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523:" and dependent on the personality of the ruler, and the loyalty of his followers. There is no emphasis on technical capacity as there is in the second form of the state, which is considered to be modern. In the modern form, the administrators do not personally own the money, buildings, and organizations they direct. Executive decisions often remain with political figures, even though they do not have the technical ability that the modern professional administrators do.
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reasoning needed to govern justly and effectively. Weber finds this to be a common characteristic among politicians. As a result, Weber claims, the danger of politics is rooted in the relationship of the politician to the means of violence which are intrinsic to the state, and which will be misused
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The administrative staff beneath the ruler in status and power has its own means of administration separate from those of the ruler. This can include various forms of wealth and possessions, as well as means of production and control over labor. This administrative staff is essentially aristocratic,
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of Moral
Conviction" with an "Ethic of Responsibility." The Ethic of Moral Conviction refers to the core unshakeable beliefs that a politician must hold. The Ethic of Responsibility refers to the day-to-day need to use the means of the state's violence in a fashion which preserves the peace for the
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To do this, Weber writes, "Politics is made with the head, not with the other parts of body, nor the soul". The most effective politician is one who can excite the emotions of the people who follow, while governing strictly with a cold hard reason—the head. But, he believes, this is a task normal
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of 1919 which was underway when he wrote the essay. He gloomily predicts that the emotional excitement of the moment in 1919 will bring only "polar nights with an icy darkness and harshness, no matter what group will successfully seize power at present." After saying this, Weber ends on a mildly
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Weber defines the following: "The state is seen as the sole grantor of the 'right' to physical force. Therefore, 'politics' in our case would mean the pursuit for a portion of power or for influencing the division of power whether it is between states, or between groups of people which the state
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Weber defines politics as a form of "independent leadership activity". In this essay, the "state" serves as the placeholder for the analysis of political organizations. The grounds for the legitimate rule of these political organizations, according to Weber, fall into three major categories, or
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Much of the middle part of "Politics as a
Vocation" consists of Weber's definitions of charisma and leaders, and of the type of people who are called to the profession of politics. This is developed by lengthy historical descriptions of how modern politics emerged. Emphasis is placed on the
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The administrative staff is completely or partially separated from the actual tools of administration, similar to Marx's conception of how the proletariat is separated from the means of production. This staff become confidants without means in a patriarchal organization of deference and
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by any vain politician. This is why Weber emphasizes that the practice of politics is so difficult, and not a task for someone who seeks salvation for their eternal soul through the practice of peace and brotherhood. In developing these points, he makes reference to the
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Nur wer sicher ist, dass er daran nicht zerbricht, wenn die Welt, von seinem
Standpunkt aus gesehen, zu dumm oder zu gemein ist für das, was er ihr bieten will, dass er all dem gegenüber: 'dennoch!' zu sagen vermag, nur der hat den 'Beruf' zur
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creates unique problems for politicians because they do indeed control the tools of legitimate violence. Common vanity, Weber writes, means that politicians are tempted to make decisions based on emotional attachments to followers and
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historical examples of Great
Britain, the United States, and Germany, though examples from France, China, Rome, Ancient Greece, and elsewhere are mentioned. In developing these examples, Weber demonstrates the extent of his grasp of
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optimistic note: "Only someone who is certain that it will not break him when, from where he stands, the world looks too stupid or mean for what he wants to offer it—that in spite of everything he will be able to say ‘but,
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Weber focuses his analysis on "political organizations", i.e. "states", and identifies two general forms of the state, supposedly encompassing all state forms at the most general level:
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Weber delineates two different ideas of the "state" based on the relationship between the administrators and their access to the actual means of administration. The first form is "
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encompasses." Following this definition, Weber notes that there are three principles justifying the legitimacy of political domination of the state: traditional authority,
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In the final section of "Politics as a
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