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425:"I made my regime like the regime of kings. I made my brothers like royal brothers, my sons like their sons and my relatives their relatives. The inhabitants who were in my land I made to dwell securely, and even those who did not have a dwelling I settled. Then I organized my land, and made my cities like they were before. Just as our ancestors had established regular rites for the gods of Alaklah, and just as our forefathers had performed sacrifices, I constantly performed them. These things I did, and I entrusted them to my son Adad-niari."
438:"... what is debated is whether the text is 'true' autobiography, which may be used uncritically as a source to reconstruct Syrian history in the fifteenth century B.C., or fictional autobiography...written after Idrimi had died...With these difficulties in mind, attention may be focused on the literary nature of the Idrimi inscription. Rather than being concerned with narrating historical facts, the author of the inscription employed many traditional folkloristic motifs in order to tell the story of Idrimi."
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contended that
Sharruwa wrote the inscription for selfish reasons to bolster his national pride. This was indicated by the fact that Idrimi's statue was not found in Level 4 in Woolley's time, but on Level 1B (1250–1200 BC). Dominique Collon refuted his arguments by saying that many of the documents associated with Idrimi in the Level 4 Alalakh palace archives discovered by Woolley were associated with his reign in 1490–1460 BC, therefore giving some validity to Sharruwa's statements.
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and other cities in the coalition became a part of
Alalakh's vassal kingdom. As a "gratefulness" gift for Idrimi, they would offer tribute to him for him to rebuild their cities for them, which is mentioned in the royal seal of Idrimi. It is also possible that he supported the gods of Emar and the cults of the storm-god Teshub if one looks at the brief mentions of those gods in his statue inscriptions during the early phases of his life.
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uprooted from their own hometowns. Another possibility by looking at
Tremper Longman's theory is that Idrimi was recruiting potential allies in a greater effort to take Alalakh. But, it is clear from these various scholarly speculations that a political motivation may be involved in Idrimi's desire to take back Alalakh. This motive is further indicated by author Garrett Galvin who compared Idrimi's story to the famous Egyptian work, the
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183:"In the seventh year, Teshub turned towards me. As a result, I built ships. The x-soldiers I caused to enter the ships...when my country heard of me, cattle and sheep were brought before me. In a single day...Nihi...Amae...the country of Mukish and Alalah, turned towards me like one man. My brothers heard of this and came to me. My brothers and I swore mutual alliance; I placed my brothers under my protection."
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his rule, but it's not enough to just look at those two tablets as a whole description of Idrimi's rule. Strong scholarly consensus argued by ancient Syro-Palestine scholars
Dominique Collon and Gary Oller also suggested that Idrimi led cross-border raids into Hittite territory during his rule. According to Collon, he raided Hittite territory and used the booty from that raid to build his massive palace.
395:"Then I took troops and attacked Hatti-land. As for the seven cities under their protection...these I destroyed. Hatti-land did not assemble and did not march against me, so I did what I wanted. I took captives from them and took their property, valuables, and possessions and distributed them to my auxiliaries, kinsmen, and friends. Together with them I took booty."
1250:: "All this seems to me to bespeak the existence of a specific literary tradition, totally different in temper and scope from that of the ancient Near East; of this tradition we have known only the later, far more substantial but equally admirable, fruits in the narratives of certain sections of the Book of Genesis and especially in the story of King David."
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seal for his own royal seal, which contained the names of his predecessors, "Abbaban, Sararan, Naraam", it is implied that Idrimi would have those same names on his royal seal, indicating his need for legitimacy from his previous
Hurrian rulers, who made oaths to legitimize their claims to the throne according to his statue inscription.
214:, the statue of Idrimi's text suggested that Idrimi's real campaigns were probably exaggerated to make himself legitimate. Many scholars studying the inscription have suggested it to be a form of pseudo-history, possibly based on "exaggerations" of his campaigns, or a moralizing story, composed 50-100 years after Idrimi's lifetime.
581:. All five Biblical figures and Idrimi were exiles in their younger days, undertook journeys to discover the divine will, and attributed their success in maintaining the well-being of their people to divine intervention. Christopher Woods (2020) comments on parallels, along with these five characters, to David and the Egyptian
91:), in which kings apparently leave records of their misadventures as a lesson for future generations. Lauinger also comments that the inscriptions try to legitimate the rule of Alalakh only by acknowledging the supremacy of Mitanni, and the text(s) may have had an audience coeval to politics of that time.
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to him as a loyal vassal ruler. He only allowed Idrimi limited independence of making his own military and diplomatic decisions just as long as it didn't interfere with
Mitanni's overall policy. This further allowed Idrimi to set his sights on his diplomatic and military aims in Kizzuwatna and act as
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speculated that Idrimi didn't claim any relationship to Halab's rulers. He argued that Ilim-Ilimma I, Idrimi's father, was either dethroned or had unsuccessfully attempted to usurp the throne of Halab from an unknown king. Idrimi goes to Emar because of his maternal ancestral connections to the Lords
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The treaty was concluded by Idrimi and
Pilliya following Idrimi's raids into Hittite territory. This may somewhat validate line 77 of Greenstein's and Marcus's translation of Idrimi's statue inscription, "Together with them I took (booty)," suggesting that Idrimi led raids into Kizzuwatna and wanted
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According to Donald L. Magetti, the treaty was partly influenced by the swearing of oaths in the
Hittite Empire, but only within the context of swearing oaths of loyalty with one another as leaders, saying in lines 3-5, they "took an oath by the gods and made this treaty". He argued that lines 40-43
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of loyalty he made to
Parshatatar and Pilliya. Oller theorized that Idrimi's predecessors in his royal seal were Halabian rulers of the 16th century BC of an independent Halab (Aleppo) prior to Mitanni's rise to power, though their relationship with Idrimi has yet to be determined by other scholars.
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It is clear from the inscriptions on the seal that Idrimi ruled within Level IV in the mid to late Bronze Age with piety and wise administration and that it was subsequently used by his son and successor
Niqmepa as his royal seal as a replica of his own royal seal. If Niqmepa used his father's royal
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The second part of the inscription revealed major events in Idrimi's life including a campaign in Hurrian territory to reclaim Alalakh. After living among the Habiru (Hapiru) for seven years, he led his new friends and Habiru allies in a successful attack by sea on Alalakh, where he became king. The
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After Idrimi's success in establishing a peaceful agreement with King Barattarna of Mitanni sometime around 1490 BC, most of his actions as king are vaguely written and are limited to only smaller sources. Tablets 1 and 2 at the British Museum are great primary sources about Idrimi's actions during
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of Judah. Idrimi stayed for seven years among Hapiru warriors. After seven years, the god Addu or Teshub became favorable to him and he started building ships. The king Barattarna was hostile to him for seven years. In the seventh year Idrimi launched negotiations with Barattarna. He also gathered
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It is possible according to the statue text that Idrimi would have used his "spoils of war" from the seven Hittite towns, especially any valuable items, to help fund the rebuilding of his cities. It is very likely that, based on his coalition he had when he took over Alalakh as vassal king, Mukish
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Edward Greenstein's and David Marcus's translation of the inscription on lines 42-51 revealed that despite Barattarna's hostility to Idrimi while he was in exile in Canaan, he actually respected Idrimi's coalition, maybe submitting to Idrimi out of fear that his social outcast army could overthrow
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Idrimi was similar to Sinuhe in the sense that he was a high-class refugee looking back to his roots and finding an opportunity to take back his throne while being fueled by humiliation and anger towards his political enemies. Galvin also argued that Idrimi's attitude of being from a higher social
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If the narrative is historical, there is no scholarly debate that is adequate enough to explain why Idrimi chose to live among the Habiru in Canaan, though it is psychologically clear that Idrimi got along well with the other refugees. It was because they went through a similar experience of being
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This tablet or "seal" was one of only two recorded sources of Idrimi from the British Museum. The tablet was Idrimi's royal seal, which contained his accounts of goodwill gifts of silver and other forms of tribute like cattle from Mukish and Zelki and other nearby cities, possibly demonstrating a
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Here, possibly influenced by the nature of Hittite oaths, Idrimi swore loyalty to Barattarna after seven years despite him overthrowing his father on the throne in Aleppo. He made his request to the throne peacefully by restoring Barattarna's estate and swore him an ultimate Hurrian loyalty oath,
286:, lines 8b-9 of the autobiography indicate that Idrimi may have considered retaking his father's lost throne, and that he tried to involve his brothers in his cause. As his brothers declined to participate, Idrimi went to Alalakh alone but then fled to Ammiya in the land of Canaan. According to
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In the final parts of the statue inscription, Idrimi commissioned the scribe Sharruwa to write his statue inscription, invoking major blessings for those who respect his statues and cursings by the gods to anyone who would defile his statue. Jack M. Sasson of the University of North Carolina
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The inscription in lines 42-51 of Greenstein and Marcus's translation described Idrimi's capture of Alalakh as a peaceful effort to appease Barattarna with tributes of restoring his estate and swearing a loyalty oath unto him rather than using warfare to capture the city. Marc Van de Mieroop
342:"The mighty king heard of the treaties of our predecessors and the agreement made between them and...read to him the words of the treaty in detail. So on account of our treaty terms he received my tribute...I...restored to him a lost estate. I swore to him a binding oath as a loyal vassal."
337:"... for seven years ... was hostile to me. I sent Anwanda to Barattarna, the mighty king, the king of the Hurrian warriors, and told him of the treaties of my ancestors...and that our actions were pleasing to the former kings of the Hurrian warriors for they had made a binding agreement."
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called failence. The failence was heated at a lower temperature so that the surface could have a glazed appearance, allowing them to be easily carved and cheaply produced. The seal could suggest a possible theory that despite the Hittites being a political rival to Idrimi, he adapted the
325:"Now, when my country heard of me, they brought me large cattle and small cattle, and in one day, in unison, the countries of Ni'i (Niya)..., Mukishe (Mukish), and my own city Alalah (Alalakh) became reconciled with me...they concluded a treaty and established them truly as my allies."
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After seven years living among the Habiru in Canaan, seeking an opportunity to take back his throne, Idrimi found his chance. Edward Greenstein and David Marcus' translation of the inscription on lines 29–34 revealed that following the storm-god Teshub's advice in a dream, Idrimi,
143:, and Shaushga, the lady of Alalakh, my mistress. In Aleppo, in the house of my fathers, a crime had occurred and we fled. The Lords of Emar were descended from the sisters of my mother, so we settled in Emar. My brothers, who were older than me, also lived with me..."
358:"... a greeting-present, the traditional form of establishing and maintaining friendly relations between rulers, even those of different rank, and reminded him (Barattarna) of earlier oaths sworn between the kings of Halab (Aleppo) and the kings of Mitanni."
1237: : "As Oppenheim observed, the story of Idrimi is unlike Mesopotamian literature both in content and style...Oppenheim indicated similarities to the biblical narratives concerning the reunion of Joseph with his brothers and the story of David."
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of the treaty required that Barattarna, the Hittite king of Mitanni, approved the treaty before it could be effective and that fugitives or slaves could be exchanged between Idrimi and Pilliya only after the king approved the agreement.
410:'s annals from his reign in c. 1580–1556 BC. The annals mentioned that Hattusili I destroyed Zaruna in his fifth campaign and defeated a coalition of Hassuwa and Halab, cities also mentioned by Idrimi in his statue inscription.
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Inscription continues telling he somehow gained the trust of Barattarna who recognized Idrimi's oath of alliance with his brothers and placed himself within the alliance. A final section requested a blessing of the statue from
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This tablet from several treaty texts revealed that Idrimi had somehow exchanged other slaves or fugitives with Pilliya of Kizzuwatna, which made sense considering that both Idrimi and Pilliya were vassal kings to Barattarna.
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Jacob Lauinger considers Idrimi as a historical character, king of Alalakh around 1450 BC, in Late Bronze Age, but suggests his statue and inscriptions can be dated from c. 1400 to 1350 BC, and be related to a Mesopotamian
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with his brothers, as those of David, claiming Idrimi's narrative is different from the content and style of Mesopotamian literature, but Jacob Lauinger considers it as part of a Mesopotamian pseudo-autobiography (called
1275:-literature, a modern scholarly designation for a Mesopotamian genre of pseudo-autobiography in which kings leave written accounts of their (mis)fortunes so that future generations can learn from their actions."
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On the other hand, Tremper Longman III considers all this narrative passages in Idrimi's statue as having the same "basic threefold structure that characterizes all Akkadian fictional autobiography," and that,
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Gary Oller, in his 1977 dissertation, further confirmed Collon's statement by reaffirming Idrimi's statement in lines 64-77 of his statue inscription that he raided seven cities somewhere near the city of
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242:" (the local storm-god in Alalakh). The tablet suggested that Idrimi not only wielded absolute power in Alalakh, but it also suggested that Idrimi had exercised some independence through his own
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This tablet (shown right) was excavated at Tell Achtana in northern Syria between 1936-1949 and dates back to c. 1480 BC. It was a treaty that Idrimi made with another vassal ruler to Mitanni,
550:." He also offered the elders of Judah gifts from spoils won during the raid, while Idrimi raided the seven Hittite towns and gave those spoils to his allies as mentioned in his inscription.
417:"Then I returned to Mukishe (Mukish) and entered my capital Alalah (Alalakh). With the captives, goods, and property, and possessions which I brought down from Hatti, I had a palace built."
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Royal seals were frequently used in the Hittite Empire and Hurrian regions in northern Syria to demonstrate the king's power in Idrimi's time. They were made up of a material of glass and
1304:: "As has been remarked elsewhere, the narrative has parallels in the biblical stories of Jacob, Joseph, Moses, Jepthah, David, and Nehemiah, not to mention the Egyptian story of Sinuhe."
644:, in Karen Radner, Nadine Moeller, D. T. Potts (eds.), The Oxford History of the Ancient Near East, Volume III: From the Hyksos to the Late Second Millennium BC, Oxford University Press,
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This tablet (shown left) was excavated by Leonard Woolley between 1936-1949 at Tell Atchana (Alalakh) in northern Syria. It dates back to c. 1500–1450 BC. The tablet contained Idrimi's
665:: "...discovered by Sir Leonard Woolley in 1939...Although found in the debris of Level IB (ca. 1200 B.C.), the statue was dated by most scholars back to Level IV (ca. 1500 B.C.)..."
759:: "The statue was discovered in pieces, suggesting that it had been smashed at the fall of Alalakh and subsequently piously disposed of by some native of Alalakh in a temple annex."
725:, in Julie Stauder-Porchet, Elizabeth Frood, and Andréas Stauder (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Biographies: Contexts, Forms, Functions, Brown University, Lockwood Press, Atlanta, p. 32.
1300:, in Julie Stauder-Porchet, Elizabeth Frood, and Andréas Stauder (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Biographies: Contexts, Forms, Functions, Brown University, Lockwood Press, Atlanta,
755:, in Julie Stauder-Porchet, Elizabeth Frood, and Andréas Stauder (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Biographies: Contexts, Forms, Functions, Brown University, Lockwood Press, Atlanta,
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Building upon the suggestions of previous scholars, I noted that the use of this word to describe the narrative on Idrimi’s body has the effect of framing that narrative as
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an independent ruler. Idrimi's "capture" of Alalakh was evidenced in his statue inscription and Collins' analysis as a peaceful movement rather than a military movement.
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This newfound alliance with local rulers, created by cattle exchanges, was just the beginning of the gradual restoration of Idrimi's royal status as the king of Alalakh.
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As a result, he left his family and brothers, took his horse, chariot, and squire, went into the desert, and joined the "Hapiru people" in "Ammija (Amiya) in the land of
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Fink, Amir Sumaka'i, (2010). Late Bronze Age Tell Atchana (Alalakh): Stratigraphy, Chronology, History, BAR International Series 2120, Oxford, p. 2, Summary Table 1.
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Idrimi built ships and likely gathered soldiers from Mukish, Amae, Nihi, and Alakah, which was enough to impress his own brothers to join him in reclaiming Alalakh.
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In the first part of Idrimi's autobiography on his statue, it is claimed that an incident had occurred in Halab and that he and his family had to flee as a result.
507:. This favor was to be gained by a runaway slave clause within the treaty allowing ordinary citizens to retrieve runaway slaves for rewards of five-hundred copper
834:: "Lines 20-26: People from Aleppo, Mukishe, Ni'i, and Nuhašše were living in Ammiya, and when they realized that I was their lord's son, they gathered to me..."
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for a man and one thousand shekels for a woman. A slave owner could also enter into Kizzuwatna and Alalakh to retrieve their runaway slaves for no reward.
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It is possible that Idrimi may have taken slaves along with other trade goods in his raids on the seven Hittite towns as booty to restore his own power.
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spoils from seven Hittite cities and built his own palace. David had a similar pattern with the number seven too. He was the youngest of seven sons of
127:'s excavations. The first part of the inscription revealed Idrimi's circumstances fleeing from Aleppo. The translated inscription, according to author
648:: "...On archival and archaeological grounds, Niqmepa's reign may be dated roughly around 1425 BC, and his father Idrimi's roughly around 1450..."
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Lines 77-78 from Greenstein's and Marcus's translation of the statue inscription confirmed Collon's argument of what Idrimi did with his booty:
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Longman III, Tremper, (1991). Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study, Eisenbraums, Winona Lake, Indiana, p. 72.
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The inscription bears 104 lines "written in a provincial dialect of Akkadian," and records Idrimi's autobiographical vicissitudes on his
123:(Alalakh). Jacob Lauinger dates the inscription around 1400-1350 BC, in Level III (/II) excavated by Woolley, or Period 3, according to
742:: "Although found in the debris of Level IB (ca. 1200 B.C.), the statue was dated by most scholars back to Level IV (ca. 1500 B.C.)..."
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people and to those who "had no settled abode," to show his generosity as a king and former Habiru refugee as he rebuilt his cities.
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Gary Oller gave some validity to the existence of the cities sacked in Idrimi's raid by mentioning two of the seven Hatti cities of
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and revealed an agreement that Idrimi made for the annual dues of gold and sheep to be paid to him or to his successor, his son
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Oller, Gary (1977). "The Autobiography of Idrimi: A New Text Edition with Philological and Historical Commentary" (Document).
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However, there is a strong danger of using the statue's text as a single historical source. Just like the inscriptions of
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The inscription is also interesting in describing Idri-mi's hosts during seven years of his exile as 'Hapiru warriors'
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when Alalakh was a part of Yamhad's territory, though that theory has not been confirmed by other scholars.
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61:. Idrimi would have succeeded in gaining the throne of Alalakh with the assistance of a group known as the
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dating back to his alliance with them during his exile. His seal represented his act of piety towards the
1337:(2014). "Chapter 6: The Story of Samuel, Saul, and David". In Hess, Richard S.; Arnold, Bill T. (eds.).
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mentioned that Idrimi "captured" Alalakh implying a warfare approach that the inscription doesn't give.
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The Cambridge Ancient History Volume 2, Part 1: The Middle East and the Aegean Region, c.1800-1380 BC
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All three sources were discovered by British archaeologist Leonard Woolley within the Level IV (Late
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who often used his own father's seal. The seal's inscription also read: "Idrimi, servant of the God
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175:, also known as Ama'e), recognized him as the "son of their overlord" and "gathered around him."
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317:"made ships and had auxiliary troops board them and proceeded via the sea to Mukishe (Mukish),"
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in the mid-15th century BC) archives of the Alalakh palace and come from his collection at the
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According to Edward Greenstein and David Marcus' translation of Idrimi's statue inscription,
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to end them in order to gain Pilliya's favor against bigger enemies like the Hittites as a
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712:, in Studia Orientalia Electronica, Vol. 9, No. 2, Finnish Oriental Society, pp. 31, 32.
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Oppenheim, A. Leo, (1955). , in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 14 (3), pp. 199-200,
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c. 1490–1465 BC, or around 1450 BC. He is known, mainly, from an inscription on his
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For Edward Greenstein, the story of Idrimi was similar to the Biblical stories of
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1263:, in Studia Orientalia Electronica, Vol. 9, No. 2, Finnish Oriental Society,
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1718:"The Function of the Oath in the Ancient Near Eastern International Treaty"
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1261:"Imperial and Local: Audience and Identity in the Idrimi Inscriptions"
710:"Imperial and Local: Audience and Identity in the Idrimi Inscriptions"
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203:, the statue's scribe, and cursed those who would deface his statue.
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Idrimi's rule in tablet #2: Idrimi's treaty to Pilliya of Kizzuwatna
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The Philistines in Transition: A History from CA. 1000 - 730 B.C.E.
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The inscription from lines 78-86 of that same translation states,
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Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study
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Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study
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Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study
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Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study
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of Emar. While living in Emar, he considered himself as a slave.
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A slave exchange treaty between Idrimi and Pilliya of Kizzuwatna.
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territories to the north, resulting in a treaty with the country
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Ancient Israel's History: An Introduction to Issues and Sources
1032:, in: Journal of Book of Mormon Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, p. 37.
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119:'s base found within a pit of a Level IB temple at the site of
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The Ancient Near East (Routledge History of the Ancient World)
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Oller also proposed a theory that Idrimi's predecessors ruled
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Also, Collins mentioned that Barattarna had accepted Idrimi's
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which was the first step to Idrimi regaining his power again.
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Journal of the Book of Mormon and Other Restoration Scripture
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Debate on Sharruwa the scribe and his blessing of the statue
1298:"Self-Representation in Mesopotamia: The Literary Evidence"
1267:: "I focused on a different word in the cheek inscription,
753:"Self-Representation in Mesopotamia: The Literary Evidence"
723:"Self-Representation in Mesopotamia: The Literary Evidence"
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Idrimi as a comparative character to Biblical characters
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in 1939. According to that inscription, he was a son of
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A History of the Ancient Near East ca. 3000 - 323 BC
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Idrimi's rule in tablet #1: The royal seal of Idrimi
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Author Paul Collins described Idrimi's maneuver as,
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477:Hittite-style royal seal along with Hittite-style
304:class overcame the hardships he had as a refugee.
1658:. Vol. 1 (1 ed.). New York and London:
1229:Greenstein, Edward L., and David Marcus, (1976).
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1054:Greenstein, Edward L., and David Marcus, (1976).
1041:Greenstein, Edward L., and David Marcus, (1976).
1012:Greenstein, Edward L., and David Marcus, (1976).
826:Greenstein, Edward L., and David Marcus, (1976).
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1139:, Eisenbraums, Winona Lake, Indiana, pp. 63, 64.
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135:"I am Idrimi, the son of Ilimilimma, servant of
553:Oppenheim also commented on similar stories of
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1618:Greenstein, Edward L.; Marcus, David (1976).
1827:Idrimi: a 3,500-year-old refugee from Aleppo
1817:The Electronic Idrimi - Jacob Lauinger ORACC
147:After his family had been forced to flee to
1628:Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society
1532:. Vol. 3 (1 ed.). New York City:
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71:to the Mitanni state. He also invaded the
33:(meaning "It is my help") was the king of
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860:. The British Museum Press. p. 28.
856:Mitchell, T.C. (2004). "The Documents".
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1408:
1172:
1084:
1024:
1022:
1000:
964:
651:
600:
525:saw parallels between Idrimi and King
67:, founding the kingdom of Mukish as a
1742:
1723:American Journal of International Law
1646:
1184:
1160:
1099:
915:
843:
814:
738:, Eisenbraums, Winona Lake, Indiana,
661:, Eisenbraums, Winona Lake, Indiana,
1620:"The Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi"
1333:
1284:
1231:"The Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi"
877:
194:Tablet with the seal of King Idrimi.
94:
1716:Magetti, Donald L. (October 1978).
1582:
1019:
607:Syria. Archéologie, Art et histoire
13:
1765:"On Idrimi and Sarruwa the Scribe"
1056:The Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi
1043:The Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi
1014:The Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi
828:The Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi
249:
217:
14:
1898:
1810:
1058:, in JANES 8, p. 67: Lines 51-58.
1045:, in JANES 8, p. 67: Lines 42-51.
1016:, in JANES 8, p. 67: Lines 29-34.
953:Treaty between Idrimi and Pilliya
888:"Tablet/Seal Impression #131493f"
308:The decision to take back Alalakh
1747:: UMI Dissertations Publishing.
1317:
929:"Tablet/Seal Impression #131447"
457:tribute system among his allied
1290:
1253:
1240:
1223:
1214:
1129:
1048:
1035:
1006:
946:
921:
858:the Bible in the British Museum
849:
820:
795:
786:
774:
745:
1421:University of California Press
1135:Longman III, Tremper, (1991).
734:Longman III, Tremper, (1991).
728:
715:
657:Longman III, Tremper, (1991).
634:
625:
594:
110:
1:
1310:
371:The rule of Idrimi in Alalakh
1458:. Vol. 2 (3 ed.).
1452:; et al., eds. (1973).
1296:Woods, Christopher, (2020).
1124:Greenstein & Marcus 1976
1112:Greenstein & Marcus 1976
751:Woods, Christopher, (2020).
721:Woods, Christopher, (2020).
276:University of North Carolina
179:inscription further stated:
7:
1529:The Anchor Bible Dictionary
534:. He stayed seven years in
10:
1903:
1745:University of Pennsylvania
1554:Egypt as a Place of Refuge
1464:Cambridge University Press
1409:Collon, Dominique (1995).
955:(Alalakh Tab. 3) etana.org
406:(Khashshum) and Zaruna in
1561:, Germany: Mohr Seibeck.
1488:Ehrlich, Carl S. (1996).
1259:Lauinger, Jacob, (2021).
708:Lauinger, Jacob, (2021).
640:von Dassow, Eva, (2022).
1852:15th-century BC monarchs
1551:Galvin, Garrett (2011).
1412:Ancient Near Eastern Art
1378:Harvard University Press
1374:Cambridge, Massachusetts
642:"Mittani and Its Empire"
601:Dossin, Georges (1939).
588:
619:10.3406/syria.1939.4136
210:'s poetic prose of the
87:-autobiography (called
1882:15th-century BC births
1877:15th-century BC deaths
1837:Idrimi's campaign map.
1790:(2 ed.). London:
1364:Collins, Paul (2008).
1347:Baker Publishing Group
1343:Grand Rapids, Michigan
227:
195:
27:
26:in the British Museum.
1776:Vanderbilt University
1368:From Egypt to Babylon
546:and renaming it the "
225:
193:
22:
1784:Van de Mieroop, Marc
1588:"Abraham and Idrimi"
1524:Freedman, David Noel
1163:, pp. 153, 204.
1030:"Abraham and Idrimi"
542:fortress outside of
538:before conquering a
266:Early life of Idrimi
41:found at Alalakh by
1635:(1). Archived from
1417:Oakland, California
1149:Edwards et al. 1973
1028:Gee, John, (2013).
989:Van de Mieroop 2006
694:, pp. 381–382.
603:"Nqmd et Niqme-Ḫad"
288:Marc Van de Mieroop
933:The British Museum
892:The British Museum
321:and he adds that,
228:
196:
28:
1801:978-1-4051-4911-2
1669:978-0-415-01353-6
1543:978-0-385-19361-0
1450:Hammond, N. G. L.
1114:, pp. 67–68.
1003:, pp. 25–26.
867:978-0-7141-1155-1
95:Sources of Idrimi
1894:
1857:Kings of Alalakh
1822:Idrimi the Movie
1805:
1779:
1772:Discover Archive
1769:
1756:
1739:
1737:
1735:
1712:
1710:
1708:
1678:Longman, Tremper
1673:
1657:
1643:
1641:
1624:
1614:
1612:
1610:
1579:
1577:
1575:
1547:
1519:
1517:
1515:
1499:Brill Publishers
1484:
1482:
1480:
1446:Edwards, I. E. S
1441:
1439:
1437:
1405:
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1398:
1371:
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1305:
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1039:
1033:
1026:
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956:
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944:
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925:
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913:
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898:
884:
875:
874:
853:
847:
841:
835:
824:
818:
812:
806:
799:
793:
792:Teshub's consort
790:
784:
778:
772:
766:
760:
749:
743:
732:
726:
719:
713:
706:
695:
689:
683:
677:
666:
655:
649:
638:
632:
629:
623:
622:
598:
523:A. Leo Oppenheim
244:self-deification
212:Battle of Kadesh
171:, and people of
24:Statue of Idrimi
1902:
1901:
1897:
1896:
1895:
1893:
1892:
1891:
1842:
1841:
1813:
1808:
1802:
1792:Wiley-Blackwell
1767:
1761:Sasson, Jack M.
1733:
1731:
1706:
1704:
1702:
1688:Warsaw, Indiana
1670:
1639:
1622:
1608:
1606:
1573:
1571:
1569:
1544:
1513:
1511:
1509:
1497:, Netherlands:
1478:
1476:
1474:
1448:; Gadd, C. J.;
1435:
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686:
678:
669:
656:
652:
639:
635:
630:
626:
599:
595:
591:
583:story of Sinuhe
560:narû-literature
517:
492:
454:
445:
373:
310:
297:Story of Sinuhe
284:Tremper Longman
268:
252:
250:Idrimi tablet 2
220:
218:Idrimi tablet 1
113:
97:
89:narû-literature
43:Leonard Woolley
17:
16:King of Alalakh
12:
11:
5:
1900:
1890:
1889:
1887:Yamhad dynasty
1884:
1879:
1874:
1869:
1867:Hurrian people
1864:
1859:
1854:
1840:
1839:
1834:
1824:
1819:
1812:
1811:External links
1809:
1807:
1806:
1800:
1780:
1757:
1740:
1713:
1700:
1674:
1668:
1644:
1642:on 2015-11-16.
1615:
1580:
1567:
1548:
1542:
1520:
1507:
1485:
1473:978-0521082303
1472:
1442:
1430:978-0520203075
1429:
1415:(1 ed.).
1406:
1390:
1361:
1355:
1330:
1329:
1328:
1312:
1309:
1307:
1306:
1289:
1277:
1252:
1239:
1233:, in JANES 8,
1222:
1213:
1201:
1199:, p. 819.
1189:
1187:, p. 203.
1177:
1175:, p. 110.
1165:
1153:
1151:, p. 435.
1141:
1128:
1116:
1104:
1089:
1087:, p. 109.
1072:
1060:
1047:
1034:
1018:
1005:
993:
991:, p. 152.
981:
969:
957:
945:
920:
918:, p. 291.
908:
876:
866:
848:
846:, p. 290.
836:
830:, in JANES 8,
819:
817:, p. 289.
807:
794:
785:
773:
771:, p. 381.
761:
744:
727:
714:
696:
684:
682:, p. 382.
667:
650:
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513:
491:
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453:
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384:in modern-day
372:
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272:Jack M. Sasson
267:
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105:British Museum
96:
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1888:
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1862:Amorite kings
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1703:
1701:9780931464416
1697:
1693:
1689:
1685:
1684:
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1671:
1665:
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1655:
1649:
1648:Kuhrt, Amélie
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1568:9783161508165
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1391:9780674030961
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1262:
1256:
1249:
1243:
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1232:
1226:
1217:
1211:, p. 47.
1210:
1205:
1198:
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1125:
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1113:
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1096:
1094:
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1077:
1070:, p. 33.
1069:
1064:
1057:
1051:
1044:
1038:
1031:
1025:
1023:
1015:
1009:
1002:
997:
990:
985:
979:, p. 61.
978:
973:
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961:
954:
949:
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924:
917:
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906:
893:
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852:
845:
840:
833:
829:
823:
816:
811:
804:
798:
789:
783:
777:
770:
769:Freedman 1992
765:
758:
754:
748:
741:
737:
731:
724:
718:
711:
705:
703:
701:
693:
692:Freedman 1992
688:
681:
680:Freedman 1992
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674:
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664:
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654:
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563:
561:
556:
551:
549:
548:City of David
545:
541:
537:
533:
528:
524:
521:
520:Assyriologist
512:
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60:
56:
52:
48:
47:Ilim-Ilimma I
44:
40:
36:
32:
25:
21:
1787:
1771:
1732:. Retrieved
1727:
1721:
1705:. Retrieved
1682:
1653:
1637:the original
1632:
1626:
1607:. Retrieved
1595:
1591:
1572:. Retrieved
1553:
1528:
1512:. Retrieved
1490:
1477:. Retrieved
1454:
1434:. Retrieved
1411:
1402:
1395:. Retrieved
1367:
1338:
1335:Bodi, Daniel
1301:
1292:
1280:
1272:
1268:
1264:
1255:
1247:
1242:
1234:
1225:
1216:
1209:Ehrlich 1996
1204:
1197:Magetti 1978
1192:
1180:
1168:
1156:
1144:
1131:
1119:
1107:
1068:Collins 2008
1063:
1050:
1037:
1008:
996:
984:
977:Longman 1991
972:
960:
948:
936:. Retrieved
932:
923:
911:
895:. Retrieved
891:
871:
857:
851:
839:
831:
822:
810:
797:
788:
776:
764:
756:
747:
739:
730:
717:
687:
662:
653:
645:
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627:
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606:
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559:
552:
518:
505:buffer state
501:
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292:
281:
269:
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197:
186:
177:
158:
146:
129:Amélie Kuhrt
121:Tell Atchana
114:
98:
88:
81:
62:
49:the king of
30:
29:
1734:January 19,
1707:January 19,
1692:Eisenbrauns
1609:January 19,
1574:January 19,
1514:January 19,
1479:January 19,
1462:, England:
1436:January 19,
1397:January 19,
1325:Asia portal
1173:Collon 1995
1085:Collon 1995
1001:Galvin 2011
965:Sasson 1981
938:January 19,
897:January 19,
805:-like deity
459:city-states
408:Hattusili I
208:Ramesses II
111:Statue text
1846:Categories
1380:. p.
1311:References
1235:pp. 63, 64
1185:Oller 1977
1161:Oller 1977
1100:Oller 1977
916:Kuhrt 1995
844:Kuhrt 1995
815:Kuhrt 1995
613:(3): 176.
569:, Joseph,
260:Kizzuwatna
232:royal seal
131:, stated:
101:Bronze Age
77:Kizzuwatna
57:, king of
55:Barattarna
1753:302841361
1660:Routledge
1604:1948-7487
1584:Gee, John
1534:Doubleday
1460:Cambridge
1285:Bodi 2014
1269:mānahtiya
782:storm-god
544:Jerusalem
382:Gaziantep
1786:(2006).
1763:(1981).
1749:ProQuest
1680:(1991).
1650:(1995).
1586:(2013).
1559:Tübingen
1526:(1992).
579:Nehemiah
575:Jephthah
540:Jebusite
201:Sharruwa
1831:YouTube
1403:idrimi.
905:131493
509:shekels
404:Hassuwa
364:tribute
274:of the
256:Pilliya
236:Niqmepa
173:Nuhašše
73:Hittite
59:Mitanni
35:Alalakh
1872:ʿApiru
1798:
1751:
1698:
1666:
1602:
1565:
1540:
1505:
1495:Leiden
1470:
1427:
1388:
1353:
1265:p. 32.
1248:p. 200
864:
803:Ishtar
646:p. 474
577:, and
555:Joseph
536:Hebron
484:Yamhad
474:silica
386:Turkey
161:Canaan
137:Teshub
117:statue
85:pseudo
69:vassal
64:Habiru
39:statue
31:Idrimi
1768:(PDF)
1640:(PDF)
1623:(PDF)
1598:(1).
1302:p. 32
832:p. 67
757:p. 32
740:p. 60
663:p. 60
589:Notes
571:Moses
567:Jacob
532:Jesse
527:David
479:oaths
463:Shutu
165:Halab
141:Hepat
125:Yener
51:Halab
1796:ISBN
1736:2015
1709:2015
1696:ISBN
1664:ISBN
1611:2015
1600:ISSN
1576:2015
1563:ISBN
1538:ISBN
1516:2015
1503:ISBN
1481:2015
1468:ISBN
1438:2015
1425:ISBN
1399:2015
1386:ISBN
1351:ISBN
1273:narû
940:2015
899:2015
862:ISBN
240:Adad
169:Nihi
149:Emar
1730:(4)
801:An
615:doi
562:).
258:of
1848::
1794:.
1774:.
1770:.
1726:.
1720:.
1694:.
1690::
1686:.
1662:.
1631:.
1625:.
1596:22
1594:.
1590:.
1557:.
1536:.
1501:.
1466:.
1423:.
1419::
1401:.
1384:.
1382:33
1376::
1372:.
1349:.
1345::
1341:.
1092:^
1075:^
1021:^
931:.
903:,
890:.
879:^
870:.
780:A
699:^
670:^
611:20
609:.
605:.
585:.
573:,
388:.
246:.
139:,
107:.
79:.
1833:)
1804:.
1778:.
1755:.
1738:.
1728:1
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