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401:'s kinsman"), however Hines considers none of the potential readings to be recommended. He further notes that the end of the inscription is likely meaningful as whilst the last runes seem less carefully cut, they are large, suggesting the potential abbreviations and lack of clarity do not result from the writer running out of space on the object. Due to its cryptic form, it was possibly only understood by its maker and those who the maker shared the understanding with.
532:("Gunnhildr made the spindle-whorl"), and one from East Yorkshire that has rune-like markings but cannot be read. Given the scarcity of comparative material, it is unclear whether the carver was a Scandinavian speaker from Lincolnshire or visiting Lincolnshire, however that the spindle-whorl fits into a type typical of the region, suggests a local nature for the carver. 12th century contacts between Lincolnshire and Norway are recorded, including in a writ from
136:
570:) and the three names that come before it, including Óðinn. The widespread associations between Óðinn and spells suggests there was a strong belief that invoking his name gave efficacy to a charm or prayer. Beyond this close parallel, the spindle-whorl forms part of a wider Late Viking Age runic amulet tradition which is attested in finds from the
602:” (“May you be healthy and in good spirits. May Þórr receive you, may Óðinn own you.”) and has been noted to closely resemble the Saltfleetby spindle-whorl's inscription. A further argument against the reference to heathen gods necessarily meaning a heathen writer is that Christian stone carvings dating to the Viking Age from both England and
253:. Based on the broadly long-branch rune forms, John Hines interprets the writing as being Danish in character. Judith Jesch, however, favours arguments for a continuum of rune forms rather than a strict split between long and short branches, and stresses the inscriptions linguistic similarities with Norwegian finds.
277:
The inscription around the spindle-whorl wall is clear and is likely the beginning, while reading the runes on the face is more problematic. The following transcription, transliteration, normalisation and translation is proposed, in which the end is unclear and A and B correspond to the inscriptions
489:
is inconclusive in terms of dating the writing, given that the ‘’j’’-mutation it shows is attested in East Norse contexts in the Viking Age but from the 1200s in
Norwegian manuscripts. . From this, Jesch proposes that the inscription is more likely to date from the 12th century, although notes that
236:
The spindle-whorl is shaped more like a curved triangle than a circle, which may have helped spin it by finger when on a spindle. It consists of a walled part with a conical and flat section either side and a 7-8mm vertical hole through its middle. The flat section likely faced upwards when in use.
581:
Jesch argues that it is unclear whether the carver was
Christian or heathen as references to heathen gods exist from periods after the official conversion to Christianity of Scandinavia and the Scandinavian diaspora in places such as England. For example, Óðinn is named in Norweigian inscriptions
539:
The charm calls for help from the
Germanic gods, using the indicative tense rather than subjunctive ("they are helping" not "may they help"). It has been suggested that the spinning of the whorl during its use was believed to bring about the desired effect, making the statement a reality. This is
248:
and consist of a mixture of older and later forms, with it featuring two variants introduced by the 24-character expanded fuþark that became established during the
Christian Middle Ages in Scandinavia and mirrors the Latin alphabet. Around the wall of the item, a small cross has also been carved
502:
name and is written in Old Norse that is as correct and standard as inscriptions in
Scandinavia, with later developments seen elsewhere featuring. This attests to a community speaking it in Lincolnshire at the time the inscription was made, possibly during the reign of
507:. While a name of Óðinn resulting from the blending of Old English and Old Norse forms is attested in a 10th-century text, the spelling in the inscription is more consistent with a fully Old Norse form, lacking a "w" at the start of the word.
1133:
Crossing boundaries: interdisciplinary approaches to the art, material culture, language and literature of the early medieval world: essays presented to
Professor Emeritus Richard N. Bailey, OBE, on the occasion of his eightieth
707:
has been interpreted as a blended form resulting from both Old
English and Old Norse being used in the same area. 10th and early 11th century spellings in English works lacking the “w” include ‘’ Óðon’’ and ‘’Oðon’’ (used by
523:
The spindle-whorl is an everyday object from the household, and particularly female, sphere. This may suggest the owner was also female and it closely resembles other finds such as an 11th-century soapstone whorl from
470:
is consistent with a dating to after the Viking Age and a
Norwegian context. If the translation of the next name as “Heimdallr” is correct, this spelling would also be consistent with a link with Norway. The use of an
459:, with those in York mainly dating to 10th century layers. In contrast, two of the rune forms are typically seen as later developments, first arising at the end of the 10th century and mid 11th centuries respectively.
345:
would not make sense in its context on the spindle-whorl. Hines nonetheless thinks that it being a personal name is the most likely option, noting that whilst the ending suggests a feminine name, the following word
566:(“to help”) in runic writing is almost exclusively found in Christian contexts, it does feature on the 8th century Ribe skull fragment, in which there is a close connection between the word (in this case spelt
427:. She also suggests that the inscription could instead be representing the name “Auðun” which is a relatively common name in English sources despite being rare in Old Danish and Old Swedish.
479:
further suggests a dating to at least the later Viking Age, with the two sounds converging earlier in western than eastern
Scandinavia, leading to changes in spelling. The spelling of
490:
this is significantly later than the design would suggest and may imply that either the inscription was added at a later date or that the archaeological dating is inaccurate.
680:
The transcription is not given by Hines in his work, but proposed by Jesch based on Hines’ drawings and commentary, along with photographs of the find. Due to
684:
limitations, the presented transcription does not distinguish between rune forms with straight and curved lines. For a more full transcription, see
241:' classification system, typical of Anglo-Scandinavian contexts. While it could have been made in Scandinavia, eastern England is much more likely.
1234:
208:
is not mutually exclusive with upholding of
Christian worldviews and customs, the find may nonetheless reflect continue adherence to
1219:
553:
440:
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1142:
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28:
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is masculine and suggests that all three of the names referenced on the wall of the object are similarly masculine.
1161:
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225:
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respectively. The identity or meaning of Þalfa is unclear though it has been noted to closely resemble
404:
Jesch questions certain aspects of the translation, noting that the two definitive cases in which
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200:. The language and rune forms used have been dated to the 11th to 12th centuries, after the
1185:
742:
713:
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545:
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204:. The implications of the find are debated, with it being noted that while appealing to
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445:
182:
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67:
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inscription that has been interpreted as invoking help from beings including the
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552:. Hines notes that it is surprising for an inscription dating from after the
362:
278:
around the wall of the whorl and on the flat face of the whorl respectively:
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190:
170:
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704:
703:, whilst the spelling ‘’Vuothen’’ used in a 10th century Latin chronicle by
383:("to do", "to make"), however there are no word dividers between it and the
540:
likely an example of the "heathenism" criticised by Church figures such as
174:
220:
The object was found by Mrs Denise Moncaster while metal detecting around
1177:
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221:
90:
373:) are unclear in meaning and have yet to be translated with confidence.
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417:
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317:Óðinn and Heimdallr and Þalfa, they are helping you, Úlfljót, and . . .
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193:
416:
and date to the 12th and 14th centuries. It is further noted that the
366:
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197:
63:
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337:. Whilst some runestones use similar spellings to write the name
178:
166:
124:
1064:
1062:
698:
596:". The other (N B380), dating to the late 12th century, states “
586:, with one (N B380) calling upon Óðinn to reveal a thief's name
599:
Heil(l) sé þú ok í hugum góðum. Þórr þik þiggi, Óðinn þik eigi.
575:
536:
that enforce the right to toll Norwegian merchants in Grimsby.
413:
409:
1059:
387:, which is unclear in meaning. There is a possibility of the
334:
312:Óðinn ok Heimdallr ok Þalfa, þeir hjálpa þér Ulfljót ok . . .
143:
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377:
is found in inscriptions, for example as a form of the verb
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style typical of the 10th century. It is notable for its
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321:
Hines interprets the first and second names as the gods
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391:
standing for a whole word, possibly giving the meaning
1186:"Record ID: LIN-D92A22 - EARLY MEDIEVAL spindle whorl"
831:
829:
827:
825:
812:
810:
265:
View of the inscription on the wall, showing the word
244:
The runes are almost entirely long-branch variants of
592:‘for (the sake of) Christianity’ and finishing with "
224:, who reported the find, having it recorded with the
1032:
1017:
993:
981:
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952:
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925:
498:
The inscription likely records a woman with a fully
865:
822:
807:
462:Jesch notes that the spelling of the first name as
452:Form A1, the spindle-whorl's typology, is dated to
408:is attested as a spelling of “Óðinn” are both from
901:
1206:
1128:"A glimpse of the heathen Norse in Lincolnshire"
237:The spindle-whorl is of the Form A1 typology in
1166:Futhark: International Journal of Runic Studies
597:
587:
561:
510:
480:
448:in Lincolnshire of the same typology (Form A1).
392:
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310:
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560:to appeal to heathen gods. While the use of
333:, the name of a servant boy recorded in the
717:
606:are thought to depict Óðinn and Heimdallr.
765:
519:View of the conical section lacking runes.
298:× oþen ᛫ ok ᛫ einmtalr ᛫ ok ᛬ þalfa ᛫ þeir
528:in Norway with an inscription that reads
554:establishment of Christianity in England
514:
439:
284:x ᚮᚦᛂᚿ ᛫ ᚮᚴ ᛫ ᛂᛁᚿᛘᛏᛆᛚᚱ ᛫ ᚮᚴ᛬ᚦᛆᛚᚠᛆ ᛫ ᚦᛂᛁᚱ
260:
154:question marks, boxes, or other symbols
1207:
365:, the first law-speaker for Iceland's
1162:"Further Thoughts on E18 Saltfleetby"
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304:(᛫) ielba ᛫ þeruolflt ᛫ ok ᛫ kiriuesf
290:ᛁᛂᛚᛒᛆ ᛫ ᚦᛂᚱᚢᚮᛚᚠᛚ(ᛏ) ' (ᚮ)ᚴ ' ᚴᛁᚱᛁᚢᛂᛋᚠ
232:Physical description and inscriptions
697:The Old English form of the name is
361:, whose masculine form was given to
357:is interpreted as the feminine name
13:
14:
1271:
249:which is partially covered by an
1235:Metal detecting finds in England
655:
646:
637:
628:
619:
341:, the grammatical form given my
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27:
1220:2010 archaeological discoveries
1190:The Portable Antiquities Scheme
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22:Saltfleetby spindle-whorl (E18)
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1:
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1255:Sources on Germanic paganism
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720:Historia de Sancto Cuthberto
511:Function and carver identity
215:
7:
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226:Portable Antiquities Scheme
202:Christianisation of England
55:49.72 grams (1.754 oz)
10:
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716:) and ‘’Othan’’ (found in
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163:Saltfleetby spindle-whorl
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1071:, pp. 122–123, 125.
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550:Late Anglo-Saxon period
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1230:Historical runic magic
1215:10th-century artifacts
1160:Jesch, Judith (2020).
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239:Penelope Walton Rogers
156: instead of runes.
142:This article contains
80:10th-12th centuries CE
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444:A spindle-whorl from
443:
264:
1178:10.33063/diva-401054
1126:Hines, John (2017).
743:Near Fakenham plaque
369:. The last 8 runes (
353:On the second line,
1225:Anglo-Norse England
1107:, pp. 207–210.
1095:, pp. 123–124.
1083:, pp. 209–210.
1056:, pp. 207–208.
1014:, pp. 208–209.
922:, pp. 120–121.
898:, pp. 119–120.
886:, pp. 203–211.
850:, pp. 118–119.
804:, pp. 210–211.
421:Ribe skull fragment
210:Old Nordic religion
16:Runic spindle-whorl
1250:Runic inscriptions
558:Denmark and Norway
521:
450:
446:Barton-upon-Humber
275:
183:Anglo-Scandinavian
112:Private collection
1260:Textile artefacts
1144:978-1-78570-310-2
710:Ælfric of Eynsham
542:Ælfric of Eynsham
169:: E18) is a lead
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88:1 September 2010
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152:, you may see
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117:Identification
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1193:. Retrieved
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1153:j.ctt1s47569
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175:Lincolnshire
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141:
1172:: 201–213.
589:fyr kristni
475:instead of
257:Translation
222:Saltfleetby
146:characters.
91:Saltfleetby
1209:Categories
1105:Jesch 2020
1093:Hines 2017
1081:Jesch 2020
1069:Hines 2017
1054:Jesch 2020
1039:Hines 2017
1027:Jesch 2020
1012:Jesch 2020
1000:Jesch 2020
988:Jesch 2020
976:Jesch 2020
964:Hines 2017
947:Jesch 2020
932:Hines 2017
920:Hines 2017
908:Hines 2017
896:Hines 2017
884:Jesch 2020
872:Hines 2017
860:Hines 2017
848:Hines 2017
836:Jesch 2020
817:Hines 2017
802:Jesch 2020
759:References
705:Æthelweard
686:Jesch 2020
526:Aust-Agder
431:Discussion
418:Viking Age
121:LIN-D92A22
85:Discovered
1195:15 August
1120:Secondary
500:Old Norse
327:Heimdallr
216:Discovery
198:Heimdallr
64:Old Norse
1134:birthday
732:See also
714:Wulfstan
546:Wulfstan
494:Language
371:kiriuesf
363:Úlfljótr
36:Material
682:Unicode
610:Gallery
584:Bryggen
572:Orkneys
548:in the
367:Alþingi
359:Úlfljót
179:England
167:Rundata
74:Created
60:Writing
1151:
1141:
576:Russia
563:hjalpa
482:hjalpa
436:Dating
414:Norway
410:Bergen
355:uolflt
339:Þjálfi
331:Þjálfi
181:of an
52:Weight
1149:JSTOR
700:Wōden
668:Notes
582:from
568:ʜiᴀlb
487:ielba
394:Vés f
343:Þalfa
335:Eddas
323:Óðinn
271:Óðinn
194:Óðinn
144:runic
1245:Odin
1197:2024
1170:9–10
1139:ISBN
712:and
604:Mann
594:Amen
544:and
505:Cnut
468:uþin
464:oþen
425:uþin
406:oþen
385:uesf
380:gøra
375:kiri
348:þeir
325:and
267:ᚮᚦᛂᚿ
196:and
191:gods
161:The
44:Size
39:Lead
1201:’‘‘
1174:doi
787:PAS
574:to
485:as
412:in
282:A
228:.
177:in
125:E18
66:in
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1046:^
1019:^
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767:^
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556:,
454:c.
399:vé
397:("
302:B
296:A
288:B
212:.
123:,
93:,
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