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workers about their rights and activism decreased in light of violence against women. In Juarez, between 1993 and 2005, more than 370 women were murdered. In 2010, more than 370 women were murdered. A new wave of worker protests has emerged in the 21st
Century as workers decide that enough is enough. In 2015 in Juarez, maquiladora workers set up encampments, plantons, to protest and demand independent unions. Rita Segato argues using a de-colonial feminist viewpoint that contends that patriarchal political structures existed in communal societies prior to colonialism. According to Segato, the modern gender system's capture the changes of pre colonial dual gender structures which worsen inequality, boosts violence against women, and depoliticizes them. To Segato, pre colonial gender differs significantly from colonial-modern societies gender structures, which operate in terms of a beneficiary and its subordinated others. In this article, Segato focuses on the patriarchal institutions of Ciudad JuĂĄrez, Mexico and Brazil's National Indian Foundation (FUNAI) to extensively analyze and characterize these preexisting structures.
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family". Maquilas pay at much higher rate than the minimum wage in most markets since there is a lot of competition for the best workers, and workers will not work without transportation and other bonuses. The 2015 minimum wage was 70.1 pesos per day in
Tijuana (minimum wages vary by zone and worker classification) or about $ 0.55 per hour at the 2016 exchange rate of 16 pesos per dollar, while most entry-level positions in maquilas paid closer to $ 2 per hour including bonuses and 25% being paid to Social Security, housing, and retirement. Even in maquila factories, wages are still very low and in many families the children are encouraged to start working at an early age to support the family. In some maquiladoras, workers are cut and their responsibilities are given to a single worker. These workers are not given a higher pay, and are expected to maintain their output without a decrease in quality. They often work involuntary overtimes and are often not paid for their extra labor.
190:, maquiladoras in Mexico have been on the decline since 2000. According to federal sources, approximately 529 maquiladoras shut down and investment in assembly plants decreased by 8.2 percent in 2002 after the imposition of countervailing duties on Chinese products, not available in North America, that were part of the electronics supply chain. Despite the decline, over 3,000 maquiladoras still exist along the 2,000 mile-long United States–Mexico border, providing employment for approximately one million workers, and importing more than $ 51 billion in supplies into Mexico. Research indicates that maquiladoras' post-NAFTA growth is connected to changes in Mexican wages relative to those in Asia and in the United States, and to fluctuations in U.S. industrial production. As of 2006, maquiladoras still accounted for 45 percent of Mexico's exports. Maquiladoras, in general, are best represented among operations that are particularly assembly intensive.
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exploitation, and the maquiladoras export processing zone. Oftentimes, young women are murdered as a result of economic frustration, being directed at the maquiladora workers. Working women are viewed by the maquiladora system as "cheap labor" and easily replaceable, which makes it easy and acceptable to kill these women without consequences. In order to examine the relationship between gender and production, gender and violence, this article focuses on situating the killings of these women within their social and ideological contexts. In this piece, the reasons for these women's treatment and the social justifications for it are examined.
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maquila factories. Women looked for work in factories because they could get jobs with few credentials and receive on the job training. Men working in maquilas were given positions of supervision, management, engineers, and technical jobs, while women were relegated to low-skill jobs. Young women tended to be hired more often than older women, but it depended on the circumstances of the job and type of factory. However, young single women often ended up in factories with better working conditions, like the electronics plants, while older women and mothers worked in more dangerous apparel factories.
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test, but despite the workers' efforts, nothing ever came of it. The case became increasingly political and news-worthy as time went on. However, despite various US NAO hearings and transnational labor rights organizing, the workers were never able to unionize. On the contrary, by the end of the conflicts, all of the laborers had been fired and the maquiladora had been moved to the other side of
Tijuana. This was in the face of a Mexican federal court ruling that the strikes had been legal and in fact the corporation had violated the law.
231:, is an Argentine-Brazilian scholar who also identifies as a feminist and has a sociological point of view, makes an effort to make sense of the femicides that occur in Ciudad JuĂĄrez. Segato examines the violence, bigotry, and ego with which Mexican men treat their women. These women are typically young ladies who are small, dark skinned, with long hair and work largely in the maquiladora labor force... In comparison to other parts of Mexico, Ciudad JuĂĄrez is a risky place for women to live. These Mexican men view these women's bodies as
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duties. Mexicans work for approximately one-sixth of the U.S. hourly rate. During the five years before NAFTA, maquila employment had grown at a rate of 47%; this figure increased to 86% in the next five years. The number of factories also increased dramatically. Between 1989 and 1994, 564 new plants opened; in the five years following, 1460 plants opened. However, the maquiladora growth is largely attributable to growth in US demand and devaluation of the peso, not NAFTA itself. In the 1970s, most maquiladoras were located around the
225:
the #MeToo movement has already taken root in Mexico and if so, how? Sociologists and feminists ask themselves questions such as: Has Ciudad JuĂĄrez's #MeToo movement made an influence on women's lives there? If so, by how much and why? This article explores the significance of maquiladoras and how the working conditions there have impacted women as well, by allowing the exploitation of women. Finally, the article successfully communicates all of its ideas through a thorough discussion between its authors.
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this program, PRONAF, a national border program for infrastructure developments like building roads, parks, electricity, water, building factories, and cleaning up border cities, helped to improve situations along the US-Mexico Border. With BIP, foreign firms were able to use factories built under PRONAF to import raw materials and export goods for a cheaper cost than in other countries. One of the main goals of the Border
Industrialization Program was to attract foreign investment.
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while working at maquila factories are given more strenuous tasks and forced to work unpaid overtime to influence them to resign. The Humans Rights Watch wrote a report in 1996 about the failures of the government to address this issue despite the fact that pregnancy testing violates
Mexican federal labor law. These practices have continued into the 21st century. Once on the job, many women face sexual harassment by supervisors and find no help from human resources.
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global players that use international standards for waste treatment and disposal that exceed
Mexican requirements and that require any waste generated to be re-exported. The La Paz Agreement signed by Mexico and the United States in 1983 requires hazardous waste created by United States corporations to be transported back to the United States for disposal. However, the
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injuries including upper back, neck, and shoulder pain. Many maquilas do not report accidents and workers are not compensated for injuries received on the job. Workplace hazards include toxic chemicals, and workplaces lack health and safety practices like ventilation and face masks. The men in authority severely exploit these women, which makes matters worse.
153:, maquiladoras constituted 54% of the US-Mexico trade in 2004, and by 2005, the maquiladora exports accounted for half of Mexico's exports. In the 2000s, the maquila industry faced competition due to rise of other countries with availability of cheap labor, including Malaysia, India, and Pakistan. The biggest threat came from China's
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unions, which are government-supported and often fail to act in the interest of workers. Official unions discredit maquiladora workers by calling them "agitators". Workers who complain can be fired and blacklisted from other jobs. Many contracts are only for a few months, allowing companies to have a
224:
Due to the cruel and horrific appearances of violence against women in
Mexican society, feminists have been working at the community level to end sexual violence against women in Ciudad JuĂĄrez, Mexico, many years before the #MeToo movement was even conceived. Sociologists and feminists wonder whether
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Poverty is a key factor that motivates women to work in maquiladoras. The minimum wage set by the
Mexican government is barely enough to help sustain a family even with both parents working. The minimum wage "buys only about a quarter of the basic necessities that are essential for a typical worker's
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During the later half of the 1960s, maquiladora industries rapidly expanded geographically and economically and by 1985, had become Mexico's second largest source of income from exports, behind oil. Since 1973, maquiladoras have also accounted for nearly half of Mexico's export assembly. Between 1995
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allowed men with farming experience to work on US farms on a seasonal basis, and its end ushered in a new era for the development of Mexico. The Border
Industrialization Program (BIP) began in 1965 and allowed for a lowering in restrictions and duties on machinery, equipment and raw materials. Before
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There have been some improvement at the corporate level of environmental policy. As of the early 2000s, around 90% of maquiladoras had attained an environmental certification. This push to improve environmental policy was led by the
Mexican government, not the international companies themselves. The
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The USâMexico border region is highly stratified by race, class, and gender. According to Segato, the racialization of individuals living south of the border underlies and reinforces prosecution of "illegal aliens", ultimately endangering Mexican women and children. In the city of Juarez, women have
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Both the United States and Mexican governments claim to be committed to environmental protection, yet environmental policies have not always been enforced despite the fact thatâ â maquilas are required to be certified and to provide an environmental impact statement. In Mexico, most maquiladoras are
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Vietor, Richard H.K. and Veytsman, Alexander. "American Outsourcing." Harvard Business School Case Study No. 9-705-037, rev. February 2, 2007 (Boston, MA: HBS Publishing, 2005), p. 6. "The devaluation of the peso in 1994, which overnight reduced all peso-denominated manufacturing costs including
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The Han Young maquiladora was a plant in Tijuana that manufactured car parts for Hyundai. In 1997, what started as a complaint by a single injured worker turned into a years-long conflict where employees protested for their right to unionize. The struggle put the NAFTA labor side agreement to the
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In 1993, the Mexican labor federation, the Authentic Labor Front, and the United Electrical Workers worked together to improve conditions at the General Electric factory, but failed in the loss of an election. The Center for Labor Studies (CETLAC) was opened in the mid-1990s and worked to educate
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Allegedly, women are not allowed to be pregnant while working. Some maquilas require female workers to take pregnancy tests. Some require that workers resign if they are pregnant. Female applicants are made to take pregnancy tests and are only hired if not pregnant, and women that become pregnant
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in 1994, Northern Mexico became an export processing zone. This allowed multinational corporations from the US to produce products cheaply. Corporations could use a maquila to import materials and produce a good more cheaply than in the US by paying Mexican laborers lower wages and paying less in
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Women entered the labor force in Mexico in large numbers in the latter half of the 20th century. Devaluations of the peso in 1982 and 1994 pushed many Mexican women into the labor force. Between 1970 and 1995, 18% more women were part of the working force, and many of these women were working in
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that they can use anyway they choose. As if that weren't clear, the bodies of women from the Mexican border continue to be consumed by misogyny that has reached the most dreadful level of brutality. Many women are injured in maquilas. Intense work pace and pressure on high production leads to
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Gender plays a key role in both disguising and preserving economic frustration in the city of JuĂĄrez, Mexico. Given that several women are brutally murdered in Mexico, with JuĂĄrez as one of the main city targets, it is essential to look into the orientations of male authority, cheap labor
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in 1980, the Mexican economy liberalized and foreign investment increased. Factory jobs began to leave central Mexico, and workers followed the jobs from central Mexico to the maquilas in the north and on the border. In 1985, maquiladoras overtook tourism as the largest source of
320:, is "the dirtiest river in America". The presence of toxic waste in towns near maquila factories has led to negative health outcomes for the people living there. Between 1988 and 1992, 163 children in Juarez were born without brains due to the toxic chemicals from factories.
262:. Governed by armed corporations with the participation of state and para-state forces, this is where the new forms of conflict take place. Tragically, women and children have become victims of both physical abuse, bodily mutilation, body trafficking and commercialization.
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energy and labor, improving the profitability of the maquiladoras, explains the growth spurt more than the changes in duties that were the result of NAFTA. US tariffs were already low, and Mexican duties were already not charged to maquiladoras."
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high turn-over rate in which workers never have the chance to organize for their rights. Many tried to organize independent unions, but often failed. Rita Segato investigates the historical changes associated with war and the essential role that
59:), is a word that refers to factories that are largely duty free and tariff-free. These factories take raw materials and assemble, manufacture, or process them and export the finished product. These factories and systems are present throughout
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and 2000, exports of assembled products in Mexico tripled, and the rate of the industry's growth amounted to about one new factory per day. By the late twentieth century, the industry accounted for 25 percent of Mexico's
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obtains in it toward people who do not participate in the conflict, such as women and children. According to Segato, violence against women has stopped being an outcome of war but instead has turned into a
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Master and use copy. Digital master created according to Benchmark for Faithful Digital Reproductions of Monographs and Serials, Version 1. Digital Library Federation, December 2002.
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A 2011 Federal Reserve report indicated that the maquiladora industry affects U.S. border city employment in service sectors. Although the maquiladora industry suffered due to the
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292:(EPA) reports that only 91 of the 600 maquiladoras located along the TexasâMexico border have returned hazardous waste to the United States since 1987. Among others, the
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and a Feminist Border Politics: Revisiting AnzaldĂșa"
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497:Journal of Business Ethics
422:. Routledge. p. 450.
400:Maquila Solidarity Network
94:
2653:Spanish words and phrases
2589:
2478:
2373:
2364:
2222:
2213:
2100:
2091:
2064:Tropical cyclone rainfall
1962:
1953:
1783:
1409:10.1007/s10551-009-0285-8
1261:10.1215/01455532-27-4-525
568:Gonzalez-Baz, Aureliano.
509:10.1007/s10551-009-0285-8
132:With the introduction of
2105:Administrative divisions
1730:Maquiladoras at a Glance
1698:Maquilapolis Documentary
1678:
1668:
1487:Broughton, Chad (2015).
1457:
1193:Wright, Melissa (1998).
1181:Race, Gender & Class
420:Encyclopedia of the City
390:List of free-trade zones
193:
127:
2638:Foreign trade of Mexico
2520:Handcrafts and folk art
2289:National stock exchange
2027:Protected natural areas
1855:Second Mexican Republic
1820:Supreme Executive Power
1674:Maquiladora - Radiohead
1656:
1587:Multicultural Education
1535:. Taylor & Francis.
1529:Sklair, Leslie (2011).
805:Women and Globalization
541:Sklair, Leslie (1993).
480:Cohen, Deborah (2011).
461:Borders and Borderlands
99:From 1942 to 1964, the
2332:States by unemployment
2322:Science and technology
1825:First Mexican Republic
1650:The Maquiladora Reader
1626:Government/NGO reports
1508:Shorris, Earl (2006).
1249:Social Science History
385:Latin American economy
184:physical restructuring
168:gross domestic product
161:Growth and development
155:Special Economic Areas
87:
81:
46:
30:
24:
2560:Our Lady of Guadalupe
2054:Territorial evolution
1870:Second Mexican Empire
856:10.1353/fro.2004.0034
457:"The Bracero Program"
418:Caves, R. W. (2004).
283:Environmental effects
151:early 2000s recession
41:[makilaËĂ°oÉŸa]
22:
2577:World Heritage Sites
1992:Environmental issues
1850:MexicanâAmerican War
1808:First Mexican Empire
1576:Alternatives Journal
1197:Maquiladora Mestizos
1022:10.1353/ff.2021.0054
991:San Diego Free Press
945:Bacon, David (205).
699:Stoddard, Ellwyn R.
2232:Automotive industry
2120:Chamber of Deputies
1803:War of Independence
1710:Maquiladora Slavery
1619:Industrial Engineer
1376:on October 25, 2007
1151:10.1017/hyp.2021.58
1010:Feminist Formations
442:Sklair, L. (1993).
312:in Mexico near the
308:, which flows from
23:A maquila in Mexico
2433:Indigenous peoples
2337:Telecommunications
2196:State legislatures
2137:Federal government
2017:Metropolitan areas
1895:Mexican Revolution
1716:2022-05-27 at the
1684:Campbell, Monica.
1642:Human Rights Watch
1615:Inbound for Mexico
1603:Moffatt, Allison.
1443:2008-05-03 at the
1098:Sociedade e Estado
972:Human Rights Watch
743:Inbound for Mexico
316:into California's
274:The Han Young case
122:petroleum industry
25:
2625:
2624:
2585:
2584:
2360:
2359:
2209:
2208:
2179:Political parties
2142:Foreign relations
2087:
2086:
1875:Restored Republic
1793:Pre-Columbian era
1581:Hampton, Elaine.
1570:Clapp, Jennifer.
1521:978-0-393-32767-0
1479:978-0-8173-5476-3
1325:978-0-9100-8235-8
635:978-0-89608-638-8
603:Stanford Medicine
360:Economy of Mexico
56:[maËkila]
2660:
2605:
2598:
2545:National symbols
2371:
2370:
2312:
2257:Renewable energy
2247:Economic history
2220:
2219:
2098:
2097:
1960:
1959:
1940:Chiapas conflict
1840:Texas Revolution
1766:
1759:
1752:
1743:
1742:
1733:. June 30, 1999.
1541:Journal articles
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1057:Debate Feminista
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380:Colonia (Mexico)
349:
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237:erasable objects
118:foreign exchange
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2423:Nationality law
2418:Life expectancy
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2169:Law enforcement
2083:
2074:Water resources
1949:
1925:Mexican miracle
1779:
1770:
1718:Wayback Machine
1706:
1681:
1671:
1659:
1628:
1550:. Apr-Jun 2005.
1543:
1522:
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1453:Further reading
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1445:Wayback Machine
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296:, the state of
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1997:Extreme points
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1981:Climate change
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2147:Human rights
2127:Constitution
1945:War on drugs
1920:World War II
1905:Cristero War
1798:Colonial era
1728:
1720:June 1, 2009
1691:
1688:. PBS, 2002.
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1638:. June 2001.
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1935:Peso crisis
1930:Lost Decade
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324:Improvement
229:Rita Segato
113:debt crisis
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2572:Television
2530:Literature
2408:Healthcare
2383:Censorship
2378:Corruption
2311:(currency)
2269:Irrigation
1890:Porfiriato
1885:Yaqui Wars
1860:La Reforma
1845:Pastry War
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951:The Nation
575:2018-11-25
466:2018-11-25
406:References
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