CIA activities in Nicaragua

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Cuban-supported and other Marxist groups to consolidate power by disseminating non-attributable propaganda worldwide and in Nicaragua in their support and in opposition to Cuban involvement.” A CIA paper from August 1979 lays out an intelligence assessment of the FSLN “Junta” and its leadership. The CIA speculated leadership ties to Cuba as well as past Cuban support would result in Nicaragua joining the pro-Soviet bloc of the non-aligned movement: “in view of the heavy debt owed by the FSLN to Cuba, it is expected that Nicaragua will join Cuba as a member of the pro-Soviet bloc of the NAM.” Finally, to support “the U.S. goal of a democratic and pluralistic government in Nicaragua” a number of guidelines for covert action were presented, focusing on political and economic efforts (and not covert paramilitary action): “A. Encourage moderate groups in the GNR by publicizing both in Nicaragua and in the International Community, their programs and actions. B. Expose the Marxist elements in the GNR and their links with Cuba; condemn Cuban subversive activities. C. Support continued strong involvement of other Latin American countries as a moderating influence on FSLN elements in the GNR. D. Support efforts through international organizations to guarantee human rights. E. Encourage the development and maintenance of democratic institutions in particular a free press and political parties; advocate early free elections. F. Publicize efforts by Western nations to provide aid and technical assistance to help rebuild Nicaragua; compare this with assistance provided by communist countries.”

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upon his conviction on federal drug charges in 1996 -- a case developed by Blandon acting on behalf of the DEA. The articles suggested that the difference between the treatment of Blandon and Ross might be attributable to Blandon's alleged ties to the CIA or the Contras. The OIG did not find that he had any ties to the CIA, that the CIA intervened in his case in any way, or that any connections to the Contras affected his treatment. We explored the facts surrounding Blandon's sentence reductions and found through our interviews of DEA and federal prosecutors that his reductions in a prison sentence were based on his substantial cooperation with prosecutors and investigators, not ties to the Contras or the CIA. We made no attempt independently to measure the value of Blandon's cooperation; instead we sought to determine whether his cooperation was the reason for his lenient treatment.

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and two unnamed others) several times in Miami, Florida, During their meetings in Florida, they would utilize places such as hotels, restaurants and even George Morale's own house. One restaurant that was mentioned in Fabio's testimony was called, "The Rusty Pelican". Fabio stated that during 1984–1985 he had made between 30 and 40 money/weapon drops to Costa Rica, which contained "war-grade" weapons (K-19, M-16, AR-15, grenade launchers, etc.) and several million dollars. He stated that the return was in the form of cocaine (an estimated total of 3-4 hundred kilos) shipped in fruit/vegetable crates belonging to the company, Frigorificos de Punta Arenas. Though he could not identify who owned the company, Fabio acknowledged that the company was primarily a front for moving cocaine through Costa Rica.

747:, stating that their strategy in Vietnam of gradually applying measures over a long period of time caused their campaign to fail; gradual application allowed the enemy to adjust and adapt to what the U.S. did, forming tolerance to U.S. attacks that allowed them to bounce back quickly. For these reasons, the Deputy Director warned against applying the same strategy in Nicaragua, as “half measures, half-heartedly applied, will have the same results.” He wrote that the CIA’s actions up to that point have fallen in line with half-hearted approach in Vietnam due to a lack of agreement among the government on what their main objective should be. The CIA initially focused on blocking the sale of weapons to 743:, Nicaragua became a growing military force in the region. Specifically, this memo claimed that “the Soviets and Cubans are turning Nicaragua into an armed camp with military forces far beyond its defensive needs.” This was determined to be a growth too big for the apparent needs of the Nicaraguans. This led the government to suspect such growth was a sign that Nicaragua was growing as a communist hub, similar to Cuba. The CIA was particularly concerned with Nicaragua becoming a communist ally of the Soviet Union and Cuba on the mainland of the Western hemisphere, with the goal of spreading the ideology further in the Americas. The Deputy Director compared it to the struggle that metastasized in 787:

distributed on the streets in Los Angeles. CIA participation, albeit indirect, was a result of a partnership with well-known drug trafficker Alan Hyde. Hyde had been known by the criminal syndicate world to be a large distributor and trafficker of cocaine. From 1987 to 1989, the CIA cooperated with Hyde and used his vast network of covert shipping lanes in the Caribbean to supply arms to the Contras. The CIA operated during the crucial moments of proxy-war against the Sandinista government. The Central American Task Force had warned the CIA of involvement with Hyde, but the CIA persisted. Regarding involvement with Hyde, CIA deputy director

1490:"the Deputy Attorney General decided to recommend that release of our report be deferred while the DEA pursued its drug investigation. On January 23, 1998, the Attorney General issued a letter invoking her authority under the Inspector General Act to delay public release of our report based on those same representations. On July 14, 1998, the Attorney General wrote us a letter stating "the law enforcement concerns that caused me to make my determination no longer warrant deferral of the public release of your report." Her letter stated that we could therefore release the report. We are doing so now, with no changes from the original. 3325: 1290:, stating, "Mr. Ghorbanifar took me into the bathroom, and Mr. Ghorbanifar suggested several incentives to make that February transaction work. And the attractive incentive, for me, was the one he made that residuals could flow to support the Nicaraguan resistance." When asked why he took painstaking efforts to keep those facts from Congress, North responded, "We wanted to be able to deny a covert operation." Other information came to light, including the revealing of other principal figures in the scandal. North testified to a direct question by Senator 362:

hegemony and the interests of Western corporations. At this time, the Sandinistas were building their military to a level that was disproportionate for the size of Nicaragua; the U.S. saw this as a Soviet-backed push for power in the region. The CIA gave $ 50,000 (equivalent to $ 168,000 in 2023) to the training and arming of the Contras in 1981, which was eventually followed up by millions more once the CIA secured funding for the operation. The CIA executed operations of their own: in 1982, a CIA-trained team blew up two bridges in Nicaragua and

1450:"Freeway" Ricky Ross, whose real name is Ricky Donnell Ross, presided over a veritable crack cocaine empire in Los Angeles, California, in the 1980s so widespread and streamlined (hence the nickname of "Freeway") that many referred to his savvy marketing and seeming ubiquitousness in the drug trade as the "Wal-Mart of crack". At the height of his drug empire, Ross is said to have sold "3 million in one day" with Blandon "personally" having sold Ross cocaine on "multiple occasions" before Ross re-sold the narcotics across the nation. The 1110:

operations on the Southern Front. Owen tells North that FDN leader Adolfo Calero (code-name: "Sparkplug") has picked a new Southern Front commander, one of the former captains to Eden Pastora who has been paid to defect to the FDN. Owen reports that the officials in the new Southern Front FDN units include "people who are questionable because of past indiscretions," such as José Robelo, who is believed to have "potential involvement with drug running" and Sebastian Gonzalez, who is "now involved in drug running out of Panama."

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were used against other American troops and resulted in hundreds of deaths of United States members of the armed forces. The American citizens felt betrayed by their leaders and soon uncovered numerous more scandals that the public was unaware of. One would be the importation of opiates into the United States from Afghanistan. The economic benefits of drug sales was a fact concealed by the malicious intention to focus on the sale of guns for money when all of the profits were truly found in the drug markets.

1012:(FDN), had chosen a new commander for the Southern Front. This new commander was previously a captain of Eden Pastora and had been paid to defect to the FDN. Owen states that the new Southern Front officials of the FDN units include "people who are questionable because of past indiscretions". Some of these officials were Jose Robelo, who Owen describes as having "potential involvement with drug running", and Sebastian Gonzalez, who Owen states that he is "now involved in drug running out of Panama". 134: 1464:"The OIG interviewed Blandon in February 1997 (with the DEA's knowledge), DEA agents who worked with him, and federal prosecutors in San Diego who handled his case. ... we learned the extent of Blandon's cooperation and that he continued to cooperate with the DEA after he was released from prison in September 1994. We also learned that after the Mercury News articles focused attention on Blandon and his activities in late 1996, the DEA stopped using him as an informant." 1114:

a new southern front”, the members expressed that they needed financial assistance to help support its operations in the Southern frontiers. The group requested that they would need “financial backing on a monthly basis”, and that they were” more than willing to account for the funds spent”. The group established that without this assistance, they would be forced to “abandon the fight”. In response, Owen assured the group he “will get back to them” in a week or three.

570:, was airdropped to rebels over known Contra camps. This 15-page manual was illustrated with captions to educate the mostly illiterate Contras on how to cause civil disruptions for the Sandinista government. The manual started with simple instructions and ideas such as calling in sick to work to decrease production, which would hinder the economy. Soon, the instructions became more destructive, explaining how to perforate fuel tanks with ice picks and how to create 1198:'take care of' the Sandinista leadership for us." This would require lifting a weapons embargo with Nicaragua. This email proved to be a smoking gun that proved that an illicit sale of arms took place. North would later be arrested for lying to Congress about accepting illicit funds, which ended up going to Noriega to help sabotage the Sandinista regime. August would also be the time that the CIA's Dewey would want to meet Noriega in Europe or Israel. 1928: 35: 1447:. This individual, Oscar Danilo Blandon, fled to the United States soon after the Sandinistas came to power. The articles said Blandon was a major supplier to "Freeway" Ricky Ross, major cocaine and crack cocaine dealer in Los Angeles. The question addressed by the Inspector General is why Blandon received a much more lenient sentencing for drug crimes than did Ross. Ross served a thirteen-year sentence from 1996 to 2009. 1097:(FBI) and Costa Rica's Public Security Ministry, as well as rebels and Americans who work with them." Five American Contra supporters who worked with the rebels confirmed the charges, noting that "two Cuban-Americans used armed rebel troops to guard cocaine at clandestine airfields in northern Costa Rica. They identified the Cuban-Americans as members of the 2506 Brigade, an anti-Castro group that participated in the 1353:

would reduce the threat Nicaragua posed to its boarding neighbors and other countries, in Latin America. By diminishing the size and effectiveness of the Nicaragua military to levels commensurate with Central American stability. They would devise and implement a series of incentives and sanctions. They would also establish criteria for judging if Sandinista performance is adequate to satisfy their objectives.

2990: 2925: 2863: 2557: 1274:, who served as Ambassador to Paraguay from 1976 to 1980, stated, "What we saw in the Iran-Contra hearings, was the exposure of the beginnings of a national security state, which believes it has the right to overrule the Constitution of the United States in the name of security." Elements of the hearings proved White's comments to be accurate, as evidence and testimony, principally from 1428:

into allegations first raised in the San Jose Mercury News that U.S. government officials -- including Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and Department of Justice (DOJ) employees -- either ignored or protected drug dealers in Southern California who were associated with the Nicaraguan Contras. We originally planned to release the report the following day, December 18 publicly, 1997.

1082:. Pastora had complained about such charges as early as March 1985, claiming that "two 'political figures' in Washington told him last week that State Department and CIA personnel were spreading the rumor that he is linked to drug trafficking in order to isolate his movement." In June 1985, it was found that $ 1.5 million in DEA seized money was used to help fund the Contras. 1403:, cited the assertions made by the "Dark Alliance" reporting series that "the Contra-run drug network opened the first conduit between Columbia's ... cartels and L.A.'s black neighborhoods", with the additional belief in an accompanying editorial that "It's impossible to believe that the Central Intelligence Agency didn't know." Once the chorus of indignation over the 415:

Thus, the CIA argued that since the purpose of the CIA was not to overthrow the government, that the money and military assistance went to people who had this goal did not matter. The subsequent lack of change in the Nicaragua operation significantly contributed to the eventual further restrictions imposed by Congress in the second version of the Boland amendment.

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others. I believe your thought of putting one of your staff in touch with the appropriate Israeli official should be promptly pursued." He goes on to write, "Although additional moneys are indeed required to continue the project in the current fiscal year, equipment and material made available from other sources might in part substitute for some funding."

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by Congress). In November 1984, retired CIA agent Ted Shackley met with a notorious Iranian swindler named Manucher Ghorbanifar, whom the CIA had identified as "an intelligence fabricator and a nuisance". Colonel North was later asked, if even Ghorbanifar knew that they were supporting the Contras and North Responded, "Yes, he did." Tim Weiner writes in

402:, and felt the need to stop them. Congress viewed the Reagan Administration's anti-Sandinista policies with extreme skepticism, and were under the impression that the true goal of the CIA operation in Nicaragua was to overthrow the Sandinista government. Congress' efforts resulted in passage of an amendment in late 1982 introduced by Representative 841:

pressure on Casey to find them. Reagan's brand of pressure was hard to resist. No loud words or harsh indictments—none of the style of Johnson or Nixon. Just a quizzical look, a suggestion of pain, and then the request—'We just have to get those people out'—repeated nearly daily, week after week, month after month. Implicit was the accusation:

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stationed in other countries in the world and, certainly, in Central America. And so it was a man down there in that area that this was delivered to, and he recognized that what was in that manual was in direct contravention of my own Executive Order, in December 1981, that we would have nothing to do with regard to political assassinations."

1171:, also convicted on trafficking charges, said: "that he supplied $ 500,000 to two Costa Rican-based Contra groups and that the majority of it came from cocaine trafficking in the San Francisco Bay area, Miami and New Orleans." John Stockwell, a former CIA covert specialist, described the situation as "A dream situation for drug smugglers." 1131:

Michael Palmer was one of the biggest marijuana traffickers in the United States at that time. Regardless of Palmer's long drug-smuggling history, he received over $ 300,000 from the Nicaraguan Humanitarian Aid Office (NHAO) which was overseen by North, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Elliot Abrams, and CIA officer

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enforcement was a matter of public record, and publication would cause him no additional risk. "We also argued that the report dealt with a matter of substantial public interest, and we expressed our concern that preventing release of the report would simply add fuel to the allegation that the Department was involved in a cover-up."

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support. By 1980, the Government of National Recognition (GRN) under Cuban influence had begun installing pro-Marxist, anti-U.S. doctrine into the Nicaraguan educational system. U.S. policy on Nicaragua began to favor support for anti-Sandinista "Contras", because most people involved in the U.S. intelligence operations, including

290:, suggested Secretary Vance to invite moderate groups of Nicaraguans who live in the U.S. to come to the State Department's briefing on July 17 or 18. The purpose of inviting the groups was to bolster the moderates position in Nicaragua to counterbalance the radical factions of the Sandinista during the political transition. 1101:. Several also said they supplied information about the smuggling to U.S. investigators." One of the Americans "said that in one ongoing operation, the cocaine is unloaded from planes at rebel airstrips and taken to an Atlantic coast port where it is concealed on shrimp boats that are later unloaded in the Miami area." 703:

roles. The N.S.C. staff rather than the C.I.A. seemed to be running the operation. The President appeared to be unaware of the crucial elements of the operation. The controversy threatened a crisis of confidence in the manner in which national security decisions are made and the role played by the N.S.C. staff.

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My heart and my best intentions still tell me that's true, but the facts and the evidence tell me it's not." Two months later, a thirteen-week Congressional hearing began concerning U.S. involvement in the weapons-for-hostages exchange and the subsequent distribution of weapons to Nicaraguan Contra fighters.

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On May 2, 1989, The National security council created the national security directive 8 which included the U.S. policy toward Nicaragua and Nicaraguans. Directive 8 was drafted to advert the Soviet key use of Nicaragua, which included withdrawal of the Soviet and Cuban Military presence. The withdraw

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Months later, when more leaks persisted, and it was clear that the United States did, in fact, have a significant role in the Iran-Contra scandal, Reagan went back before the American people on March 4, 1987, and stated, "A few months ago, I told the American people I did not trade arms for hostages.

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In the correspondence, Owen pointed out his engagement with leaders of the Southern Font, where they discussed the needs of the new wing of the Contras group. Their needs range from food and equipment to medical, weapons, and ammunition suppliers. As part of an effort to “structure and organize

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then asked if the president was implying that the CIA was directing the activity of the Contras. President Reagan then quickly stepped back and stated: "I'm afraid I misspoke when I said a CIA head in Nicaragua. There's not someone there directing all of this activity. There are, as you know, CIA men

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from any indirect participation that would violate activities forbidden by the order, and banned any covert action that could be conducted to influence United States political processes, public opinion, or media. President Reagan allowed the CIA to carry out covert plans to help the Contras overthrow

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prohibiting the CIA, principal conduit of covert American support to the Contras, from spending any money "for the purpose of overthrowing the government of Nicaragua". The CIA, however, interpreted the "purpose" stated in this phrase as the purpose of the CIA rather than the purpose of the end user.

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exports were the main targets. The mines they eventually used were specifically designed to only cause a large noise rather than actually damage ships. The logic behind this is that once a harbor was known to be mined, it would be flagged as such and therefore avoided by most shipping companies. This

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By July, Somoza had fled the country. FSLN Sandinista forces quickly assumed power in Managua, and the United States quickly moved to recognize the legitimacy of the new government and offer aid, however the FSLN chose instead to look to global communist interests including the Soviets and Cubans for

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We believe that the decision to reactivate Blandon as an informant was undertaken without adequate notice or consultation about its impact on our ability to discuss in the report the critical issue of Blandon's past cooperation with the government. This was an important part of our investigation and

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In November 1997, we provided a draft of our report to the DEA, the DOJ Criminal Division, and the United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of California (USAO). We asked them to review the document and provide us any comments regarding the report or disclosure of informant or other

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One of the primary issues raised in the Mercury News series was why Blandon received such lenient treatment from the government. The articles and the public discussion that ensued also focused on the disparity between Blandon's sentence and the prison sentence of life without parole received by Ross

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story and accusing that paper of fanning the flames of racial discord." The contrast was a guerrilla force that was backed by President Reagan's administration, the same government that attacked Nicaragua's Sandinista government during the 1980s. A year later, the Office of the Inspector General, of

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Some important terms of the cease-fire (which was set to last until May) included the release of 3,300 anti-Sandinista prisoners of war, the guarantee of free expression by the Sandinista government, and the recognition of the Contras as an official political group. "In return, the contras agreed to

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to halt its subversion. Later still, economic measures and further diplomatic efforts were employed to try to effect changes in Sandinista behavior. Nicaragua's neighbors have asked for assistance against Nicaraguan aggression, and the United States has responded. Those countries have repeatedly and

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The U.S. argued that "The United States initially provided substantial economic assistance to the Sandinista-dominated regime. We were largely instrumental in the OAS action delegitimizing the Somoza regime and laying the groundwork for installation for the new junta. Later, when the Sandinista role

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to Nicaragua for violating international law by training and funding the Contra rebellion movement and for the mining and destruction of several Nicaraguan harbors. The United States declared that the International Court of Justice had no jurisdiction over affairs of the United States, but the court

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This document helps to establish the need the CIA had for assistance in the form of money and weaponry to aid the Contras in their fight against the Sandinista, especially after Congress outlawed funding by America for the Contra/Sandinista fighting (through the various bills and legislation enacted

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scandal. At that point, members of the National Security Council staff continued covert operations forbidden to the CIA. Such operations were justified under the pretense that the 1984 Boland Amendment did not specify what constituted an 'agency involved in intelligence gathering' beyond that of the

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Questions arose as to the suitability of specific actions taken by the National Security Council staff and how the decision to transfer arms to Iran had been made. Congress was never informed. A variety of intermediaries, both private and governmental, some with motives open to question, had central

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When asked to answer for the manual in the second of two debates for the 1984 presidential election, President Reagan first stated, "We have a gentleman down in Nicaragua who is on contract to the CIA, advising – supposedly on military tactics – the Contras. And he drew up this manual." The panelist

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to gain support for the Contra cause. This manual was in direct violation of Executive Order 12333 with its encouragement and instruction to "neutralize carefully selected and planned targets, such as court judges, mesta judges, police and State Security officials, CDS chiefs, etc." While the United

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memorandum for March 1982 estimated that there were, "some 7–8,000 Cubans currently in Nicaragua, of which 1,500–2,000 are military and security personnel." While the Cubans and Nicaraguans announced that these Cubans were in Nicaragua as teachers, construction workers, and rural health workers, the

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noted the destruction of Nicaraguan villages along the Nicaragua/Honduras border. In the memorandum, it was remarked that "Imagery revealed at least five Nicaraguan villages ... had been either completely or partially burned." The memo noted that all of these villages were along a small section

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was the U.S. Government agency that assisted the contras. In accordance with Presidential decisions, known as findings, and with funds appropriated by Congress, the C.I.A. armed, clothed, fed and supervised the contras. Despite this assistance, the contras failed to win widespread popular support of

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indicating the Sandinista government had close ties to the Cuban and Soviet governments, which represented a strategic threat to the U.S. U.S. policy planners also feared that the success of democracy and socialism in Nicaragua would inspire revolutions across the continent, thereby challenging U.S.

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recommendation. Secretary Vance tried to convince Somoza that military action to fight the Sandinista was not possible, and the only way to go was through the transition process. The transition would permit the moderate faction to survive and to counterbalance the radical elements within the warring

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Our investigation, which began in October 1996, was nearing completion of the investigatory phase in the summer of 1997. In August 1997 we were told by the DEA that it was considering reactivating Blandon and using him as an informant in a criminal investigation. We were asked by the DEA whether we

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Fabio Ernesto Carrasco also testified that one of the co-pilots, which usually accompanied him, went by the alias, "Hippie". During the course of his drug/weapon moving activities, Fabio, along with George Morales, noted that they had met with leaders of the Contras (Octaviano Cesar, Fopo Chamorro,

1348:

Building from the 1988 cease-fire agreement, the Bush administration wanted to complete a negotiated settlement to end the fighting between Contras and Sandinistas. This would allow the Contras to return to Nicaragua and compete in open elections. They supported upcoming agreements in February 1989

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In 1988 after the Sapoa agreement signed between the Sandinistas and Contras which saw a grand total of 15,000 metric tons of soviet equipment for example 152 tanks, 252,000 rifles, and 370 anti-tank guns this is only a small list of equipment that changed hands between the Sandinistas and Contras.

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explained the inherent relationship between CIA activity in Latin America and drug trafficking: "Once you set up a covert operation to supply arms and money, it's very difficult to separate it from the kind of people who are involved in other forms of trade, and especially drugs. There is a limited

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Guatemala had been providing aid to the Resistance occurring in Nicaragua (freedom fighter), which the US had indirectly supported by delivering supplies to Guatemala as compensation. The Guatemalan Army requested supplies of varying priority in multiple categories. They required helicopters, spare

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Several years later, a Senate committee investigated the several Contra-connected corporations that had been used by the State Department to supply "humanitarian aid" to the region. The committee connected the crack-cocaine epidemic to the Contra-connected corporations and found that the drugs were

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This document also entails political action that was meant to take place: that being that the U.S. "provide financial and material support ... to Nicaraguan opposition leaders and organizations to enable them to deal with the Sandinistas". This was made easy according to documentation from the

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government, which had assumed control of Nicaragua shortly following the withdrawal of United States military personnel in 1933, was seen to be profiteering from international relief efforts in the immediate aftermath of the earthquake. This led to a dramatic change in the influence and importance

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There was a court testimony in 1990 of Fabio Ernesto Carrasco who was a pilot for a major Colombian drug smuggler named George Morales. Carrasco had testified that in 1984 and 1985, he had piloted the planes that were filled with weapons for the Contras in Costa Rica. The weapons were offloaded in

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Shackley listened with interest as Ghorbanifar discussed ways to free the American hostages. Perhaps it could be a secret ransom, a straight cash deal. Or perhaps it could be profitable. The United States could ship missiles to Iran, using a trading firm ... The sale of weapons would create

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The NSC staff's efforts to assist the contras in the wake of Congress's withdrawal of funding took many forms. Initially, it meant extending its earlier initiative to increase third-country contributions to the contras. Casey and McFarlane broached the subject of such financing at a June 25, 1984,

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According to declassified CIA documents, covert activities in Nicaragua were a combination of political action, paramilitary action, propaganda, and civic action. The 1984 fiscal year CIA budget for these operations was budgeted at $ 19 million, with $ 14 million as additional funding available if

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In the wake of the fall of Somoza, the CIA began efforts to counter alleged Cuban-supported efforts to influence the new FSLN government. On July 19, 1979, President Carter signed a general finding on Nicaragua which directed the CIA “to assist democratic elements in Nicaragua to resist efforts of

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The OIG attempted to negotiate with the DEA, DOJ Criminal Division, US Attorney's Office, and the office of the Deputy Attorney General. They objected on the grounds of the risk to Blandon and the DEA investigation. Since the OIG said that it was already known that Blandon had cooperated with law

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On December 17, 1997, I signed our completed report entitled, The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions. This 407-page report was the culmination of a comprehensive 15-month investigation by the Office of Inspector General (OIG)

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Robert Owen ("TC") wrote Oliver North on February 10 (this time as "BG" for "Blood and Guts") about a plane used to carry "humanitarian aid" to the Contras. This plane had belonged to Vortex, it was a Miami-based company owned by Michael Palmer, and it was also used previously to transport drugs.

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An April 1, 1985 memo from Robert Owen (code-name: "T.C." for "The Courier") to Oliver North (code-name: "The Hammer") reveals an in-depth knowledge of the United States about drug trafficking and the activities of the Contra in the Southern Front of Nicaragua. The correspondence describes contra

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Initially, United States President Reagan told the American people that the U.S. did not and would not sell arms for hostages. However, the arms were being sold to Iran in exchange for hostages which Reagan soon revealed. The arms sold included guns, cannons, ammunition, and tanks. The weapons

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On April 1, 1981, President Reagan formally suspended economic assistance to the Nicaraguan government. The Reagan administration was waging war through the use of economic sanctions. This was done under section 533F of the International Security and Development Cooperation Act of 1980. It stated

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However, the Attorney General, citing law enforcement concerns, invoked Section 8E of the Inspector General Act to defer the release of our report. This was the first time that the publication of one of our reports has been prevented in this manner. Given the extraordinary nature of the Attorney

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Alan Fiers, a then member of the CIA, reported that North had a substantial hand in the Noriega sabotage proposal. He recalled, at a meeting with Reagan's Restricted Interagency Group, North had "strongly suggested" that the western part of Nicaragua needed a resistance group. He offered to have

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A confidential State Department cable dated October 20, 1982, detailed counterrevolutionary activity in Nicaragua. It stated that "Sandinista leaders continuously highlight the danger presented by the counterrevolution and link the Contras to alleged U.S. covert action plans. They have displayed

330:. The Contras also contributed to drug dealing in the U.S. and brought a lot of crack cocaine. Gary Stephen Webb, a reporter for the San Jose Mercury News proved the connection between the crack epidemic and the Contras. Initially the Contras were a group of republican guard members from the old 1126:

On January 9, President Reagan signed a classified document that authorized the CIA to take actions against the Sandinistas. The document states that the CIA was to stop the spread of communism in Nicaragua and back democratic leaders. The specific actions that Reagan authorized the CIA to take

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More than just knowledge of drug Trafficking and engagement with the Contras, Owen provided insight into the integral role the United States played in supporting the operation of the Contras. He reveals that certain individuals were “willing to outright donate between 70, 000 and 80,000 Ibs. of

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designed, allegedly, to frighten merchant sailors, rather than to harm them. The mines had the effect of disrupting Nicaraguan shipping and economic activities by damaging at least seven vessels, including blowing up numerous Nicaraguan fishing boats and damaging several foreign merchant ships,

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on March 27, 1984, Casey writes, "In view of the possible difficulties in obtaining supplemental appropriations to carry out the Nicaraguan covert action project through the remainder of this year, I am in full agreement that you should explore funding alternatives with the Israelis and perhaps

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articles, Blandon had told the drug dealers that he had cooperated with the U.S. government in the case against Ricky Ross but had not cooperated against anyone else. As disclosed in our report, Blandon provided assistance to the government in investigations of many drug traffickers other than

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debriefing reported that Dennis Ainsworth agreed to be interviewed by the bureau because of his knowledge of specific information of which he believed the Nicaraguan Contra leaders were selling arms and cocaine for their gain instead of a military effort to overthrow the Nicaraguan government.

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published a report on the "1983 seizure of 430 pounds of cocaine from a Colombian freighter" in San Francisco which indicated that a "cocaine ring in the San Francisco Bay area helped finance Nicaragua's Contra rebels." Carlos Cabezas, convicted of conspiracy to traffic cocaine, said that the

544:

In 1983, the CIA replaced the 1981 document with an upgraded one, which "authorizes the provision of material support and guidance to Nicaraguan resistance groups; its goal is to induce the Sandinista government in Nicaragua to enter into meaningful negotiations with its neighboring nations."

1206:

Senator John Kerry, who was the head of the Senate Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism, and International Operations, decided to begin investigating allegations of Contra-drug links. They found that there was an attempt to divert drug money from an anti-narcotics program into the Contra war.

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President Reagan had been receiving pleas from the families of the hostages asking for something to be done. Reagan was deeply impacted by this and would turn to Bill Casey for solutions. Bob Gates said, in regards to Reagan's expectations of the CIA to end the crisis, "He put more and more

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He also testified that Morales had provided several million dollars to Octaviano Cesar and Adolfo Chamorro who were two rebel leaders who were working with the leader of the Contra. Chamorro called his CIA control officer and asked if the Contras would accept the money and arms from Morales.

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Our government has a firm policy, not to capitulate to terrorist demands. That no concessions of policy remain in force. In spite of wildly speculative and false stories about arms for hostages and alleged grants of payments, we did not - repeat - did not trade weapons, or anything else, for

1015:

In a July 12 entry, Oliver North wrote about a call from a retired Air Force general named Richard Secord. The two of them discussed a Honduran arms warehouse where the Contras planned to purchase weapons. According to the notebook, Secord told North that "14 M to finance came from drugs."

470:

To increase the odds of success, the United States worked with selected Latin American and European governments, organizations, and individuals to build international support for the objectives of the Nicaraguan democratic groups. Free Nicaraguan groups were encouraged to negotiate with the

1476:

On December 8, 1997, we learned for the very first time that the DEA, the Criminal Division, and the USAO objected to our release of information about Blandon's past cooperation with the DEA. We learned that Blandon had been reactivated as an informant in September 1997 to assist with an

1118:

medical suppliers” to help achieve the effort of the group. In other to and concerned the deal from possible track or traces, Owen advised that “the material can be shipped as far as Alabama by the individual who is going donate it, but it has got to get from Alabama to New Orleans.”

1309:(D) of Texas said, They systematically destroyed all of the documentation. Hours of shredding." Still, Oliver North was convicted on multiple felony counts. William Casey soon was out as director of the CIA, imploding both politically and physically as his health began to fail him. 833:

goodwill in Tehran, millions for the private traders involved, and a large cash ransom to free Bill Buckley and his fellow American hostages. Shackley reported the conversation to the ubiquitous Vernon Walters, who passed it on the counter-terrorism czar Robert Oakley.

1432:

General's action and the significant interest in why our story was not released in December 1997, we believe it necessary to describe the sequence of events that resulted in the Attorney General's decision not to permit the report to be publicly disclosed until now.

1138:

On April 8, Richard Secord made arrangements to drop the first aerial supply drop to the Contras. He planned to drop the supplies within the next few days. The actions were carried out on April 10, but the supply drop failed because they could not establish contact.

706:

As a supplement to the normal N.S.C. process, the Reagan Administration adopted comprehensive procedures for covert actions. These are contained in a classified document, NSDD-159, establishing the process for deciding, implementing, monitoring, and reviewing covert

1148:

publicly made clear that they consider themselves to be the victims of aggression from Nicaragua, and that they desired United States assistance in meeting both subversive attacks and the conventional threat posed by the relatively immense Nicaraguan Armed Forces."

1061:, who was in charge of a small airlift of arms and supplies to the contras in Southern Nicaragua. Rodriguez used the code name, Max Gomez. ...Posada and Rodriguez obtaining supplies for contra troops from a warehouse at Illopango airbase in San Salvador." 515:

captured weapons, ammunition, explosives, and communications gear to the press as evidence of U.S. support." The Sandinista leadership was well aware of United States support of Contra revolutionary forces, but this did not deter U.S. involvement in Nicaragua.

1073:

In 1985, another Contra leader "told U.S. authorities that the group was being paid $ 50,000 by various Colombian traffickers for help with a 100-kilo cocaine shipment and that the money would go 'for the cause' of fighting the Nicaraguan government." A 1985

1256:

that took place in May 1987, the United States public had been led to believe, from President Reagan himself, that the U.S. was not involved in the guns-for-hostages exchange. Reagan boldly came before the United States on November 13, 1986, and declared:

791:

remarked, "We need to use him, but we also need to figure out how to get rid of him." Despite intelligence suggesting Hyde's involvement with the Tampa/St. Petersburg air smuggling ring, the CIA authorized the use of more storage facilities owned by Hyde.

471:

Nicaraguan government to reach an accord. Relations from foreign governments were encouraged to lend aid in efforts to eliminate the influence of Cuba and the Soviet Union over Nicaraguan government policies and restore freedom and democracy to Nicaragua.

435:

to right-wing Nicaraguan politicians who have become disillusioned with growing Cuban influence in Nicaragua. "The United States aided the right-wing Nicaraguan politicians and their organizations in their efforts to increase internal resistance to the

942:. The court ruled in favor of Nicaragua, determining in its verdict that the United States was "in breach of its obligations under customary international law not to use force against another State", "not to intervene in its affairs", by violating the 1499:

According to the OIG, the order to defer the release was based on the Attorney General's assessment of the risk to the investigation and Blandon "versus the benefit of timely release of a report that addressed a topic of significant public concern."

2630:"Finding Pursuant to Section 662 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 as Amended, concerning Operations Undertaken by the Central Intelligence Agency in Foreign Countries, Other Than Those Intended Solely for the Purpose of Intelligence Collection" 2618:"Southern Front." Memo. April 1, 1985. From TC to The Hammer. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 2, "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations." https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/docs/doc03.pdf, accessed April 26, 2024. 2609:"Southern Front." Memo. April 1, 1985. From TC to The Hammer. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 2, "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations." https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/docs/doc03.pdf, accessed April 26, 2024. 2600:"Southern Front." Memo. April 1, 1985. From TC to The Hammer. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 2, "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations." https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/docs/doc03.pdf, accessed April 26, 2024. 2591:"Southern Front." Memo. April 1, 1985. From TC to The Hammer. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 2, "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations." https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/docs/doc03.pdf, accessed April 26, 2024. 2582:"Southern Front." Memo. April 1, 1985. From TC to The Hammer. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 2, "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations." https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/docs/doc03.pdf, accessed April 26, 2024. 2573:"Southern Front." Memo. April 1, 1985. From TC to The Hammer. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 2, "The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations." https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/docs/doc03.pdf, accessed April 26, 2024. 387:

that the president may suspend aid if he thinks that the government receiving aid is fueling terrorist organizations. In April 1981, President Reagan felt that he had irrefutable evidence of the Nicaraguan government shipping weapons from Cuba to

1336:. The contras embarked on a process aimed ultimately at disarming themselves and allowing them to return to a different and freer Nicaragua, although they not be required to lay down their weapons until a final peace agreement reached." 369:

harbor, which may have been carried out by members of the U.S. military rather than through the indigenous assets the CIA claimed it used. The mines were an attempt to disrupt the Nicaraguan economy by closing down the main shipping port.

1283:, a fact that North noted on July 12, 1985. The conversation involved the discussion of a Honduran arms warehouse from which the Contras planned to purchase weapons. Money for the weapons came from U.S.-based funds through Saudi Arabia. 1469:

had found any reason to believe that Blandon had perjured himself in interviews with us or in his testimony in a closed session of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in October 1996. We replied that we had no such evidence.

997:" were doing and to get some positive spin on the whole situation. Many more examples of the White Propaganda operation were communicated to Buchanan, but many were not to keep a low profile and not draw attention to the stories. 1065:

parts for aircraft, training aircraft, communications equipment, logistical transport vehicles, light and medium weapons, ground force and aerial munitions, field hospital equipment, and tactical radars, among other requests.

286:

groups. Secretary Vance also reiterated that Somoza's departure should be carried out in due course, and the U.S. government would welcome him in the US. At the same time, on July 15, 1979, the U.S. ambassador in Costa Rica,

257:

of the FSLN, as their position within the Nicaraguan public sentiment, began a rapid ascension. Between 1972 and 1978, fighting between the FSLN guerrillas and the Nicaraguan National Guard steadily increased. In 1978 "

1278:

himself, showed a well-planned strategy on the part of U.S. officials to procure hostages in exchange for U.S. weapons. One particular note indicated that Oliver North had received a call from retired Air Force General

633:

government was highly controversial both then and now. His administration circumvented the Boland Amendment, although it is not clear what he knew and ordered, and what was done in his name by White House staff and the

511:

numbers of this personnel fell short of the total number of Cuban personnel known to be in the country. This is what left them with the estimation that there were some 1,500-2,000 Cuban military personnel in Nicaragua.

1454:

noted: "In the course of his rise, prosecutors estimate that Ross exported several tons of cocaine to New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania and elsewhere, and made more than $ 600 million in the process between 1983 and 1984."

553:

wrote that " does not have a military, its law enforcement resources remain limited, and its radar system still so poor that Contra supply planes could fly in and out of the clandestine strips without being detected."

502:

and 12 cargo trucks. Whether this equipment was shipped elsewhere or would continue to Nicaragua later is unspecified, but as of the day of the report, none of these items had been seen in that Latin American nation.

594:

effects" (despite Reagan signing legislation that banned the intelligence community from using tactics that would directly or indirectly lead to assassinations). The Nicaraguan Contras were then taught to invoke

1356:

November 21, 1989, During an informal briefing for the HPSCI members, all agreed that they could not see an end to the wars. They also felt they should lean on the Sandinistas to have free and fair elections.

265:" was assassinated; this caused widespread protests and an increase of support for the FSLN including "non-Marxist groups". The opposition to the oppressive Somoza government was beginning to come to a head. 1222:

lawsuit filed in 1989, hand-written notes of Oliver North were collected as evidence. These notes revealed who helped run the Contra war and other covert operations authorized by the Reagan administration.

759:

In 1984, U.S. officials began receiving reports of Contra rebels involving themselves in cocaine trafficking. Three CIA officials told journalists that they considered these reports "reliable". Former

1410:

claims had risen to an undeniable shrill in the African American community, "the national press entered the debate on the side of the CIA ... publishing front-page investigations, attacking the

946:

of Nicaragua, by interrupting "peaceful maritime commerce", and was "in breach of its obligations under Article XIX of the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation between the Parties signed at

1042:

on September 22. The two discussed making a joint training venture, along with Israel, for the Contras and Afghani rebel groups, as well as economic sabotage against targets in the Managua area.

590:, was much more controversial in that it directly instigated the use of assassination or "neutralization" of Sandinista officials as a guerrilla warfare tactic as "selective use of violence for 3285: 3309: 1019:

On August 9, 1985, North summarized a meeting with Robert Owen about his liaison with the Contras. The two of them discussed a plane that was used by Mario Calero that transport supplies from

768:, who had fought with the Contra army, outlined charges of cocaine trafficking to a prominent Panamanian official and was later found murdered. The charges linked the Contra trafficking to 463:

leadership from a position of strength. The United States hoped that the democratic Nicaraguans would focus paramilitary operations against the Cuban presence in Nicaragua (along with other

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found that it did have jurisdiction. However, the U.S. has vetoed UN Security Council resolutions ordering it to pay reparations to the Republic of Nicaragua. On November 3, 1986, the

3290: 699:. McFarlane agreed and told the group not to approach any foreign country until the opinion was delivered. McFarlane said nothing about what he already had obtained from the Saudis. 1443:

stated, in the epilogue, that the key issue causing the scheduled release to be deferred was the apparently lenient treatment given to a Nicaraguan, accused of drug dealing by the

459:

Assistance was given in the form of funding, a supply of arms, and training. These activities were generated to enable the democratic leaders and organizations to deal with the

604:

States may not have directly participated in any assassinations, it conspired to do so through a rebel group that was being funded by the United States Congress, and later the

837:

In 1985, William Casey made the decision to go ahead with the sale of American weapons to Iran, and use the money to fund the Contras, all outside the government's knowledge.

971:, reveals details concerning the 'White Propaganda' operation in Nicaragua. Consultants, such as Professor Guilmartin, were hired to produce CIA propaganda op-ed pieces for 775:

October 28, the FBI found "345 kilos of cocaine" in South Florida with the intention of being sold, and the profit used "to finance a plot to assassinate Honduran President

1313:

replaced him but only lasted five months. Gates later stated, "The clandestine service is the heart and soul of the agency. It is also the part that can land you in jail."

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Soviet bloc military equipment - supplied to Nicaragua. Accessed April 23, 2024. https://www.brown.edu/Research/Understanding_the_Iran_Contra_Affair/documents/d-nic-4.pdf.

1210:

The Kerry Committee report concluded that "senior U.S. policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contra's funding problems."

1305:

The legacy of the Iran-Contra affair almost defeated the Reagan administration (much in the same way Watergate ruined Nixon) despite attempted cover-ups. Representative

532:

authorization to "Support and conduct ... paramilitary operations against ... Nicaragua (the government)." Three days later on December 4, 1981, Reagan signed

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In March 1988, Both the Sandinistas and the Contras signed a cease fire agreement due to the exhaustion of the conflict and the encouragement of the United States.

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In February 1979, the United States suspended all foreign aid to Nicaragua due to Somoza's unwillingness to compromise. On July 14, 1979, on behalf of President

1435:

The report we are releasing today is the same report that we completed on December 17 and planned to release on December 18. It has not been changed in any way.

3779: 1328:. The two agents stated that in 1985 Oliver North wanted to take $ 1.5 million in cartel bribe money to give to the Contras, but the DEA disregarded the idea. 692:. Shultz warned that any approach to a third country could be viewed as an "impeachable offense," and convinced the group that it needed a legal opinion from 3400: 3395: 3239: 3380: 2347: 1399:, linked the origins of crack cocaine and its subsequent epidemic in California to the Contras. Historian Alfred W. McCoy, writing in his 2017 book titled 783:. Bueso was a key figure in the CIA dealing with the Contras and "efforts made ... to deter him from disclosing details of these covert operations." 1383:

Noriega cause an issue there so that there would be a resistance group created. It would have cost $ 1 million. Everyone at the table denied this idea.

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which is being used for runs out of New Orleans is probably being used for drug runs into the U.S." As Lorraine Adams reported in the October 22, 1994

56: 49: 1477:

investigation of international drug dealers. According to the DEA, in order to protect his credibility in the face of the publicity generated by the

1179:

number of planes, pilots and landing strips. By developing a system for the supply of the Contras, the US built a road for drug supply into the US."

2204:"Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America) Merits, Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 14" 3405: 3084: 3054: 2769: 1609:

The National Security Archive. The Iran-Contra Scandal: The Declassified History. Ed. Kornbluh, Byrne. 1st ed New York: The New Press, 1993. Print.

431:

With presidential approval, the CIA undertook specific activities against Nicaragua. The first activities were directed at providing financial and

298:

feared that "defeat for the rebels would probably lead to a violent Marxist guerrilla movement in Mexico and in other Central American countries."

2182: 1324:

On July 28, 1988, two DEA agents testified before the House Subcommittee on the crime regarding a sting operation that was conducted against the

1143:

in the Salvadoran conflict became clear, we sought through a combination of private diplomatic contacts and suspension of assistance to convince

3968: 2260: 2234: 1717: 865:. The mining was carried out by CIA operatives on speedboats, operating from larger "mother ships". The mining operations had been approved by 650:

staff, actions that the Boland Amendments had forbidden to the CIA. While the CIA, as an organization, was not allowed to act in this manner,

452:

of the Northeast Nicaraguan/Honduran river border. They also pointed out that the destruction had occurred within the last month. Lastly, the

3374: 769: 661:

meeting of the National Security Planning Group (NSPG), consisting of the President, Vice President Bush, Casey, (National Security Advisor)

586: 208: 3344: 3122: 99: 448: 71: 3280: 2715:'America has fought the wrong war': Did US policy in Central America in the 1980s assist the growth of the Colombian cocaine cartels?" 1219: 536:, which prohibited assassination performed or conspired by anyone working for or on behalf of the United States Government, banned the 326:

government, which was already engaged in a similar operation, to train and fund an existing terrorist group in Nicaragua known as the

3232: 870: 3071:

The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions: Epilogue, July 1998

1660: 456:

stated that tent camps of ~25 tents could be seen in the Honduran territory directly across the river from the destroyed villages.

78: 3099:"The Link Between Freeway Ricky Ross, the CIA, and the Reagan Administration (How Rick Ross Sold Cocaine for the U.S. Government)" 1473:

law enforcement information. We requested these comments by December 5 because we intended to release the report in mid-December.

541:

the Sandinista government while putting laws into effect that criminalized the future actions of the Central Intelligence Agency.

383:

for the U.S. as this act actually drove the Sandinista government closer to the Soviet Union because it needed petroleum imports.

3978: 3339: 3115: 724: 647: 605: 248:

Cuban-supported insurgent group." The FSLN remained a largely unsuccessful and a marginal political movement until 1972, when an

338:

after the revolutionary conflict. Later, through the recruitment efforts of the CIA, the group became supplemented by mercenary

2321: 1299: 873: 716: 662: 2665: 2103: 1901: 1809: 1657: 1552: 1540: 681: 207:, the first Contra group, at the behest of the CIA. The CIA also supplied the Contras with training and equipment, including 165: 85: 2647: 2629: 2351: 2062: 1999: 1987: 1856: 1825: 1031:, there are no records that corroborate North's later assertion that he passed this intelligence on drug trafficking to the 959:

passed, by a vote of 94-3 (El Salvador, Israel and the US voted against), a non-binding resolution urging the US to comply.

751:, but the Deputy Director argued that doing so was only dealing with one small part of the larger problem in Latin America. 3904: 3257: 3225: 2487: 1641: 1032: 537: 437: 237: 153: 3909: 3759: 3629: 3370: 3261: 3206: 3157: 1418:

the US Department of Justice, investigated the "CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine" matter, and planned to issue a report in 1997.

220: 1973: 67: 3983: 3884: 3410: 3098: 2910: 2848: 951: 2203: 258: 3973: 3874: 3349: 2291: 1306: 118: 3589: 3184: 989:

that ran a piece on Nicaraguan arms build-up with the help of Buchanan office and staff. A news story broadcast by

482:

was monitoring shipments of Soviet-manufactured arms to Nicaragua. Specifically, Nicaragua had received four Soviet

3425: 2380: 1733: 1692: 651: 635: 192: 3739: 3415: 3354: 3295: 1214: 1094: 1090: 956: 566: 282: 447:

This assistance was seen as vital to the continuity of the Nicaraguans as a February 5, 1982, CIA memo from the

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Litigation Strategy at the International Court: A Case Study of the Nicaragua V. United States Dispute (Pg.190)

1625:

Woodward, Bob. Veil The Secret Wars of the CIA. 2005 ed. New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 1987. Print

1075: 1058: 935: 693: 173: 20: 3584: 3067: 3041:

The CIA-Contra-Crack Cocaine Controversy: A Review of the Justice Department's Investigations and Prosecutions

3037: 2322:"Problems of Enforcement of Decisions of the International Court of Justice and the Law of the United Nations" 467:

groups) and use them as a rallying point for the dissident elements of the Sandinista military establishment.

3859: 3789: 3729: 2879:

Kinzer, Stephen. "Sandinista-Contra Cease-Fire Opens Way to a Durable Peace, Rival Nicaraguan Factions Say".

1340:

The is transfer of weapons lead to the Sandinistas having the largest army in the region of Central America.

1194:. In the email, North stated that if U.S. officials could, "help clean up image", that he would be able to, 897: 1218:

Ainsworth gave the FBI a list of his extensive contacts with various Contra leaders and backers. As part of

3437: 2941: 1951: 1796: 1769: 1757: 1294:(D-MD) regarding who the order came from, to which North responded that he collaborated with CIA director 564:

In 1983, the Central Intelligence Agency released two manuals to the Nicaraguan Contra rebels. The first,

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Costa Rica and then drugs were stored in military bags and put on the plane to fly to the United States.

1009: 507: 419: 204: 180: 92: 2777: 3864: 3799: 3769: 3744: 3649: 3553: 3191: 3162: 2520: 929: 843:

What the hell kind of intelligence agency are you running if you can't find and rescue these Americans?

3914: 3879: 3849: 3804: 3644: 3390: 3314: 3299: 1271: 1049:

went directly to El Salvador to work on the illicit Contra resupply operations being run by Lt. Col.

479: 281:

sent a letter that urged Somoza to end the status quo and start the transition process following the

249: 1579: 350:, Argentina withdrew support for these programs and the CIA had to relocate their training sites to 3899: 3784: 3749: 3734: 3671: 3538: 3152: 1518:"Background: The California Story". Central Intelligence Agency, April 26, 2007. Web. May 11, 2017. 740: 380: 1286:

Within the framework of his testimony, North admitted involvement with an Iranian middleman named

983:

newspapers to advance the agency's agenda in Nicaragua. The "White Propaganda" operation included

804:

The sale of arms to Iran in exchange for cash to be sent to Nicaraguan Contras was facilitated by

776: 3894: 3889: 3844: 3834: 3829: 3809: 3453: 985: 196: 45: 3068:

US Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General, Michael R. Bromwich (December 1997),

3038:

US Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General, Michael R. Bromwich (December 1997),

2686: 2666:"Report on Failure of Air Resupply Mission on April 10 and Plans to Attempt Mission on April 11" 528:

On December 1, 1981, President Ronald Reagan signed a classified finding that gave CIA director

3919: 3869: 3839: 3824: 3819: 3754: 3703: 3639: 3201: 2275: 1391:

In August 1996, a series of articles titled "Dark Alliance", brought to the fore by journalist

1253: 1158: 550: 2017: 1884: 599:

and shootings which would lead to the death of selected members of the cause, with the aim of

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was enacted, it became illegal under U.S. law to fund the Contras; National Security Adviser

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article after an extensive investigation which included interviews with "officials from the

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potential to punctuate their resolve to effect changes in Nicaraguan government policies."

315: 262: 2952: 2470: 994: 8: 3458: 2969: 2536: 1988:

http://www.brown.edu/Research/Understanding_the_Iran_Contra_Affair/documents/d-nic-21.pdf

1826:

http://www.brown.edu/Research/Understanding_the_Iran_Contra_Affair/documents/d-all-45.pdf

1440: 1004:(codenamed "The Hammer") detailed the Southern Front Contra operations. He reported that 979: 813: 188: 2506:

Brian Barger and Robert Parry, "Reports Link Nicaraguan Rebels to Cocaine Trafficking",

2445: 1053:. Posada assumed the name 'Ramon Medina,' and worked as a deputy to another anti-Castro 3774: 3711: 3614: 3508: 3433: 3020: 2729: 1839: 1565: 1227: 973: 906: 901: 854: 809: 666: 483: 366: 322:

in Nicaragua. This plan initially called for the U.S. government to cooperate with the

157: 3069: 2800:. Documentary. Directed by David Jasper, and Barbara Trent. Empowerment Project. 1988. 1325: 780: 231: 3634: 3624: 3599: 3594: 3498: 3493: 3265: 3078: 3048: 2814: 2765: 2682: 2409: 2307: 2287: 2099: 1673: 1241: 939: 677: 673: 411: 319: 2475:, vol. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 153, May 10, 2005 2325: 3695: 3503: 2507: 1539:

U.S. Department of State to U.S. Embassy Nicaragua, Telegram 183243, July 15, 1979.

1295: 1175: 1086: 712: 571: 529: 499: 432: 403: 161: 2813:. George Washington University National Security Archive, accessed July 15, 2016, 1905: 1163:

profits from his crimes "belonged to ... the Contra revolution". He told the

1078:

revealed cocaine trafficking links to a top commander working under Contra leader

657:

took part in White House/NSC discussions and actions to follow the Reagan policy.

342:

and was extensively trained by the CIA. Eventually, due to the U.S. alliance with

3937: 3654: 3619: 3448: 3385: 3107: 1663:

show that RUEHOT is some kind of abbreviation or code, but I don't know what for.

1231: 1187: 893: 886: 720: 689: 287: 24: 1079: 892:. The mining operation resulted in a political outcry in the United States with 772:, who was charged with cocaine trafficking on November 26, 1984, in Costa Rica. 3548: 3523: 3473: 3468: 3008:

In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power

2035:

In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power

1401:

In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power

1280: 858: 765: 613: 343: 241: 152:

were frequent in the late 20th century. The increasing influence gained by the

3217: 2127: 2047: 1551:

U.S. Embassy Costa Rica to Department of State, Telegram 03082, July 15, 1979.

731:

and others continued an illegal operation to fund the Contras, leading to the

245: 133: 3952: 3488: 3478: 3443: 3167: 2994: 2929: 2867: 2561: 1333: 1291: 1191: 1005: 877: 866: 853:

From January to March 1984 three harbors in Nicaragua were mined by the CIA:

669: 654: 639: 347: 331: 311: 295: 253: 216: 176: 3604: 3543: 3528: 3513: 3463: 2753: 2702:"Report: Cocaine Ring Finances Contras", Associated Press (March 16, 1986). 2358: 2211: 1310: 1275: 1183: 1168: 1050: 1024: 1001: 968: 882: 788: 728: 441: 395:. All assistance to the private sector in Nicaragua was still being given. 274: 240:(FSLN) was founded. The development of the FSLN represented the merger of " 3039: 3563: 3558: 3533: 1054: 1020: 943: 915: 904:

to determine if Reagan had broken federal law in ordering the mining and

748: 732: 685: 498:, other military equipment had been removed in Algeria, such as multiple 407: 392: 335: 278: 1885:"Evidence that NSC Staff Supported Using Drug Money to Fund the Contras" 3687: 1132: 990: 967:

A declassified CIA document dated for March 13, 1985, and addressed to

630: 591: 399: 388: 363: 339: 2286:. Vol. 81. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 282–285. 1677: 1392: 1236: 1144: 1045:"After bribing his way out of prison in Venezuela in September 1985, 600: 464: 371: 323: 200: 1605: 1603: 1601: 1527:

Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, editor of the opposition newspaper La Prensa

1000:

April 1, 1985, Robert Owen (codenamed "TC" for "The Courier") wrote

34: 910:

called it "illegal, deceptive, and dumb" and compared it to German

889: 862: 816:, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, titled 410:

1983 Defense Appropriations bill. This is the first of a series of

351: 232:

Background information and the precipitation of the Contra conflict

1927: 2993:

This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the

2928:

This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the

2866:

This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the

2560:

This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the

2519:

John E. Newhagen, "Commander Zero blasts CIA, State Department",

1719:

Congressional Committee Investigating Iran Contra majority report

1639: 1598: 947: 911: 744: 491: 487: 327: 212: 184: 138: 1580:"Document 305 Paper Prepared in the Central Intelligence Agency" 1038:

North summarized a hotel meeting he had with Noriega himself in

950:

on 21 January 1956." The court ordered the United States to pay

577: 523: 2284:

Compliance With Decisions of the International Court of Justice

1679:

Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters

1039: 805: 761: 375: 900:

declaring, "I am pissed off!". Several Democrats called for a

612:

who was interviewing President Ronald Reagan and his opponent

596: 2809:"National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 2". 460: 145:. The Contras were organized and funded in part via the CIA. 1349:

and August 1989 that defined the plan to end the conflict.

1167:, "I just wanted to get the Communists out of my country." 1105:

United States Knowledge of Drug Trafficking and the Contras

2903:"Central Intelligence Agency Involvement with the Contras" 2793: 2791: 2789: 2787: 1647:. Letter to American Embassy (uncertain). State Department 1332:

recognize Sandinista rule and the legitimacy of President

2407: 2183:"CIA Reported Directing Mine-Laying in Nicaraguan Waters" 164:

political party in Nicaragua, led to a sharp decrease in

921: 2784: 223:

that the CIA engaged in drug trafficking in Nicaragua.

2648:"Richard Secord Arrangements for First Contra Airdrop" 1085:

On December 20, 1985, the charges were laid out in an

938:

against the United States of America for violation of

357:

The CIA carried out the Nicaraguan operation based on

244:

Nicaraguan Patriotic Youth organization ... with

1857:"Scope of CIA Activities Under the Nicaragua Finding" 1640:

US Secretary of State (uncertain) (January 6, 1982).

1190:, who was the National Security Adviser to President 2687:"Nicaragua's role in revolutionary internationalism" 2403: 2401: 2063:"Memo: Supplemental Assistance to Nicaragua Program" 1840:

https://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/eo/eo-12333-2008.pdf

1810:"Assessment of Recent Counterrevolutionary Activity" 1621: 1619: 1617: 1615: 1230:

was given legal approval by then-CIA deputy counsel

3933:Official reports by the U.S. Government on the CIA 3137: 3021:"The Contras, Cocaine, and U.S. Covert Operations" 2815:http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB2/index.html 2730:"The Contras, Cocaine, and U.S. Covert Operations" 2446:"The Contras, Cocaine, and U.S. Covert Operations" 2398: 2181:United Press International (UPI), April 6, 1984, 1612: 1514: 1512: 250:earthquake rocked the Nicaraguan capital, Managua 3950: 1135:that was used to ferry supplies to the Contras. 1023:to Contras in Honduras. North writes: "Honduran 812:. In a memo from CIA Director William Casey to 3247: 3061: 3031: 2841:"Origin and Development of the Contra Conflict" 2502: 2500: 848: 808:, in the CIA-approved operation underlying the 557: 1946: 1944: 1710: 1509: 1127:remain redacted in the declassified document. 379:eventually backfired and became somewhat of a 3233: 3123: 2537:"The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations" 2488:"Guatemalan Aid to the Nicaraguan Resistance" 2410:"The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations" 2048:"Documentary - Behind the Iran Contra Affair" 1934:Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare 587:Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare 579:Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare 524:Presidential directive to support rebel cause 310:On December 1, 1981, United States President 3083:: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list ( 3053:: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list ( 2497: 1975:Excerpts from the Tower Commission's Reports 818:Supplemental Assistance to Nicaragua Program 3010:(Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2017), 90-91 2811:The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations 2129:Documentary - Behind the Iran Contra Affair 1941: 1008:(codenamed "Sparkplug"), the leader of the 934:In 1984, Nicaragua presented a case to the 719:, Deputy National Security Adviser Admiral 449:National Photographic Interpretation Center 16:Overview of the CIA activities in Nicaragua 3240: 3226: 3130: 3116: 2764: 1835: 1833: 3375:Involvement in Contra cocaine trafficking 2463: 2227:"Summary of the Judgment of 27 June 1986" 1952:"CPD: October 21, 1984 Debate Transcript" 1666: 398:The United States saw the Sandinistas as 191:Nicaraguan political group to combat the 119:Learn how and when to remove this message 2964: 2962: 2960: 2830:(New York: Anchor Books, 2007), 476-477. 2361:, White House Director of Communications 2125: 1151: 1068: 238:Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional 132: 3291:Directorate of Science & Technology 2828:Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA 2798:Cover Up: Behind the Iran-Contra Affair 2681: 2675: 2531: 2529: 2381:"Understanding the Iran-Contra Affairs" 2281: 2193:Washington's War on Nicaragua (pg. 168) 2172:Washington's War on Nicaragua (Pg. 165) 2151:Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA 2098:. New York: Random House. p. 460. 2096:Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA 1931: 1851: 1849: 1847: 1830: 1734:"Understanding the Iran-Contra Affairs" 1693:"Understanding the Iran-Contra Affairs" 914:attacking neutral merchant shipping in 606:United States National Security Council 3951: 2663: 2645: 2627: 2346: 2153:. New York: Random House. p. 461. 2148: 2093: 1770:"National Photographic Interpretation" 1563:"Nicaragua Policy Endorsed by Nixon". 423:military victories within Nicaragua." 55:Please improve this article by adding 3221: 3111: 2970:"Testimony of Fabio Ernesto Carrasco" 2957: 2485: 2440: 2438: 2436: 2434: 2432: 2430: 2121: 2119: 2117: 2115: 2089: 2087: 2070:Understanding the Iran Contra Affairs 2060: 2037:. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books, 2017. 1904:. Ballistichelmet.org. Archived from 1672: 923:Nicaragua v. United States of America 682:Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff 261:, editor of the opposition newspaper 203:in Nicaragua were organized into the 3381:Arms control, WMD, and proliferation 3258:United States Intelligence Community 2883:. March 24, 1988. Web. May 11, 2017. 2770:"The sad decline of Michael Mukasey" 2526: 2001:CIA Memorandum on Nicaragua 08 21 87 1844: 1635: 1633: 1631: 1569:. April 21, 1986. Web. May 11, 2017. 1535: 1533: 1186:had begun to converse by email with 1033:U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration 779:. The FBI arrested Honduran General 438:Sandinista National Liberation Front 154:Sandinista National Liberation Front 28: 3630:United States intervention in Chile 3262:George Bush Center for Intelligence 2282:Schulte, Constanze (January 2004). 754: 268: 13: 2664:Secord, Richard (April 10, 1986). 2628:Reagan, Ronald (January 9, 1986). 2427: 2112: 2084: 739:According to a memo by the Deputy 141:rest after a firefight during the 14: 3995: 3969:Nicaragua–United States relations 2711:John Lichfield and Tim Cornwell, 2646:Secord, Richard (April 8, 1986). 2196: 2061:Casey, William (March 27, 1984). 1628: 1530: 418:The majority report stated, "The 166:Nicaragua–United States relations 3323: 2988: 2923: 2861: 2555: 2257:"International Court of Justice" 1926: 1247: 652:Director of Central Intelligence 636:Director of Central Intelligence 626:the agency deemed it necessary. 33: 3091: 3013: 3000: 2946: 2935: 2895: 2886: 2873: 2833: 2820: 2803: 2758: 2747: 2722: 2705: 2696: 2691:US Department of State Bulletin 2657: 2639: 2621: 2612: 2603: 2594: 2585: 2576: 2567: 2513: 2486:North, Oliver (March 5, 1985). 2479: 2408:The National Security Archive. 2373: 2340: 2314: 2300: 2249: 2187: 2175: 2166: 2157: 2142: 2054: 2040: 2027: 2010: 1992: 1981: 1966: 1954:. Debates.org. October 21, 1984 1920: 1894: 1877: 1819: 1802: 1790: 1762: 1751: 1726: 1685: 1386: 1215:Federal Bureau of Investigation 1099:1961 Bay of Pigs attack on Cuba 1095:Federal Bureau of Investigation 1091:Drug Enforcement Administration 957:United Nations General Assembly 226: 195:held by the Sandinistas in the 3979:CIA activities in the Americas 3578:Major international operations 3138:CIA activities in the Americas 2352:"'White Propaganda' Operation" 2231:International Court of Justice 2208:International Court of Justice 1936:. Central Intelligence Agency. 1572: 1557: 1554:. Retrieved on April 28, 2019. 1545: 1542:. Retrieved on April 28, 2019. 1521: 1076:National Intelligence Estimate 936:International Court of Justice 894:Senator Barry Goldwater (R-AZ) 764:deputy of health minister Dr. 646:Several actions were taken by 21:Political history of Nicaragua 1: 2977:The National Security Archive 2544:The National Security Archive 2414:The National Security Archive 2259:. Icj-cij.org. Archived from 1797:"Cuban Presence in Nicaragua" 1503: 1226:The operation underlying the 898:Senate Intelligence Committee 629:Reagan's posture towards the 68:"CIA activities in Nicaragua" 57:secondary or tertiary sources 3401:Crime and illicit drug trade 2050:– via www.youtube.com. 1298:, national security advisor 849:Mining of Nicaraguan harbors 795: 676:, United Nations Ambassador 574:and burn the fuel supplies. 567:The Freedom Fighter's Manual 559:The Freedom Fighter's Manual 7: 3416:Influence on public opinion 3304:National Resources Division 3249:Central Intelligence Agency 3185:1954 Guatemalan coup d'état 2907:Central Intelligence Agency 2845:Central Intelligence Agency 1234:among others, according to 1010:Nicaraguan Democratic Force 770:Sebastian Gonzalez Mendiola 688:, and presidential adviser 508:Defense Intelligence Agency 420:Central Intelligence Agency 205:Nicaraguan Democratic Force 181:Central Intelligence Agency 150:CIA activities in Nicaragua 10: 4000: 2521:United Press International 2126:The Dean (July 13, 2013), 1902:"Freedom Fighter's Manual" 1220:Freedom of Information Act 930:Nicaragua v. United States 927: 199:. Various anti-government 18: 3984:CIA activities by country 3928: 3723:CIA activities by country 3722: 3663: 3645:Drone strikes in Pakistan 3577: 3424: 3363: 3332: 3321: 3315:Operations Support Branch 3300:Special Activities Center 3296:Directorate of Operations 3273: 3255: 3143: 1182:In August 1986, Lt. Col. 871:National Security Adviser 725:National Security Council 648:National Security Council 480:US Intelligence Community 168:, particularly after the 3974:Anti-communist terrorism 3672:The Invisible Government 3371:Alleged drug trafficking 3364:Transnational activities 2018:"Jose Bueso Rosa Report" 1240:Washington bureau chief 1093:(DEA), Customs Service, 869:under the advice of his 741:Director of Intelligence 381:self-fulfilling prophecy 3650:Operation Neptune Spear 3454:Roscoe H. Hillenkoetter 3411:Human rights violations 3286:Directorate of Analysis 2719:(August 26, 1989) p. 8. 1642:"U.S. aid to Nicaragua" 1584:Office of the Historian 1421: 1377: 1360: 1343: 1316: 1262:hostages, nor will we. 1213:In February 1987, a US 1201: 1156:On March 16, 1986, the 1121: 986:The Wall Street Journal 962: 867:President Ronald Reagan 672:, Secretary of Defense 620: 518: 440:(FSLN) and to create a 426: 305: 219:. There have also been 3310:Directorate of Support 1497: 1484: 1462: 1437: 1334:Daniel Ortega Saavedra 1302:, and General Secord. 1264: 1254:Congressional hearings 1159:San Francisco Examiner 896:, the chairman of the 835: 709: 538:intelligence community 478:report shows that the 259:Pedro Joaquin Chamorro 146: 44:relies excessively on 3964:Politics of Nicaragua 3959:Nicaraguan Revolution 3333:Geographic activities 2328:on September 30, 2007 1586:. US State Department 1492: 1466: 1457: 1445:San Jose Mercury News 1425: 1405:San Jose Mercury News 1397:San Jose Mercury News 1259: 1152:1986 drug allegations 1069:1985 drug allegations 830: 777:Roberto Suazo Córdova 644: 534:Executive Order 12333 496:military intelligence 454:military intelligence 359:military intelligence 277:, Secretary of State 197:Nicaraguan government 170:Nicaraguan Revolution 136: 19:Further information: 3610:Bay of Pigs Invasion 3519:R. James Woolsey Jr. 3484:James R. Schlesinger 3173:Bay of Pigs Invasion 2780:on February 6, 2009. 2510:(December 20, 1985). 2472:Luis Posada Carriles 2149:Weiner, Tim (2007). 2094:Weiner, Tim (2007). 1288:Manucher Ghorbanifar 1047:Luis Posada Carriles 993:was about what the " 697:William French Smith 490:port facilities via 316:presidential finding 143:Nicaraguan Civil War 3590:Operation PBSuccess 3459:Walter Bedell Smith 3260:(CIA Headquarters: 2348:Miller, Jonathan S. 2263:on January 22, 2009 2237:on January 22, 2009 1815:. October 20, 1982. 1722:, November 18, 1987 1441:Michael R. Bromwich 1029:The Washington Post 980:The Washington Post 814:Robert C. McFarlane 584:The second manual, 494:. According to the 3712:The Unexpected Spy 3680:All the Shah's Men 3640:Iran–Contra affair 3615:Operation Mongoose 3509:William H. Webster 3434:William J. Donovan 3406:Health and economy 3025:nsarchive2.gwu.edu 2881:The New York Times 2766:Blumenthal, Sidney 2683:Walters, Vernon A. 2450:nsarchive2.gwu.edu 2350:(March 13, 1985). 1908:on August 16, 2014 1676:(August 4, 1993), 1674:Walsh, Lawrence E. 1566:The New York Times 1439:Inspector General 1228:Iran-Contra Affair 974:The New York Times 907:The New York Times 902:special prosecutor 810:Iran-Contra Affair 667:Secretary of State 506:Furthermore, a US 147: 3946: 3945: 3635:Operation Cyclone 3625:Operation Rubicon 3600:1960 U-2 incident 3499:Stansfield Turner 3494:George H. W. Bush 3345:Russia and Europe 3266:Langley, Virginia 3215: 3214: 3006:Alfred W. McCoy, 2734:nsarchive.gwu.edu 2523:(March 25, 1985). 2105:978-0-307-38900-8 2033:McCoy, Alfred W. 1270:Of the hearings, 1242:Sidney Blumenthal 1174:Former CIA agent 940:international law 876:. The mines were 678:Jeane Kirkpatrick 674:Caspar Weinberger 572:Molotov cocktails 412:Boland Amendments 320:covert operations 318:which authorized 209:materials related 129: 128: 121: 103: 3991: 3569:William J. Burns 3504:William J. Casey 3396:Counterterrorism 3327: 3326: 3242: 3235: 3228: 3219: 3218: 3132: 3125: 3118: 3109: 3108: 3103: 3102: 3095: 3089: 3088: 3082: 3074: 3065: 3059: 3058: 3052: 3044: 3035: 3029: 3028: 3017: 3011: 3004: 2998: 2992: 2991: 2987: 2985: 2983: 2974: 2966: 2955: 2950: 2944: 2939: 2933: 2927: 2926: 2922: 2920: 2918: 2913:on June 13, 2007 2909:. Archived from 2899: 2893: 2890: 2884: 2877: 2871: 2865: 2864: 2860: 2858: 2856: 2851:on June 13, 2007 2847:. Archived from 2837: 2831: 2824: 2818: 2807: 2801: 2795: 2782: 2781: 2776:. Archived from 2762: 2756: 2751: 2745: 2744: 2742: 2740: 2726: 2720: 2714: 2709: 2703: 2700: 2694: 2693: 2685:(October 1986), 2679: 2673: 2672: 2670: 2661: 2655: 2654: 2652: 2643: 2637: 2636: 2634: 2625: 2619: 2616: 2610: 2607: 2601: 2598: 2592: 2589: 2583: 2580: 2574: 2571: 2565: 2559: 2558: 2554: 2552: 2550: 2541: 2533: 2524: 2517: 2511: 2508:Associated Press 2504: 2495: 2494: 2492: 2483: 2477: 2476: 2467: 2461: 2460: 2458: 2456: 2442: 2425: 2424: 2422: 2420: 2405: 2396: 2395: 2393: 2391: 2377: 2371: 2370: 2368: 2366: 2356: 2344: 2338: 2337: 2335: 2333: 2324:. Archived from 2318: 2312: 2311: 2304: 2298: 2297: 2279: 2273: 2272: 2270: 2268: 2253: 2247: 2246: 2244: 2242: 2233:. Archived from 2223: 2221: 2219: 2214:on July 17, 2006 2210:. 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Casey 500:rocket launchers 462: 433:material support 404:Edward P. Boland 269:Ouster of Somoza 242:Carlos Fonseca's 162:anti-imperialist 124: 117: 113: 110: 104: 102: 61: 37: 29: 3999: 3998: 3994: 3993: 3992: 3990: 3989: 3988: 3949: 3948: 3947: 3942: 3938:Project MKUltra 3924: 3718: 3704:Legacy of Ashes 3659: 3655:Timber Sycamore 3620:Phoenix Program 3573: 3449:Hoyt Vandenberg 3420: 3359: 3328: 3324: 3319: 3269: 3251: 3246: 3216: 3211: 3139: 3136: 3106: 3097: 3096: 3092: 3076: 3075: 3066: 3062: 3046: 3045: 3036: 3032: 3019: 3018: 3014: 3005: 3001: 2989: 2981: 2979: 2972: 2968: 2967: 2958: 2951: 2947: 2940: 2936: 2924: 2916: 2914: 2901: 2900: 2896: 2891: 2887: 2878: 2874: 2862: 2854: 2852: 2839: 2838: 2834: 2825: 2821: 2808: 2804: 2796: 2785: 2763: 2759: 2752: 2748: 2738: 2736: 2728: 2727: 2723: 2717:The Independent 2712: 2710: 2706: 2701: 2697: 2680: 2676: 2668: 2662: 2658: 2650: 2644: 2640: 2632: 2626: 2622: 2617: 2613: 2608: 2604: 2599: 2595: 2590: 2586: 2581: 2577: 2572: 2568: 2556: 2548: 2546: 2539: 2535: 2534: 2527: 2518: 2514: 2505: 2498: 2490: 2484: 2480: 2469: 2468: 2464: 2454: 2452: 2444: 2443: 2428: 2418: 2416: 2406: 2399: 2389: 2387: 2379: 2378: 2374: 2364: 2362: 2354: 2345: 2341: 2331: 2329: 2320: 2319: 2315: 2306: 2305: 2301: 2294: 2280: 2276: 2266: 2264: 2255: 2254: 2250: 2240: 2238: 2225: 2224: 2217: 2215: 2202: 2201: 2197: 2192: 2188: 2180: 2176: 2171: 2167: 2162: 2158: 2147: 2143: 2134: 2132: 2124: 2113: 2106: 2092: 2085: 2075: 2073: 2065: 2059: 2055: 2046: 2045: 2041: 2032: 2028: 2020: 2016: 2015: 2011: 2004: 1998: 1997: 1993: 1986: 1982: 1972: 1971: 1967: 1957: 1955: 1950: 1949: 1942: 1925: 1921: 1911: 1909: 1900: 1899: 1895: 1887: 1883: 1882: 1878: 1868: 1866: 1859: 1855: 1854: 1845: 1838: 1831: 1824: 1820: 1812: 1808: 1807: 1803: 1795: 1791: 1781: 1779: 1772: 1768: 1767: 1763: 1756: 1752: 1742: 1740: 1732: 1731: 1727: 1716: 1715: 1711: 1701: 1699: 1691: 1690: 1686: 1671: 1667: 1650: 1648: 1644: 1638: 1629: 1624: 1613: 1608: 1599: 1589: 1587: 1578: 1577: 1573: 1562: 1558: 1550: 1546: 1538: 1531: 1526: 1522: 1517: 1510: 1506: 1452:Oakland Tribune 1424: 1414: 1407: 1389: 1380: 1363: 1346: 1326:Medellin Cartel 1319: 1250: 1232:David Addington 1204: 1195: 1188:John Poindexter 1154: 1124: 1071: 1059:Felix Rodriguez 965: 932: 926: 851: 798: 781:José Bueso Rosa 757: 721:John Poindexter 690:Edwin Meese III 623: 582: 562: 551:Kerry Committee 526: 521: 486:ferries at the 429: 308: 288:Marvin Weissman 271: 234: 229: 183:to support the 179:authorized the 125: 114: 108: 105: 62: 60: 54: 50:primary sources 38: 27: 25:Reagan Doctrine 17: 12: 11: 5: 3997: 3987: 3986: 3981: 3976: 3971: 3966: 3961: 3944: 3943: 3941: 3940: 3935: 3929: 3926: 3925: 3923: 3922: 3917: 3912: 3907: 3905:United Kingdom 3902: 3897: 3892: 3887: 3882: 3877: 3872: 3867: 3862: 3857: 3852: 3847: 3842: 3837: 3832: 3827: 3822: 3817: 3812: 3807: 3802: 3797: 3792: 3787: 3782: 3777: 3772: 3767: 3762: 3757: 3752: 3747: 3742: 3737: 3732: 3726: 3724: 3720: 3719: 3717: 3716: 3708: 3700: 3692: 3684: 3676: 3667: 3665: 3661: 3660: 3658: 3657: 3652: 3647: 3642: 3637: 3632: 3627: 3622: 3617: 3612: 3607: 3602: 3597: 3592: 3587: 3585:Operation Ajax 3581: 3579: 3575: 3574: 3572: 3571: 3566: 3561: 3556: 3551: 3549:David Petraeus 3546: 3541: 3539:Michael Hayden 3536: 3531: 3526: 3524:John M. 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In 1981, 137:A group of 3953:Categories 3688:Ghost Wars 3595:Secret War 2267:August 18, 1958:August 18, 1912:August 18, 1504:References 1133:Alan Fiers 991:Tom Brokaw 762:Panamanian 711:After the 631:Sandinista 484:amphibious 400:Communists 389:insurgents 340:guerrillas 189:right-wing 109:April 2017 79:newspapers 46:references 3855:Nicaragua 3815:Indonesia 3795:Guatemala 3696:Overthrow 3426:Directors 3197:Nicaragua 3180:Guatemala 2774:Salon.com 2390:April 20, 2365:April 25, 1869:April 20, 1651:April 25, 1590:April 26, 1393:Gary Webb 1311:Bob Gates 1237:Salon.com 1145:Nicaragua 796:Iran link 601:martyrdom 465:socialist 372:Petroleum 314:signed a 263:La Prensa 193:influence 174:President 158:left-wing 3865:Pakistan 3800:Honduras 3770:Colombia 3745:Cambodia 3340:Americas 3192:Honduras 3163:Colombia 3079:citation 3049:citation 2982:July 29, 2917:July 29, 2855:July 29, 2768:(2007). 2739:July 29, 2549:July 29, 2455:April 1, 2419:July 29, 2332:July 29, 2076:July 27, 1743:July 28, 1702:April 1, 1165:Examiner 863:El Bluff 352:Honduras 3915:Vietnam 3880:Somalia 3850:Myanmar 3805:Hungary 3790:Germany 3281:History 2953:CIA.gov 2942:CIA.gov 2072:. 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