a positive connotation.
398:. The Red Cross managed to raise $ 5 million in 2 days via text message donations. Social media outlets were used to spread the word about the earthquake. The day after the earthquake, CNN reported that four of Twitter's top topics were related to the Haitian earthquake.
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many people giving a thumbs up with the caption "Liking isn't helping". Though the campaign lacked critical components that would generate success, it made viewers stop and think about their activism habits and question the effect that slacktivism really has.
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The idea behind clicktivism is that social media allow for a quick and easy way to show support for an organization or cause. The main focus of digital organizations has become inflating participation rates by asking less and less of their members/viewers.
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ways in which they subvert state authority and power." In addition, studies suggest that "fears of Internet activities supplanting real-life activity are unsubstantiated," in that they do not cause a negative or positive effect on political participation.
446:." Ai Weiwei, a noted human rights activist who had been arrested by Chinese authorities in April 2011, was released on June 22, 2011, from Beijing, which was deemed as a victory by Change.org of its online campaign and petition demanding Ai's release.
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use Twitter and other websites to organise protests and direct action against companies accused of tax avoidance. It allows organizations to quantify their success by keeping track of how many "clicked" on their petition or other call to action.
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article, lambasted those who compare social media "revolutions" with actual activism that challenges the status quo ante. He argued that today's social media campaigns cannot compare with activism that takes place on the ground, using the
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is often done. In order to improve these metrics, messages are reduced to make their "asks easier and actions simpler." This in turn reduces social action to having members that are a list of email addresses, rather than engaged people.
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The Human Rights Campaign (HRC) on Marriage Equality offers another example of how slacktivism can be used to make a notable difference. The campaign urged Facebook users to change their profile pictures to a red image that had an
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about the topic. This can be considered a virtual counterpart of wearing a pin to display one's sympathies; however, acquiring such a pin often requires some monetary donation to the cause while changing profile picture does not.
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The term "clicktivism" is used to describe forms of internet-based slacktivism such as signing online petitions or signing and sending form letter emails to politicians or corporate CEOs. For example, the British group
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campaign as an example of how slacktivism can be used as a way to exploit others. The movie asked viewers to send money to the filmmakers rather than African law enforcement. Four months after the movie was released,
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and a faculty associate at the Berkman Center for Internet & Society, analyzed the capacity of slacktivism to influence collective group action in a variety of different social movements in a segment of the
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Others keep a slightly optimistic outlook on the possibilities of slacktivism while still acknowledging the pitfalls that come with this digital form of protest. Zeynep Tufekci, an assistant professor at the
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Slacktivists may also purchase a product from a company because it has a history of donating funds to charity, as a way to second-handedly support a cause. For example, a slacktivist may buy
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Certain forms of slacktivism have political goals in mind, such as gaining support for a presidential campaign, or signing an internet petition that aims to influence governmental action.
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540:, the hashtag #BringBackOurGirls began to trend globally on Twitter as the story continued to spread and by May 11 it had attracted 2.3 million tweets. One such tweet came from the
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117:, who described activities such as those listed above. "It's all fed by slacktivism ... the desire people have to do something good without getting out of their chair."
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symbolic because it demonstrates that the individual is aware of the situation and it shows their peers the opinions and thoughts they have on certain subject matters.
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747:"Advocacy 2.0: An Analysis of How Advocacy Groups in the United States Perceive and Use Social Media as Tools for Facilitating Civic Engagement and Collective Action"
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in which 77 people were killed. This campaign received attention from the Swedish Moderate Party, who encouraged their supporters to update their profile pictures.
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Vitak, J.; Zube, P.; Smock, A.; Carr, C. T.; Ellison, N.; Lampe, C. (2011). "It's Complicated: Facebook Users' Political Participation in the 2008 Election".
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280:. She acknowledges that digital activism is a great enabler of rising social and political movements, and it is an effective means of enabling differential
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video had "achieved more with their 30-minute video than battalions of diplomats, NGO workers and journalists have since the conflict began 26 years ago."
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501:(LRA). The LRA is said to have abducted a total of nearly 60,000 children, brainwashing the boys to fight for them and turning the girls into sex slaves.
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rather than supplementing them, and might, in fact, be counter-productive. As groups increasingly use social media to facilitate civic engagement and
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film genuine—and that the sheer volume of supporters calling for the capture of Joseph Kony constituted a meaningful shift in human rights advocacy."
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publicly liking, RSVPing or adopting an avatar or slogan as one's profile picture can be a defiant act in authoritarian or repressive countries.
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The Western-centric nature of the critique of slacktivism discounts the impact it can have in authoritarian or repressive contexts. Journalist
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Critics of clicktivism state that this new phenomenon turns social movements to resemble advertising campaigns in which messages are tested,
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in the form of a 28-minute video about the dangerous situation of many children in Africa at the hands of Joseph Kony, the leader of the
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campaign, whereby consumers can buy Red-branded variants of commons products, with a proportion of proceeds going towards fighting AIDS.
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felt compelled to take action. This action, however, took the form of sharing the video and potentially pledging their support.
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85:, proponents of slacktivism have pointed out that it can lead to engagement and help generate support for lesser-known causes.
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Criticism of slacktivism often involves the idea that internet activities are ineffective, and/or that they prevent or lessen
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1735:"Getting from No to Go: Social Media-Fueled Protest Style From Arab Spring to Gezi Protests in Turkey | Berkman Center"
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just coming out to tell the world, I see that as a political game, which it shouldn't be so far as the girls are concerned.
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Examples of offline charity slacktivism include awareness wristbands and paraphernalia in support of causes, such as the
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106:, was an early user of the term in his 2001 article titled, "On the Net, 'Slacktivism'/Do-Gooders Flood In-Boxes."
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1981:"View of In defense of "slacktivism": The Human Rights Campaign Facebook logo as digital activism | First Monday"
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Barberá, P.; Wang, N.; Bonneau, R.; Jost, J.T.; Nagler, J.; Tucker, J.; González-Bailón, S. (November 30, 2015).
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ice cream because its founders invested in the nation's children, or promoted social and environmental concerns.
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Most of the millions of e-petitions that get signed each year, then, fall on deaf ears and achieve very little.
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areas of the cause. Criticism tends to highlight the thin spread of the donation. An example of this is the
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should research the issue and the organization to ensure nothing is misattributed, exaggerated, or wrong.
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called "They Weren't Careful What They Hoped For." Feder quoted anti-scam crusader Barbara Mikkelson of
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796:"Canadian Advocacy 2.0: A Study of Social Media Use by Social Movement Groups and Activists in Canada"
627:"Activism or Slacktivism? The Potential and Pitfalls of Social Media in Contemporary Student Activism"
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1040:"Stork Fountain Experiment #1: Why Facebook groups are not democratic tools | Virkeligheden"
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the fact that most adults, when exposed to the ad, would not be able to ignore a child in need.
2446:"The double-edged crisis: Invisible Children's social media response to the Kony 2012 campaign"
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has analyzed the outcomes of ten most-shared petitions and listed all of them as unsuccessful.
2543:"International 'Bring Back Our Girls' Becomes Rallying Cry for Kidnapped Nigerian Schoolgirls"
1946:"Political activities on the internet: slacktivism or political participation by other means?"
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926:"Political activities on the internet: slacktivism or political participation by other means?"
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61:) is the practice of supporting a political or social cause by means such as social media or
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1888:"Cyberactivism and the Arab Revolt: Battles Waged Online and Lessons Learned (Part 1 of 9)"
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Another example was when Facebook users added a Norwegian flag to their pictures after the
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1396:"The Revolutions Will Be Hashtagged: Twitter Turns 5 as the Middle East Demands Democracy"
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Public Relations and Participatory Culture: Fandom, Social Media and Community Engagement
1536:"Slacktivism: Not Simply a Means to an End, but a Legitimate Form of Civic Participation"
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with the text "Vi Gillar Olika," the icon that was adopted from the French organisation
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An early example of using the term "slacktivism" appeared in Barnaby Feder's article in
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Dunning does state that today, however, slacktivism is generally more benign. He cites
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1864:"Unveiling the Revolutionaries: Cyberactivism and Women's Role in the Arab Uprisings"
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In the weeks following the kidnapping of hundreds of schoolgirls by the organization
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argues that even such low level of engagement was an important form of activism for
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Mangold, W.; David Faulds (2009). "Social media: The new hybrid element of the".
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Casual Politics: From slacktivism to emergent movements and pattern recognition
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1765:"Scaling Social Movements Through Social Media: The Case of Black Lives Matter"
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awareness, calling to international leaders as well as the general population.
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2638:"Remember #BringBackOurGirls? This Is What Has Happened In The 5 Months Since"
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article, referring to efforts to address the ongoing violence related to the
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A red iPod nano, an example of supporting a charity through buying products
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The term slacktivism is often used to describe the world's reaction to the
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similarly characterized slacktivism as "ridiculously easy group forming".
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Madden, Stephanie; Janoske, Melissa; Briones, Rowena L. (March 1, 2016).
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2516:"'I will sell them,' Boko Haram leader says of kidnapped Nigerian girls"
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2102:"Clicktivism Or Slacktivism? Impression Management and Moral Licensing"
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2357:"Deltagande med det norska folket | Moderaterna i Upplands-Bro"
2273:"French Flags on Facebook: Does Social Media Support Really Matter?"
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2013:. London Evening Standard Online. January 19, 2011. Archived from
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The term was coined by Dwight Ozard and Fred Clark in 1995 at the
1264:"Do online petitions actually work? The numbers reveal the truth"
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According to Mkeki Mutah, uncle of one of the kidnapped girls:
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Nummi, Jozie; Jennings, Carly; Feagin, Joe (August 18, 2019).
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Mundt, Marcia; Ross, Karen; Burnett, Charla M (October 2018).
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campaign that exploded briefly in social media in March 2012.
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associated with the cause, or altering one's profile photo or
2415:"Persuasion in the Millennial Era: A Case Study of KONY 2012"
1362:"Sorry, Malcolm Gladwell, the revolution may well be tweeted"
2167:"Hunt for Ugandan war criminal Joseph Kony video goes viral"
832:"Why online Slacktivism might actually be helping charities"
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as an example of what real, high-risk activism looks like.
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Vidal, John; McCarthy, Tom; Curtis, Polly (March 8, 2012).
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Cornelissen, Gert; Karelaia, Natalia; Soyer, Emre (2013).
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Hutchins, Amber; Tindall, Natalie T. J. (March 10, 2016).
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In response to Gladwell's criticism of slacktivism in the
1915:"Double-Edged Sword: Social Media's Subversive Potential"
1677:"The Critical Periphery in the Growth of Social Protests"
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The net delusion : the dark side of Internet freedom
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971:"On the Net, "Slacktivism' / Do-gooders flood in-boxes"
250:, Matthew Green wrote that the slacktivists behind the
2709:"On the Net, 'Slacktivisim'/Do-Gooders Flood In-Boxes"
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1188:"Small Change: Why the revolution will not be tweeted"
1042:. Virkeligheden.dk. September 23, 2009. Archived from
866:"Cause Marketing: Moving Beyond Corporate Slacktivism"
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Another example of the term "Slacktivism" appeared in
893:"The subtle ways that 'clicktivism' shapes the world"
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ineffective for solving global predicaments. A 2009
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1490:Madison, Nora; Klang, Mathias (September 4, 2020).
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73:on social network services to indicate solidarity.
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1221:Cyberpsychology, Behavior & Social Networking
258:climate. A 2011 correlational study conducted by
27:Pejorative term for "feel-good" activist measures
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1817:"#BlackLivesMatter: Innovative Black Resistance"
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1112:"Foreign Policy: Brave New World Of Slacktivism"
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1336:"Why the "Like" Button May Be Killing Activism"
127:Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom
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402:Charity as a by-product of purchasing products
40:" used on Facebook, a popular slacktivist tool
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2514:Abubakar, Aminu; Levs, Josh (May 5, 2014).
2011:"Clicktivists – a new breed of protestors'"
1737:. Cyber.law.harvard.edu. October 15, 2013.
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467:'s campaign Touche pas Ă mon Pote in 1985.
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2196:"Haiti quake relief: How technology helps"
1002:"They Weren't Careful What They Hoped For"
2246:"Chinese Hackers Vindicate "Slacktivism""
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1449:"Let the Kony campaign be just the start"
1152:"Clicktivism is ruining leftist activism"
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677:"Inboxer Rebellion Archives | Snopes.com"
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2698:They Weren't Careful What They Hoped For
2636:Alfred, Charlotte (September 14, 2014).
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631:Journal of Diversity in Higher Education
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2665:"Abandonment of 'Bring Back Our Girls'"
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2330:"Rör inte min kompis | Historia |"
2309:from the original on September 30, 2015
2271:Pappas, Stephanie (November 18, 2015).
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1406:from the original on September 21, 2011
1072:. New York: PublicAffairs. p. 180.
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2270:
1894:from the original on December 12, 2021
1741:from the original on December 13, 2013
1656:from the original on December 13, 2023
1359:
391:gained traction in several countries.
2675:from the original on January 14, 2016
2425:from the original on October 16, 2022
2332:. rorinteminkompis.se. Archived from
2164:
2116:from the original on December 8, 2021
2081:from the original on January 17, 2023
2056:
2054:
1975:
1973:
1971:
1969:
1967:
1913:Courtney Radsch (February 28, 2011).
1810:
1808:
1758:
1756:
1644:Leonard, Andrew (February 23, 2012).
1598:from the original on November 2, 2011
1529:
1527:
1485:
1483:
1316:from the original on January 20, 2021
1296:
1294:
1292:
1186:Gladwell, Malcolm (October 4, 2010).
1149:
1145:
1143:
1141:
1139:
999:
891:Richard Fisher (September 16, 2020).
863:
842:from the original on October 21, 2021
687:from the original on October 31, 2021
2617:from the original on January 6, 2018
2507:
2305:. Aftonbladet.se. January 18, 2014.
2303:"Vi gillar olika | Aftonbladet"
2283:from the original on January 4, 2017
1617:Leonard, Cindy (September 2, 2009).
1584:Andresen, Katya (October 24, 2011).
1540:Canadian Journal of Family and Youth
1533:
1372:from the original on January 1, 2017
1261:
1255:
968:
793:
745:Obar, Jonathan; et al. (2012).
744:
705:
493:Kony 2012 was a campaign created by
2644:from the original on April 14, 2018
2495:from the original on March 20, 2023
2384:"Kony 2012: what's the real story?"
2194:Cashmore, Pete (January 14, 2010).
2037:"What is clicktivism — Clicktivist"
1925:from the original on April 18, 2012
1625:from the original on April 25, 2012
1461:from the original on March 15, 2012
1300:
1164:from the original on April 23, 2021
1124:from the original on April 18, 2021
1109:
1082:
981:from the original on March 11, 2021
905:from the original on August 1, 2021
787:
657:from the original on August 4, 2021
24:
2690:
2243:
2051:
1964:
1805:
1753:
1534:Piat, Chantal (January 23, 2019).
1524:
1496:Journal of Digital Social Research
1480:
1289:
1136:
1000:Feder, Barnaby J. (May 29, 2002).
924:Christensen, Henrik Serup (2011).
708:"Hashtag Activism, and Its Limits"
88:
25:
2778:
2707:Phan, Monty (February 27, 2001).
2662:
2485:"The subjectivity of slacktivism"
2483:Kendzior, Sarah (April 5, 2012).
2359:. Moderaterna.net. Archived from
2134:
1869:. Rice University. Archived from
1274:from the original on July 8, 2021
1262:Tait, Amelia (January 30, 2017).
969:Phan, Monty (February 26, 2001).
950:from the original on May 28, 2021
864:Davis, Jesse (October 27, 2011).
800:Canadian Journal of Communication
376:, as well as bumper stickers and
2696:Feder, Barnaby (May 29, 2002). "
2605:"Is #BringBackOurGirls helping?"
2572:Keating, Joshua (May 20, 2014).
2553:from the original on May 6, 2014
2522:from the original on May 5, 2014
2413:Hebing, Lauren (June 15, 2018).
2165:Cross, Allison (March 7, 2012).
1991:from the original on May 3, 2021
1646:"There is no ethical smartphone"
1306:"Slacktivism: Raising Awareness"
1150:White, Micah (August 12, 2010).
2656:
2629:
2596:
2565:
2534:
2476:
2437:
2406:
2375:
2348:
2321:
2295:
2264:
2237:
2214:
2158:
2128:
2093:
2029:
1937:
1906:
1880:
1855:
1727:
1668:
1637:
1610:
1586:"Why Slacktivism is Underrated"
1492:"The Case for Digital Activism"
1437:
1425:David Kenner (March 30, 2011).
1418:
1384:
1360:Mirani, Leo (October 2, 2010).
1353:
1328:
1212:
1103:
1076:
1032:
993:
962:
542:First Lady of the United States
185:slacktivism theoretical model.
2541:Litoff, Alyssa (May 6, 2014).
2248:. ProjectQuinn. Archived from
1948:. First Monday. Archived from
1085:"From Slacktivism to Activism"
917:
884:
824:
706:Carr, David (March 26, 2012).
699:
669:
618:
325:
202:Slacktivism: Raising Awareness
13:
1:
2419:Honors Senior Theses/Projects
1862:Radsch, Courtney (May 2012).
1619:"In Defense of "Slacktivism""
751:Journal of Information Policy
612:
532:Chibok schoolgirls kidnapping
526:Chibok schoolgirls kidnapping
100:Monty Phan, staff writer for
2603:Taylor, Adam (May 6, 2014).
2462:10.1016/j.pubrev.2015.10.002
2231:10.1016/j.bushor.2009.03.002
1702:10.1371/journal.pone.0143611
482:
437:The online petition website
429:
304:youth before and during the
273:University of North Carolina
7:
2142:. AdBusters. Archived from
1944:Christensen, Henrik Serup.
1890:. YouTube. March 29, 2011.
809:10.22230/cjc.2014v39n2a2678
560:
477:
449:
10:
2783:
764:10.5325/jinfopoli.2.2012.1
625:Cabrera, Nolan L. (2017).
529:
486:
359:
2734:Peña-López, I. (2013). "
1782:10.1177/2056305118807911
1068:Morozov, Evgeny (2011).
320:
142:Criticism of slacktivism
2450:Public Relations Review
2140:"Rejecting Clicktivism"
1233:10.1089/cyber.2009.0226
794:Obar, Jonathan (2014).
278:Berkman Luncheon Series
200:, in his 2014 podcast,
157:political participation
2652:– via Huff Post.
1775:(4): 205630511880791.
1769:Social Media + Society
597:Social justice warrior
572:Armchair revolutionary
558:
523:
499:Lord's Resistance Army
411:
380:. In 2020, during the
248:Lord's Resistance Army
232:Defense of slacktivism
170:, in his October 2010
41:
2757:Political pejoratives
2328:Rör inte min kompis.
2198:. CNN. Archived from
2106:ACR European Advances
1509:10.33621/jdsr.v2i2.25
1474:registration required
1427:"YouTube Revolutions"
943:10.5210/fm.v16i2.3336
592:Performative activism
567:Argumentum ad populum
553:
518:
409:
396:2010 Haiti earthquake
260:Georgetown University
35:
2146:on November 21, 2011
2017:on February 19, 2011
1091:on November 13, 2014
1046:on December 20, 2016
602:Thoughts and prayers
374:Livestrong wristband
95:Cornerstone Festival
2610:The Washington Post
2574:"The Less You Know"
2355:Namn obligatorisk.
2336:on January 26, 2016
2252:on February 2, 2014
2202:on January 19, 2013
2041:www.clicktivist.org
1952:on October 21, 2012
1876:on October 4, 2012.
1693:2015PLoSO..1043611B
1200:on January 10, 2011
872:on December 8, 2015
472:2011 Norway attacks
389:Clap for Our Carers
2722:: Armchair Warrior
2702:The New York Times
2047:on March 15, 2016.
1833:10.1111/socf.12540
1821:Sociological Forum
1552:10.29173/cjfy29411
1447:(March 12, 2012).
1394:(March 29, 2011).
1392:Courtney C. Radsch
1006:The New York Times
712:The New York Times
643:10.1037/dhe0000061
495:Invisible Children
412:
298:Courtney C. Radsch
290:Black Lives Matter
214:Invisible Children
179:Greensboro sit-ins
111:The New York Times
42:
2762:Social commentary
2720:Observer Magazine
2669:www.aljazeera.com
2663:Ogene, Ashionye.
2223:Business Horizons
2074:978-1-317-65974-7
1827:(S1): 1042–1064.
1110:Morozov, Evgeny.
1083:Morozov, Evgeny.
1020:on March 23, 2021
607:Virtue signalling
351:is recorded, and
349:clickthrough rate
282:capacity building
83:collective action
79:forms of activism
16:(Redirected from
2774:
2752:Activism by type
2685:
2684:
2682:
2680:
2660:
2654:
2653:
2651:
2649:
2633:
2627:
2626:
2624:
2622:
2600:
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2527:
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2500:
2480:
2474:
2473:
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2432:
2430:
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2404:
2403:
2401:
2399:
2379:
2373:
2372:
2370:
2368:
2363:on March 4, 2016
2352:
2346:
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2343:
2341:
2325:
2319:
2318:
2316:
2314:
2299:
2293:
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2212:
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2207:
2191:
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2181:
2179:
2177:
2162:
2156:
2155:
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2151:
2132:
2126:
2125:
2123:
2121:
2097:
2091:
2090:
2088:
2086:
2058:
2049:
2048:
2043:. Archived from
2033:
2027:
2026:
2024:
2022:
2007:
2001:
2000:
1998:
1996:
1977:
1962:
1961:
1959:
1957:
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1935:
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1731:
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1704:
1687:(11): e0143611.
1672:
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1388:
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1379:
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1346:
1340:Psychology Today
1332:
1326:
1325:
1323:
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1287:
1286:
1281:
1279:
1259:
1253:
1252:
1216:
1210:
1209:
1207:
1205:
1199:
1194:. Archived from
1183:
1174:
1173:
1171:
1169:
1147:
1134:
1133:
1131:
1129:
1107:
1101:
1100:
1098:
1096:
1087:. Archived from
1080:
1074:
1073:
1065:
1056:
1055:
1053:
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1036:
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1029:
1027:
1025:
1016:. Archived from
997:
991:
990:
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986:
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957:
955:
945:
921:
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914:
912:
910:
888:
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881:
879:
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868:. Archived from
861:
852:
851:
849:
847:
838:. May 16, 2013.
828:
822:
821:
811:
791:
785:
784:
766:
742:
736:
735:
733:
731:
726:on March 9, 2021
722:. Archived from
703:
697:
696:
694:
692:
673:
667:
666:
664:
662:
622:
587:Hashtag activism
582:Call-out culture
577:Armchair warrior
512:As described by
168:Malcolm Gladwell
63:online petitions
21:
2782:
2781:
2777:
2776:
2775:
2773:
2772:
2771:
2767:1995 neologisms
2742:
2741:
2693:
2691:Further reading
2688:
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2634:
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2075:
2059:
2052:
2035:
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2030:
2020:
2018:
2009:
2008:
2004:
1994:
1992:
1985:firstmonday.org
1979:
1978:
1965:
1955:
1953:
1942:
1938:
1928:
1926:
1919:Huffington Post
1911:
1907:
1897:
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1813:
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1464:
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1454:Financial Times
1442:
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1400:Huffington Post
1389:
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623:
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563:
534:
528:
491:
485:
480:
452:
432:
424:Ben and Jerry's
404:
378:mobile donating
362:
328:
323:
243:Financial Times
234:
144:
91:
89:Use of the term
28:
23:
22:
15:
12:
11:
5:
2780:
2770:
2769:
2764:
2759:
2754:
2740:
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2732:
2728:Foreign Policy
2724:
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1879:
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1726:
1667:
1636:
1609:
1573:
1523:
1479:
1436:
1431:Foreign Policy
1417:
1383:
1352:
1327:
1302:Dunning, Brian
1288:
1254:
1211:
1192:The New Yorker
1175:
1135:
1102:
1075:
1057:
1031:
992:
961:
916:
883:
853:
836:Digital Trends
823:
786:
737:
698:
681:www.snopes.com
668:
616:
614:
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584:
579:
574:
569:
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546:Michelle Obama
530:Main article:
527:
524:
516:of Aljazeera:
514:Sarah Kendzior
487:Main article:
484:
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132:Stork Fountain
122:Evgeny Morozov
90:
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2172:
2171:National Post
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2141:
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2067:. Routledge.
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2016:
2012:
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