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Francisco construction industry than anywhere else in the country in the first decades of the twentieth century. The BTC was able to do this, moreover, without fighting the drawn-out battles that unions elsewhere had to wage simply to obtain recognition or preserve their rights: only two building trades strikes in San
Francisco between 1901 and 1921 lasted more than a week.
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McCarthy was eager to fill this vacancy. While the criminal proceedings were still underway, and during the midst of a bitter strike by San
Francisco streetcar workers, McCarthy ran on a platform of promising to halt the ongoing prosecutions. That put him in conflict with the SFLC, while undercutting
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from which construction employers could obtain supplies – or face boycotts and sympathy strikes if they did not. That brought the mill owners to arbitration, where the union won the eight-hour day, a closed shop for all skilled workers, and an arbitration panel to resolve future disputes. In return,
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McCarthy ruled the BTC like an autocrat: he did not brook criticism, much less challenges to his authority, and he sometimes made decisions concerning local unions without consulting the parties involved. His high-handed style served him for many years, but created enough resentment within the BTC
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on construction workers in the first decade of the twentieth century and was active in local politics. It also feuded with the San
Francisco Labor Council, the body that claimed to represent all of organized labor in San Francisco. The BTC barred its members from belonging to the SFLC and often
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refused to support SFLC activities; it did not support the
Teamsters and longshore workers in the City Front Federation strike of 1901, preferring to maintain its dominant position in the construction industry than join in a direct confrontation with the most powerful businesses of the region.
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Within its own sphere the BTC was highly effective, coordinating the efforts of roughly fifty unions to police every construction worksite in the City to check that only union members were working there. The BTC was able to turn this control at the workplace level into better wages in the San
251:. As Mayor he installed BTC officials throughout his administration, required City employees to become union members, and raised the minimum wage for city employees from $ 2 to $ 3 per day. He also required all city employees to be U.S. citizens, in line with the BTC's
221:, to several terms as Mayor of San Francisco. They were outraged, therefore, when Phelan sided with the employers in the City Front Federation Strike of 1901. Labor unions associated with the SFLC organized the
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for $ 3 a day. When mill resisted, the BTC began organizing mill workers; the employers responded by locking out 8,000 employees throughout the Bay Area. The BTC, in return, established a union
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160:, Ireland, he apprenticed as a carpenter in Ireland before emigrating to the United States in 1880. He moved to San Francisco in 1886, where he rose through the ranks to become president of
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While McCarthy's administration was largely scandal-free, it suffered from a number of political failures, including the contentious effort to import water from the Hetch-Hetchy dam in
236:, a political boss who made few efforts to conceal the depth of his corruption. Reform elements succeeded in bringing about Ruef's conviction and Schmitz' removal from office in 1907.
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that eventually forced him to resign from its presidency in 1922, following the loss of a strike that allowed the open shop to return to San
Francisco in 1921.
164:, then President of the Building Trades Council in 1896. He was one the founder of the Japanese and Korean Exclusion League that 2 years later renamed into the
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and the ULP faded from the scene. McCarthy returned to the
Republican Party, serving as a delegate to Republican National Convention in 1920.
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the union agreed to refuse to work with material produced by non-union planing mills or those that paid less than the Bay Area employers.
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to challenge him. McCarthy and the BTC, characteristically, not only did not join in the campaign, but supported a rival candidate.
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The exception to that rule came in 1900, when the BTC unilaterally declared that its members would work only
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The San
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Barons of Labor: The San
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United
Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America people
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Industrial Relations in the San Francisco Bay Area, 1900-1918.
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305:. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1983.
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Collection of vignettes of the history of California labor
312:. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1989.
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United Brotherhood of Carpenters: the First Hundred Years
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Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1960.
266:, known as "Sunny Jim", to run against him. Rolph
262:to San Francisco. Reform-minded businessmen chose
152:(March 17, 1863 – July 1, 1933), nicknamed "
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247:McCarthy ran again, this time successfully, in
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335:History of the 1907 streetcar workers' strike
16:29th Mayor of San Francisco from 1910 to 1912
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58:January 8, 1910 – January 8, 1912
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240:his own reputation for honesty. McCarthy
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280:1911 San Francisco mayoral election
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150:Patrick Henry McCarthy
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557:Edward Robeson Taylor
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69:Edward Robeson Taylor
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532:Levi Richard Ellert
517:Washington Bartlett
512:Maurice Carey Blake
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209:Career in politics
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230:Eugene E. Schmitz
223:Union Labor Party
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296:Further reading
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121:(1933-07-01)
119:July 1, 1933
76:Succeeded by
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677:1933 deaths
672:1863 births
567:James Rolph
64:Preceded by
666:Categories
492:James Otis
255:leanings.
138:Republican
102:1863-03-17
612:Art Agnos
291:Footnotes
182:open shop
111:, Ireland
54:In office
44:29th
274:See also
260:Yosemite
253:nativist
219:Democrat
154:Pinhead
632:Ed Lee
249:1909
242:lost
217:, a
116:Died
96:Born
268:won
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