213:
According to
Sozomen, the populace demanded the chariot racer's release, and when Butheric refused, a general revolt rose up, costing Butheric his life. Sozomen is the only source for this story about the charioteer. The other sources do not include these or many of the other details that have become part of the legend: they do not say how strong the garrison was, or whether or not the garrison was composed of Gothic allies and the riot racially motivated, or even whether the "military officer" in question was, himself, a Goth. The sole source on who the officer was, is again, Sozomen, who supplies only enough information to identify Butheric as the commanding general of the field army in Illyricum (magister militum per Illyricum). Stanislav Doležal, philosopher at the University of South Bohemia, says the name "Butheric" indicates he might very well have been a Goth, and that the general's ethnicity "could have been" a factor in the riot, but none of the early sources actually say so.
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planned as a selective killing ... got out of hand'." According to Doležal, the massacre took place in the hippodrome and not all over the city. Sozomen is very specific, Doleźal adds, saying that in response to the riot, the soldiers made random arrests in the hippodrome to perform public executions there, and the citizenry objected. "The soldiers, realizing that they were surrounded by angry citizens, perhaps panicked and did what they were trained to: they forcibly cleared the hippodrome at the cost of several thousands of lives of local inhabitants. If
Paulinus is right, the massacre lasted just over an hour, which is quite enough for such an operation".
153:, and the probability of an uproar over who would be elected the next bishop of Milan, led Ambrose to take troops, go to the election site, and speak to the people. His address was interrupted by a call, "Ambrose, for bishop!" which was taken up by the whole assembly. At first he refused, and fled to a colleague's home, believing he was not suitable for the position, since he was not yet baptized. But Emperor Gratian wrote a letter praising the appropriateness of Rome appointing individuals who had demonstrated they were worthy, and Ambrose's host gave him up. Within a week, Ambrose was baptized, ordained and duly consecrated bishop of
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another, and some are of questionable reliability. The pagan historians of late antiquity do not discuss the massacre at all. Scholars contend that most extant records portray events by focusing on the moral perspective rather than the historical and political details. This makes it difficult for modern historians to distinguish fact from legend. Nonetheless, most classicists accept at least the basic account of the massacre, although they continue to dispute when it happened, who was responsible for it, what motivated it, and what impact it had on subsequent events.
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MacMullen says that the law "represented the will of its bishop, Ambrose". According to Doležal, Theodosius was forced by
Ambrose to enact the law before being allowed to "rejoin the Christian community". However, this is not in Ambrose's letter, and an inability to take the Eucharist would not prevent participation in worship or community. Doleźal explains that "the law in question seems to be CTh IX,40,13" which has come down to the modern day with a date of 18 August 382; it has been "inferred that the date is wrong and should be corrected to 390".
75:, became involved. Ambrose was absent from court when these events took place, and though he was one of Theodosius' many counselors, he was not one of the consistory (Theodosius' closest advisory council). Ambrose got much of his information on Theodosius through an informant, and, after he was informed of events concerning the events at Thessalonica, Ambrose wrote Theodosius a letter stating the emperor needed to demonstrate repentance for the massacre, further adding that emperor Theodosius would be forbidden from receiving the
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ended in a massacre. The saga continued as Bishop
Ambrose of Milan in a famous letter rebuked the emperor Theodosius for his responsibility for the bloodshed. Additionally, Ambrose vowed to refuse him the Eucharist until the emperor exhibited proper remorse. The affair concluded when Theodosius accepted the bishop's terms of repentance". Washburn adds that the exact date of the massacre is unknown and disputed, but general consensus places it in the spring or summer of 390 AD.
55:, a Roman general stationed in Thessalonica as a magister militum was lynched in an urban riot by an angry mob in the circus after having a famous circus charioteer arrested for pederasty, and refusing the people's demand for his release, although, this is found in only one source. In response, Theodosius authorized his Gothic soldiers to punish the people of the city resulting in the killing of a large number of citizens when they were assembled in the city's hippodrome.
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of the power of speaking". Ramsey says
Theodosius had become annoyed and sent Ambrose away when the emperor became aware Ambrose was being informed of "confidential decisions of the imperial consistory". Sozomen says Ambrose left the court claiming illness after he heard of the massacre. Whatever the reason for his absence, sources agree Ambrose hadn't been there to offer counsel when the riot and massacre occurred, nor was he present in its immediate aftermath.
333:, who points to the empire's established process of decision making, which required the emperor "to listen to his ministers" before acting. Thessalonica was an important city populated largely by Nicene Christians, most of whom would have been totally innocent of the crime, and Theodosius and his advisors would have known that. In Doležal's view, Theodosius must have listened to advice from the counselors in Milan with him, but what advice he received is unclear.
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demanded penance from him. In 388 Theodosius was in Italy only in
October, November and December, and in 391, he was gone from Italy by July, but he was in Milan in both 389 and 390. Both Theodoret and Sozomen say the confrontation with Ambrose took place after Theodosius arrived in Milan, which seems to point to 389, except that Theodosius spent almost three months (June to September) in Rome in 389, making 390 more likely.
164:. Ramsey characterizes Ambrose as a spiritual man whose public activities were guided by spiritual considerations, but who was also straightforward, practical, and fearless, epitomizing the self-confidence of the age in which he lived. Ramsey also describes him as accepting of different customs, adapting himself to whatever customs prevailed wherever he happened to be, and as a highly adept politician.
417:
McLynn asserts that the relationship between
Theodosius and Ambrose was transformed into myth within a generation of their deaths, he also observes that the documents that reveal the relationship between Ambrose and Theodosius seem less about any purported personal friendship and more like negotiations between the institutions the two men represent: the Roman state and the Italian church.
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was unrelated to the massacre of
Thessalonica: "The law envisioned notables held in prison, not the innocent population of a whole city". T. Honoré supports 390, but is cautious, saying: "The law is only loosely connected with the massacre". J. F. Mathews argues for 390, explaining that he firmly believes in the connection between these events and the law.
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record". Peter Brown also says there was no dramatic encounter at the church door. McLynn states that "the encounter at the church door has long been known as a pious fiction". Ambrose advocated a course of action which avoided the kind of public humiliation
Theodoret describes, and that is the course Theodosius chose.
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massacre of at least three months. Historian N. Q. King says the
Emperor may very well have been angry at first, but he would not have made a decision until his anger had passed and he was thinking clearly. Doležal also argues for the unlikelihood of Theodosius ordering the massacre in a fit of rage. He references
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explicitly speaks of the massacre that "you yourself consider to be grave by revoking it too late" (et quod ipse sero revocando grave factum putasti)". This story may have been what Ambrose received from his informant, but Doleźal doubts that revocation of an imperial order is what actually happened.
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observes that Theodosius' actions are often explained in terms of his falling under the dominating influence of Bishop Ambrose, which, Cameron says, is "often spoken of as though documented fact". Indeed, he says, "the assumption is so widespread it would be superfluous to cite authorities. But there
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One peculiarity of the story is that there is no record in any of the sources of a criminal investigation or other attempt to track down the culprits responsible for Butheric's death. Yet, Theodosius had carefully crafted a public image of an emperor with "a love of mankind". This inconsistency leads
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McLynn says Theodosius was “unable to impose discipline upon the faraway troops, was compelled by the much-proclaimed myth of imperial omnipotence to accept . The best face he could put upon the situation was of a hasty order countermanded too late". Doleźal acknowledges that, in letter 51, "Ambrose
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Washburn's account is based on his belief that Sozomen gives the fullest account of the riot's origins. Sozomen wrote that a popular charioteer tried to rape a cup-bearer, (other sources say a male servant in a tavern or Butheric himself), and in response, Butheric arrested and jailed the charioteer.
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Historian Daniel Washburn writes that several "key aspects of this sequence remain murky". Summarizing the core elements, he writes: "...the people of Thessalonica revolted, killing at least one public official. For this infraction, the empire struck back with a punishment that, intentionally or not,
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Washburn says the image of the mitered prelate braced in the door of the cathedral in Milan blocking Theodosius from entering is a product of the imagination of Theodoret; he wrote of the events of 390 (probably sometime between 449 and 455) "using his own ideology to fill the gaps in the historical
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At some point, Ambrose was informed of events. He responded by writing Theodosius a personal and private letter. According to McLynn, this still existing letter is "unusually" tactful for Ambrose, and it offers a different way for the emperor to "save face" and restore his image. Theodosius' concern
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All these accounts are plausible, but they also had a method and purpose that makes Washburn question them: they were written "to evoke appreciation for ecclesial action and imperial piety". McLynn explains that this political event was quickly transformed in the Christian historiography of the time
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By the time of the Thessalonian affair, Ambrose had been a bishop for 16 years, and during his episcopate, had seen the death of three emperors before Theodosius. These produced significant political storms, yet Ambrose held his place using what McLynn calls his "considerable qualities considerable
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There is no consensus on whether this law was issued in 390, and if it was, whether it had anything to do with the massacre or not. Errington argues that the law was issued in 382 and had nothing to do with the massacre of Thessalonica. Peter Brown claims that the law was issued in 390, but that it
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Scholars such as Boniface Ramsey think the massacre occurred during a period when Ambrose was banned from Theodosius' presence. As Ambrose himself says in letter 51, "I alone of all at your court have been stripped of the natural right of hearing, with the consequence that I have also been deprived
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Malcolm Errington has observed that "it is universally accepted that the incident happened in 390", but no source actually mentions a year. The only internal chronological reference in any source is in Theodoret who says Theodosius celebrated Christmas in the church eight months after Ambrose had
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Brown notes that Ambrose was not, in actuality, guaranteed success with his letter. He had been denied access to the emperor and denied other requests before. Brown says Ambrose was just one among many advisors, and Cameron says there is no evidence Theodosius favored him above anyone else. While
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One possible alternative explanation of events is that the troops lost control of the situation. Doležal writes: "Working on the conflicting sources, J. F. Matthews argues that the Emperor first tried to punish the city by selective executions... Peter Brown concurs: 'As it was, what was probably
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Hebblewhite says "Butheric held a very senior military position...and his death represented a direct threat to the authority of the emperor", but Hebblewhite does not think Theodosius ordered the massacre in hasty anger, arguing instead that there was a time lapse between Butheric's death and the
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The anger of the Emperor rose to the highest pitch, and he gratified his vindictive desire for vengeance by unsheathing the sword most unjustly and tyrannically against all, slaying the innocent and guilty alike. It is said seven thousand perished without any forms of law, and without even having
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when he became ruler of the religiously mixed, Greek-speaking East, yet he still managed to leave an indelible mark on history. He was a man who radiated strength, writes Hebblewhite, who transformed his society through his personal desire to reunify the empire, and his desire to bring unity to a
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In August of 390, Theodosius is alleged to have issued a law ordering a 30-day wait between an order for capital punishment and its actual execution. Peter Brown says Theodosius wrote the law because he wanted to "take the wind out of Ambrose' sails" in the face of Ambrose' demand for penitence.
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Modern historians have had difficulty discerning the details of the massacre and its aftermath, as there are no contemporaneous accounts of the event. Instead, the works of fifth-century church historians provide the earliest record of what happened. Many parts of these accounts contradict one
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Washburn says that determining what really happened at Thessalonica has "vexed" scholars, and McLynn says it is almost impossible to reconstruct. Stanislav Doležal says these problems begin with the sources not being contemporaneous; instead, they come from the fifth century church historians
117:
says Roman society was becoming less urban centered and more rural as the great days of the cities were gone, the middle class was increasingly stressed, and the situation of the poor was dire. The Germanic threat and their incursions into Roman territory disturbed the peace of Roman society
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into a moral lesson where "the surviving sources always present the story... in the context of Theodosius' repentance". The second problem in attempting to interpret historical reliability is that these sources do not give a unified account, and in many respects, are mutually exclusive.
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Ambrose, Paulinus, Augustine and Theodoret, (but not Rufinus or Sozomen) either imply or openly declare that the Emperor was somehow misled or duped in his decision by his officials. Ambrose is quite enigmatic, speaking of the “deceit of others”, which caused the Emperor’s guilt
319:, and authors Stephen Williams and Gerard Friell think that Theodosius ordered the massacre in an excess of "volcanic anger", "choler" and "wrath". McLynn also puts all the blame on the Emperor. Church historian Theodoret holds the emperor's temper accountable, saying:
248:
Many contemporary scholars, such as historian C. W. R. Larson, are skeptical of the story. There are a limited number of pagan histories from the period, but there is no mention of the Thessalonican massacre at all in those histories. The biggest problem, according to
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withdrew in horror from the emperor’s court. He denounced Theodosius’ wickedness and banned him from receiving communion until he had repented. The emperor sought absolution and was readmitted to communion on Christmas day 390, after an eight-month penance".
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for his public image being one of personal piety is well attested. Ambrose urges a semi-public penitence, using the example of David and Uriah, telling the emperor that he cannot give Theodosius communion until he demonstrates repentance for the massacre.
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around 442, which includes a detailed account of the events that is considered the most reliable. According to Doležal, Theodoret wrote the lengthiest but also the least reliable account. These events occurred within Rufinus' lifetime, but his
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leaving the empire exposed to the barbarian threat. Theodosius was 32 years old when he took the throne with years of military leadership experience already behind him, but circumstances in the empire were not in his favor.
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played at least some role in either ordering or permitting the massacre, although others contend that the soldiers simply got out of control. Historically, Theodosius took responsibility upon himself, and that is when
885:
Biennial Conference on Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity (5th : 2003 : University of California, Santa Barbara). Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices. United Kingdom, Ashgate,
342:, while Paulinus only mentions some “secret negotiations of the officers with the Emperor”, with which Augustine concurs, adding that Theodosius was “compelled by the urgency of certain of his intimates”
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Theodosius was not in Thessalonica when the massacre occurred, the court was in Milan, and it is unclear whether he ordered or simply permitted the massacre or if the troops got out of control. Historian
292:). In it, chapter 7 discusses the massacre, but exclusively from Ambrose' perspective. There are also two direct sources from Ambrose, but they include no description of the massacre.
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luck" to survive. Theodosius had been emperor for 11 years, had temporarily settled the Gothic wars, won two civil wars, offering clemency afterwards, and weathered his own storms.
302:, but only briefly. There are also 6 later histories, but they use the fifth-century works as sources, and as a result, are unable to add anything scholars see as dependable.
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As bishop, he adopted an ascetic lifestyle, donated his money to the poor and his land to the church, excepting only what was required to make provision for his sister
145:, that before Ambrose became a bishop, he was an elected official of the Roman government, a magistrate, and Governor of Aemilia-Liguria in northern Italy. In 374,
253:, is not the absence of information, it is that the story of the Massacre of Thessalonica moved into art and literature in the form of legend almost immediately.
1179:
A. Demandt: Magister Militum. In: Pauly-Wissowa. Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (neue Bearbeitung). Supplementband XII, Sp. 717 -
381:
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HONORÉ, T. 1998, Law in the Crisis of Empire, 379–455 AD: The Theodosian Dynasty and Its Quaestors with a Palingenesia of Laws of the Dynasty, I, Oxford.
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Washburn, Daniel (2006). "18 The Thessalonian Affair in the Fifth Century Histories". In Albu, Emily; Drake, Harold Allen; Latham, Jacob (eds.).
157:. Neil B. McLynn, classics scholar at Oxford, writes that "The next four years would see Ambrose become ... a figure of empire-wide importance".
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says "Theodosius duly complied and came to church without his imperial robes, until Christmas, when Ambrose openly admitted him to communion".
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of their town, the emperor’s troops were let loose. The slaughter was frightful; 7,000 men, women and children were massacred in three hours.
587:
Attwater, Donald; John, Catherine Rachel (1993), The Penguin Dictionary of Saints (3rd ed.), New York: Penguin Books, ISBN 978-0-14-051312-7
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ERRINGTON, R. M. 1992, "The Praetorian Prefectures of Virius Nicomachus Flavianus", Historia: Zeitschrift für alte Geschichte, 41, p. 451
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decided that a clear demonstration of his anger was required and in April 390, when the citizens of Thessalonica had gathered in the
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says this is all that can be safely assumed: "there was a riot, and some of the inhabitants killed an important military officer".
28:
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MATTHEWS, J. F. 1997, "Codex Theodosianus 9.40.13 and Nicomachus Flavianus", Historia: Zeitschrift für alte Geschichte, 46
346:. Sozomen knows of no such involvement, and the church historian Rufinus blamed no persons either, but a “demon” instead
201:
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Larson, C. W. R. "Theodosius and the Thessalonian Massacre Revisited. Yet again." Studia Patristica 10 (1970): 297-301.
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47:, Greece was a massacre of local civilians by Roman troops which is believed to have occurred around 390. According to
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404:, Ambrose' action after–the–fact has been cited as an example of the church's dominance over the state in Antiquity.
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This article is about the disputed 390 AD event. For details about the massacre of Thessalonica's Jews in WWII, see
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judicial sentence passed upon them; but that, like ears of wheat in the time of harvest, they were alike cut down.
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Anthonis Van Dyke's 1619 painting of St. Ambrose blocking the cathedral door, refusing Theodosius' admittance.
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which included Thessalonica, was lynched by a mob of citizens in a dispute over the detention of a charioteer.
806:
Doležal, Stanislav (2014). "Rethinking a Massacre: What Really Happened in Thessalonica and Milan in 390?".
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278:(II,18) has only a short and somewhat confusing description, while Socrates makes no mention of it at all.
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100:, also known as Theodosius the Great, became emperor in 379. Mark Hebblewhite, ancient historian at
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until he had done so. History indicates Theodosius chose to cooperate with Ambrose' requirement.
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688:
Curran, John (1998). "3.From Jovian to Theodosius". In Cameron, Averil; Garnsey, Peter (eds.).
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Liebeschuetz, Wolfe; Hill, Carole, eds. (2005). "Letter on the Massacre at Thessalonica".
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scholars like Wolfe Liebeschuetz and Carole Hill to call these events "unprecedented".
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A. Schwarz, Reichsangehörige Personen gotischer Herkunft. Wien 1984, s.v. Butherichus.
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A. Lippold: Theodosius der Große und seine Zeit. 2nd ed., München 1980, p. 40ff.
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is not a shred of evidence for Ambrose exerting any such influence over Theodosius".
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says these events are seen as "marking important victories of church over state".
284:, Ambrose' personal secretary, wrote a biography of Ambrose in the fifth century,
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340:(deflevit in ecclesia publice peccatum suum, quod ei aliorum fraude obrepserat)
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Massacre in the Hippodrome of Thessaloniki in 390, 16th-century wood engraving
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Early Latin Theology Selections from Tertullian, Cyprian, Ambrose, and Jerome
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died. Conflict in the diocese of Milan between the Nicene Christians and the
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everywhere. Hebblewhite says Theodosius was a Latin speaking westerner and a
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552:. Translated by Mary Simplicia Kaniecka. Arx Publishing. pp. 8–10.
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667:(illustrated, reprint ed.). Yale University Press. p. 68.
550:
The Life of Saint Ambrose: A Translation of the Vita Sancti Ambrosii
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The Cambridge Ancient History, Late empire, A.D. 337-425. Volume 13
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Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire
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244:), near the Hippodromus, where the massacre allegedly took place.
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E. Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ch.27 2:56
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had just died, along with much of the eastern army, at the 378
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1126:
Christianizing the Roman Empire: (A.D. 100-400), Parts 100-400
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The Spirit of Early Christian Thought: Seeking the Face of God
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The Emperor Theodosius and the Establishment of Christianity
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P. Heather, Goths and Romans, 332-489. Oxford 1991, p. 184.
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612:
Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital
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J. Norwich, Byzantium: The Early Centuries, p. 112.
1075:"The Date of Composition of Theodoret's Church history"
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The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
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Saint Ambrose barring Theodosius from Milan Cathedral
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Violence in Late Antiquity Perceptions and Practices
639:. Catholic University of America Press. p. ix.
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Ambrose: Church and Society in the Late Roman World
296:, mentions the massacre in his fifth century work,
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610:McLynn, Neil B. (2014). "3. Ambrose and Gratian".
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176:John Curran writes one description of events in
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1201:Primary fifth century sources for this event:
1128:(unabridged ed.). Yale University Press.
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567:(unabridged ed.). Yale University Press.
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1003:Gibbon, Edward (1857). Smith, William (ed.).
637:Saint Ambrose: Theological and Dogmatic Works
635:Ambrose (1963). Deferrari, Roy Joseph (ed.).
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487:(illustrated ed.). Taylor and Francis.
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692:. Cambridge University Press. p. 108.
663:Williams, Stephen; Friell, Gerard (1995).
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133:in 376 AD, the same year the 16-year-old
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402:The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
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344:(tumultu quorundam, qui ei cohaerebant)
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527:(reprint ed.). Psychology Press.
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23:390 Roman massacre under Theodosius I
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485:Theodosius and the Limits of Empire
425:Disputed dates and a questioned law
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13:
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1328:Massacres in the Byzantine Empire
912:. Westminster Press. p. 68.
62:Most scholars agree that Emperor
1052:. USA: Oxford University Press.
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996:
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861:Greenslade, S. L., ed. (1956).
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808:Eirene: Studia Graeca et Latina
259:Theodoret the bishop of Cyrrhus
982:. Liverpool University Press.
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147:the bishop of Milan, Auxentius
1:
665:Theodosius: The Empire at Bay
563:Wilken, Robert Louis (2003).
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348:(subreptione quadam daemonis)
222:
178:The Cambridge Ancient History
614:. Univ of California Press.
366:
184:, the garrison commander of
104:, explains that the emperor
7:
944:. Univ of Wisconsin Press.
908:King, Noel Quinton (1960).
897:Ecclesiastical History 5.17
841:Ecclesiastical History 7.25
448:List of massacres in Greece
441:
251:Stanley Lawrence Greenslade
10:
1349:
1124:MacMullen, Ramsay (1984).
1073:Chesnut, Glenn F. (1981).
548:Paulinus of Milan (2020).
483:Hebblewhite, Mark (2020).
263:Socrates of Constantinople
236:The Palace of Galerius in
227:
141:records in his biography,
86:
15:
816:Czech Academy of Sciences
523:Ramsey, Boniface (1997).
1323:390s in the Roman Empire
1268:Theophanes the Confessor
1253:Later historical works:
1050:The Last Pagans of Rome
1018:Moorhead, John (2014).
453:History of Thessaloniki
51:, in June of that year
18:The Holocaust in Greece
1282:Compendium historiarum
1230:Historia ecclesiastica
1220:Historia ecclesiastica
1210:Historia ecclesiastica
1048:Cameron, Alan (2011).
1007:. Harper. p. 217.
385:
352:
326:
276:Historia ecclesiastica
271:Historia ecclesiastica
245:
123:badly divided church.
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940:Brown, Peter (1992).
865:. Westminster Press.
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172:Description of events
83:Historical background
31:
1079:Vigiliae Christianae
110:Battle of Adrianople
102:Macquarie University
89:Theodosius the Great
64:Theodosius the Great
1313:Massacres in Greece
1292:Epitome historiarum
458:Massacre at Béziers
286:The Life of Ambrose
143:The Life of Ambrose
1318:Roman Thessalonica
1247:De obitu Theodosii
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294:Augustine of Hippo
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34:
391:Wolf Liebeschuetz
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310:Theodosius' role
269:. Sozomen wrote
242:Navarinou Square
137:became emperor.
129:was invested as
120:Nicene Christian
1348:
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1288:Joannes Zonaras
1258:Joannes Malalas
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317:G. W. Bowersock
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299:The City of God
230:
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202:Bishop of Milan
174:
131:Bishop of Milan
115:Boniface Ramsey
95:
85:
73:bishop of Milan
24:
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1085:(3): 245–252.
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396:From the time
368:
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84:
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71:(339–397 AD),
22:
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1272:Chronographia
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1029:9781317891024
1025:
1022:. Routledge.
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534:9780415118422
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406:John Moorhead
403:
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398:Edward Gibbon
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290:Vita Ambrosii
287:
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30:
26:
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1333:Theodosius I
1291:
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1165:Bibliography
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583:
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484:
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410:Alan Cameron
401:
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238:Thessaloniki
215:
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175:
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142:
125:
98:Theodosius I
96:
61:
57:
40:Thessalonica
38:Massacre of
37:
35:
25:
1226:Cassiodorus
839:Sozomenus,
734:. Ashgate.
331:Peter Brown
180:: "In 390,
1302:Categories
1190:See also:
1185:Theodosius
1181:Butherichh
918:B0000CL13G
465:References
400:wrote his
223:Commentary
190:Theodosius
162:Marcellina
87:See also:
1245:Ambrose,
1216:Sozomenus
1206:Theodoret
824:0046-1628
367:Aftermath
257:Sozomen,
186:Illyricum
77:Eucharist
45:Macedonia
1278:Cedrenus
1240:epistola
1222:7.25.1-7
442:See also
282:Paulinus
182:Butheric
139:Paulinus
53:Butheric
1284:1.556-9
1236:Ambrose
1099:1583142
814:(1–2).
525:Ambrose
267:Rufinus
228:Sources
198:Ambrose
135:Gratian
127:Ambrose
93:Ambrose
69:Ambrose
49:Sozomen
1294:13.18.
1274:1.72-3
1132:
1097:
1056:
1026:
986:
948:
916:
869:
822:
738:
671:
643:
618:
571:
531:
491:
460:(1209)
200:, the
194:circus
151:Arians
106:Valens
1264:13.43
1095:JSTOR
886:2006.
155:Milan
1232:9.30
1212:5.17
1183:and
1130:ISBN
1054:ISBN
1024:ISBN
984:ISBN
946:ISBN
914:ASIN
867:ISBN
820:ISSN
736:ISBN
669:ISBN
641:ISBN
616:ISBN
569:ISBN
529:ISBN
489:ISBN
265:and
91:and
36:The
1308:390
1087:doi
43:in
1304::
1290:,
1280:,
1270:,
1260:,
1249:34
1242:51
1238:,
1228:,
1218:,
1208:,
1107:^
1093:.
1083:35
1081:.
1077:.
1038:^
960:^
926:^
832:^
818:.
812:50
810:.
750:^
698:^
655:^
592:^
503:^
473:^
261:,
1138:.
1101:.
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992:.
954:.
920:.
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288:(
240:(
20:.
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