338:
199:
346:
forced her to drink the cup too, so they both died. According to
Wolfram, there may be some historical truth in the account of Longinus' proposal to Rosamund, as it was possible to achieve Lombard kingship by marrying the queen, but the story of the two lovers' end is not historical but legendary. The mutual murder as told by Agnellus is given a different interpretation by Joaquin Martinez Pizarro: he sees Helmichis' last action as a symbol of how the natural hierarchy of sexes is at last restored, after the queen's actions had unnaturally modified the proper equilibrium.
128:
265:"Helmegis then, upon the death of his king, attempted to usurp his kingdom, but he could not at all do this, because the Langobards, grieving greatly for the king's death, strove to make way with him. And straightway Rosemund sent word to Longinus, prefect of Ravenna, that he should quickly send a ship to fetch them. Longinus, delighted by such a message, speedily sent a ship in which Helmegis with Rosemund his wife embarked, fleeing at night."
490:, a history of the Lombard nation up to 744. The book was finished in the last two decades of the 8th century, after the Lombard Kingdom had been conquered by the Franks in 774. Because of the apparent presence in the work of many fragments preserved from Lombard oral tradition, Paul's work has been often interpreted as a tribute to a vanishing culture. Among these otherwise lost traditions stands the tale of Alboin's death. According to
85:, which made him vulnerable to the ambitions of other prominent Lombards, such as Helmichis, who was Alboin's foster-brother and arms-bearer. After Alboin's death, Helmichis attempted to gain the throne. He married Rosamund to legitimize his position as new king, but immediately faced stiff opposition from his fellow Lombards who suspected Helmichis of conniving with the Byzantines; this hostility eventually focused around the duke of
20:
353:, the Empire's capital, together with Helmichis' forces, which were to become Byzantine mercenaries. This was a common Byzantine strategy, already applied previously to the Ostrogoths, by which large national contingents were relocated to be used in other theatres. These are believed to be the same 60,000 Lombards that are attested by
246:
tradition, it would be
Helmichis who was seduced by the queen, and by sleeping with him Rosamund would pass Alboin's royal charisma magically to the king's prospective murderer. A symbol of this passage of powers is found in Paul's account of the assassin's entry: Alboin's inability to draw his sword represents here his loss of power.
56:, supported or at least did not oppose Helmichis' plan to remove the king, and after the assassination Helmichis married her. The assassination was assisted by Peredeo, the king's chamber-guard, who in some sources becomes the material executer of the murder. Helmichis is first mentioned by the contemporary chronicler
142:
The oldest author to write about
Helmichis is the contemporary chronicler Marius of Avenches. In his account he mentions that "Alboin was killed by his followers, that is Hilmaegis with the rest, his wife agreeing to it". Marius continues by adding that, after killing the king, Helmichis married his
283:
Behind the coup were almost certainly the
Byzantines, who had every interest in removing a dangerous enemy and replacing him with somebody, if not from a pro-Byzantine faction, at least less actively aggressive. Gian Piero Bognetti advances a few hypotheses about Helmichis' motivation for his coup:
345:
Once in
Ravenna, Helmichis and Rosamund rapidly became estranged. According to Paul, Longinus persuaded Rosamund to get rid of her husband so that he could marry her. To accomplish this, she made him drink a cup full of poison; before dying, however, Helmichis understood what his wife had done and
324:
to
Byzantine-held Ravenna, together with his wife, his Lombard and Gepid troops, the royal treasure and Albsuinda. Bognetti believes that Longinus may have planned to make the Lombards weaker by depriving them of any legitimate heir. In addition, because of the ongoing war, it was hard to assemble
315:
Helmichis' coup ultimately failed because it met strong opposition from the many
Lombards who wanted to continue the war against the Byzantines and to confront the regicides. Faced with the prospect of going to war at overwhelming odds, Helmichis asked for help from the Byzantines. The praetorian
253:
in Verona. The marriage was important for
Helmichis: it legitimized his rule because, judging from Lombard history, royal prerogatives could be inherited by marrying the king's widow; and the marriage was a guarantee for Helmichis of the loyalty of the Gepids in the army, who sided with the queen
245:
According to historian Paolo Delogu it may be that
Agnellus' narrative better reflects Lombard oral tradition than Paul's. In his interpretation, Paul's narrative represents a late distortion of the Germanic myths and rituals contained in the oral tradition. In a telling consistent with Germanic
241:
may have been to obtain a more straightforward and coherent narrative by reducing the number of actors in the story, beginning with
Peredeo. The disappearance of Peredeo, however, means that the role of Helmichis changes: while Paul presents him as "the efficient conspirator and killer", with
209:
By settling himself in Verona and temporarily interrupting his chain of conquests, Alboin had weakened his popular standing as a charismatic warrior king. The first to take advantage of this was Rosamund, who could count on the support of the Gepid warriors in the town in her search for an
237:, where it is added that Peredeo was Alboin's "chamber-guard", hinting that in the original version of the story Peredeo's role may just have been to let in the real assassin, who is Helmichis in Agnellus' account, as it had been in that of Marius. However, the primary intent of the
110:
to kill Helmichis in order to be free to marry him. Rosamund proceeded to poison Helmichis, but the latter, having understood what his wife had done to him, forced her to drink the cup too, so both of them died. After their deaths, Longinus dispatched Helmichis' forces to
143:
widow and tried unsuccessfully to gain the throne. His attempt failed and he was forced to escape together with his wife, the royal treasure and the troops that had sided with him in the coup. This account has strong similarities with what is told in the
186:. After the fall of Ticinum, Alboin chose Verona as his first permanent headquarters. In this town Alboin was assassinated in 572 and it is in these circumstances that Helmichis' name is first heard of. Most of the available details are in the
520:
point of view. The second was written in the 830s by a priest from Ravenna and is a history of the bishops who held the see of Ravenna through the ages. Agnellus' passage on Alboin and Rosamund is mostly derived from Paul and little else.
384:
and making the Lombards who remained in Italy more vulnerable to attacks from Franks and Byzantines. It was only when faced with the danger of annihilation by the Franks in 584 that the Lombard dukes elected a new king in the person of
216:(arms bearer) and foster brother of the king, and also head of a personal armed retinue in Verona, to take part in a plot to eliminate Alboin and replace him on the throne. Helmichis persuaded Rosamund to involve
482:
serves to consolidate the Lombards' national identity by emphasising a shared history. Apart from the origin myth, the only more detailed account is the one concerning the death of Alboin, and thus Helmichis.
166:
and captured the king's daughter Rosamund – later marrying her to guarantee the loyalty of the surviving Gepids. The following year, the Lombards migrated to Italy, a territory then held by the
329:
king, having it in mind to continue Alboin's aggressive policy. In contrast, Wolfram argues that Cleph was elected in Ticinum while Helmichis was still making his bid for the crown in Verona.
158:
The background to the assassination begins when Alboin, king of the Lombards, a Germanic people living in Pannonia (in the region of modern Hungary), went to war against the neighbouring
426:
424:, though short, to be reliable on Italian matters. The remaining sources all come from Italy and were written in later centuries. Two of them were written in the 7th century, the
456:. This is the earliest surviving work to name Rosamund, the queen of the Lombards who plays a central role in Helmichis' attested biography. The other 7th century work, the
369:
probably aimed to use her as a political tool to impose a pro-Byzantine king on the Lombards. According to Agnellus, once Longinus' actions came to the attention of emperor
416:. Because of the small distance from Aventicum to the Italian peninsula, the chronicler had easy access to information regarding northern Italy. For this reason, historian
174:(Milan), the capital of northern Italy, and by 570 he had assumed control of most of northern Italy. The Byzantine forces entrenched themselves in the strategic town of
494:, what Paul deals with is an example of how nationally vital events were personalized to make them easier to preserve in the collective memory. Even later than the
317:
107:
440:
is a chronicle written around 625 that has reached us in a single manuscript. As its name suggests, it is a continuation of the 5th century chronicle of
220:, described by Paul simply as "a very strong man", who was seduced through a trick by the Queen and forced to consent to become the actual assassin.
452:, it blames the Romans for their inability to defend Italy from foreign invaders, and praises the Lombards for defending the country from the
325:
all the warriors to elect a new king formally. This plan was brought to nothing by the troops stationed in Ticinum, who elected their duke
1222:
Regna and Gentes: The Relationship between Late Antique and Early Medieval Peoples and Kingdoms in the Transformation of the Roman World
460:, is a brief prose history of the Lombards that is essentially an annotated king list, although it begins with a description of the
1249:
500:
233:
1350:
1320:
1281:
1258:
1241:
1180:
1112:
1452:
103:, where they were received with full honours by the authorities. Once in Ravenna, Rosamund was persuaded by the Byzantine
1427:
304:. Helmichis easily obtained the support of the Lombards in Verona, and he probably hoped to sway all the warriors and
1409:
1383:
1365:
1335:
1199:
1157:
1131:
1089:
1063:
1041:
1013:
974:
136:
498:, but possibly using earlier lost sources, are the last two primary sources to speak about Helmichis: the anonymous
1172:
1008:(in Latin and Italian). Introduzione, testo critico, commento. Roma: Herder editrice e libreria. pp. 1–22.
1462:
1401:
1312:
312:, under his control. He may also have hoped for Byzantine help in buying the dukes' loyalty economically.
1442:
1273:
1033:
1142:
The Narrators of Barbarian History (A.D. 550–800): Jordanes, Gregory of Tours, Bede, and Paul the Deacon
1432:
1149:
1104:
432:
377:
178:(Pavia), which they took only after a long siege. Even before taking Ticinum, the Lombards crossed the
132:
1345:. Yitzhak Hen & Matthew Innes (eds.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp. 9–28.
993:
Bognetti, Gian Piero. "I rapporti etico-politici fra Oriente e Occidente dalsecolo V al secolo VIII",
1447:
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Muhlberger, Steven. "War, Warlords, and Christian Historians from the Fifth to the Seventh Century",
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983:
Bognetti, Gian Piero. "S. Maria Foris Portas di Castelseprio e la Storia Religiosa dei Longobardi",
380:. An important success for the Byzantines was that no king was proclaimed to succeed him, opening a
320:
enabled him to avoid a land route possibly held by hostile forces, by shipping him instead down the
78:
957:
Ausenda, Giorgio. "The Segmentary Lineage in Contemporary Anthropology and Among the Langobards",
401:
sources, there are six that mention Helmichis by name. Of these, the only contemporary one is the
389:, son of Cleph, who began the definitive consolidation and centralization of the Lombard kingdom.
250:
66:
227:, which has Peredeo acting as an instigator and not as the murderer. In a similar vein to the
1297:
1145:
341:
A miniature of Longinus, the Byzantine official said by Paul to be behind's Helmichis' death
210:
opportunity to avenge the death of her father. To obtain this goal she persuaded Helmichis,
1397:
1081:
441:
202:
Alboin is killed by Peredeo while Rosamund steals his sword, in a 19th-century painting by
100:
486:
For the events surrounding 572, the most exhaustive source available is Paul the Deacon's
8:
1437:
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1308:
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1022:
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104:
57:
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381:
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509:
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After the king's death on June 28, 572, Helmichis married Rosamund and claimed the
203:
167:
53:
77:
in 567 and captured the king's daughter Rosamund. Alboin then led his people into
1287:
470:
362:
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61:
337:
1389:
1291:
1137:
491:
350:
305:
112:
24:
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they were greatly praised, and the emperor gave lavish gifts to his official.
73:
The background to the assassination begins when Alboin killed the king of the
1421:
1069:
461:
417:
95:
Rather than going to war, Helmichis, Rosamund and their followers escaped to
1360:. Deborah Mauskopf Deliyannis (ed.). Leiden: Brill, 2003, pp. 89–114.
1168:
52:, in 572 and unsuccessfully attempted to usurp his throne. Alboin's queen,
1330:. Deborah Mauskopf Deliyannis (ed.). Leiden: Brill, 2003, pp. 43–87.
288:, the Lombard royal dynasty that had been dispossessed by Alboin's father
198:
1225:
475:
358:
1004:
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Cleph kept his throne for only 18 months before being assassinated by a
1326:
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405:
of Marius of Avenches, written in the 580s. Marius was bishop of
386:
349:
At this point, Longinus sent the royal treasure and Albsuinda to
217:
175:
96:
86:
40:
1229:
1077:
453:
410:
289:
183:
159:
115:, while the remaining Lombards had already found a new king in
82:
74:
60:, but the most detailed account of his endeavours derives from
49:
1376:
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1341:
Pohl, Walter. "Memory, identity and power in Lombard Italy",
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Agnellus he is a victim of a ruthless and domineering queen.
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that was made in the first decade of the 9th century from a
19:
1356:
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1305:
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in 567. In a decisive battle, Alboin killed the Gepid king
223:
This story is partly in conflict with what is told by the
959:
After Empire: Towards an Ethnology of Europe's Barbarians
464:
of the Lombard nation. Giorgio Ausenda believes that the
92:, supporter of an aggressive policy towards the Empire.
512:. The first is a brief Christianizing version of the
474:, and continued to be updated till 671. According to
698:
696:
284:
his reason could have involved a family link to the
1378:. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1981 ,
693:
478:, the author's motives are mostly political: the
151:would in its turn become a direct source for the
1419:
1253:, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992,
23:Helmichis discovering himself to Rosamund from
1343:The uses of the past in the early Middle Ages
1050:Capo, Lidia. "Commento" in Paul the Deacon,
468:was written around 643 as a prologue to the
409:, a town located in the western Alps in the
392:
444:. Derived in considerable measure from the
308:to his side by having Alboin's only child,
231:is the account of Peredeo contained in the
1003:
712:
710:
708:
1394:The Roman Empire and Its Germanic Peoples
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987:. Milan: Giuffrè, 1948 , pp. 11–511.
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568:
566:
747:
745:
336:
197:
126:
18:
997:. Milan: Giuffrè, 1955 , pp. 3–65.
770:
768:
766:
726:
724:
722:
705:
656:
654:
644:
642:
506:Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis
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589:
587:
563:
543:
541:
539:
537:
535:
533:
501:Historia Langobardorum codicis Gothani
292:; or he may have been related through
239:Historia Langobardorum codicis Gothani
234:Historia Langobardorum codicis Gothani
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619:
617:
763:
719:
651:
639:
81:, and by 572 had settled himself in
858:
584:
530:
254:since she was Cunimund's daughter.
13:
614:
14:
1474:
1358:Historiography in the Middle Ages
1328:Historiography in the Middle Ages
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193:
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427:Continuatio Havniensis Prosperi
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1074:Early Medieval Europe 300–1000
716:Wolfram 1997, pp. 291–292
669:Goffart 1988, pp. 391–392
626:
605:
596:
575:
572:Collins 1991, pp. 187–188
554:
1:
1268:. Alexander C. Murray (ed.).
951:
792:Bognetti 1968, pp. 28–29
760:Bognetti 1966, pp. 73–74
611:Bognetti 1968, pp. 27–28
300:, the leading dynasty of the
122:
1313:University of Michigan Press
900:Pizarro 2003, pp. 72–73
810:Wickham 1989, pp. 31–32
7:
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1303:Pizarro, Joaquin Martinez.
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702:Delogu 2003, pp. 16–17
623:Jarnut 1995, pp. 29–30
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48:noble who killed his king,
10:
1479:
1428:6th-century Lombard people
1236:, 2003, pp. 409–427.
1150:Princeton University Press
1105:Cambridge University Press
1058:, 1992, pp. 369–612.
1006:Origo gentis Langobardorum
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961:. Giorgio Ausenda (ed.).
393:Early Middle Ages sources
1276:, 1998, pp. 83–98.
524:
365:. As for Albsuinda, the
332:
593:Deliyannis 2010, p. 203
1120:Longobardi e Bizantini
837:Muhlberger 1998, p. 96
496:Historia Langobardorum
488:Historia Langobardorum
436:, both anonymous. The
342:
275:Historia Langobardorum
206:
188:Historia Langobardorum
153:Historia Langobardorum
139:
67:Historia Langobardorum
32:
29:Rosamunda The Princess
1463:6th-century criminals
1298:William Dudley Foulke
1192:Storia dei Longobardi
1052:Storia dei Longobardi
995:L'età longobarda – IV
985:L'età longobarda – II
581:Bullough 1991, p. 107
382:decade of interregnum
340:
201:
170:. In 569 Alboin took
130:
64:'s late 8th-century
22:
945:Pizarro 1995, p. 131
909:Wolfram 1997, p. 292
882:Braciotti 1998, p. 8
846:Goffart 1988, p. 391
828:Collins 1991, p. 187
819:Goffart 2006, p. 254
783:Pizarro 1995, p. 127
774:Bognetti 1966, p. 74
690:Pizarro 1995, p. 133
678:Pizarro 1995, p. 132
660:Pizarro 1995, p. 128
442:Prosper of Aquitaine
397:Among the surviving
1023:Bullough, Donald A.
891:Pizarro 2003, p. 70
864:Ausenda 2003, p. 34
414:Kingdom of Burgundy
367:Byzantine diplomacy
361:in 575 against the
357:as being active in
1443:Medieval assassins
1220:of the Lombards",
1163:Goffart, Walter.
730:Jarnut 1995, p. 32
648:Delogu 2003, p. 16
602:Jarnut 1995, p. 22
450:Isidore of Seville
343:
277:, Book II, Ch. 29
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140:
58:Marius of Avenches
33:
1433:Italian regicides
1351:978-0-521-63998-9
1321:978-0-472-10606-6
1282:978-0-8020-0779-7
1259:978-0-521-20160-5
1242:978-90-04-12524-7
1181:978-0-8122-3939-3
1113:978-0-521-83672-2
918:Capo 1992, p. 452
801:Capo 1992, p. 454
632:Martindale 1992,
560:Paul 1907, p. 83n
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99:, the capital of
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1448:Lombard warriors
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62:Paul the Deacon
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1169:Philadelphia
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1226:Walter Pohl
634:s.v. Alboin
518:Carolingian
508:written by
476:Walter Pohl
438:Continuatio
44:572) was a
1438:572 deaths
1422:Categories
1030:Manchester
963:Woodbridge
952:References
213:spatharius
172:Mediolanum
123:Background
1404:, 1990 ,
1309:Ann Arbor
1190:(1995) .
1146:Princeton
1101:Cambridge
1082:Macmillan
1056:Mondadori
407:Aventicum
371:Justin II
310:Albsuinda
294:Amalafrid
180:Apennines
36:Helmichis
1458:Usurpers
1398:Berkeley
1315:, 1995,
1228:(eds.).
1175:, 2006,
1152:, 1988,
1107:, 2010,
1084:, 1991,
1036:, 1991,
551:, p. 599
504:and the
430:and the
422:Chronica
411:Frankish
403:Chronica
363:Persians
318:Longinus
316:prefect
286:Lethings
164:Cunimund
108:Longinus
54:Rosamund
1270:Toronto
967:Boydell
387:Authari
296:to the
258:Failure
218:Peredeo
176:Ticinum
135:artist
105:prefect
97:Ravenna
87:Ticinum
46:Lombard
1408:
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1218:regnum
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1088:
1078:London
1062:
1040:
1012:
973:
454:Franks
290:Audoin
184:Tuscia
160:Gepids
147:. The
83:Verona
75:Gepids
50:Alboin
31:(1875)
1234:Brill
1124:Turin
525:Notes
514:Origo
480:Origo
466:Origo
458:Origo
378:slave
359:Syria
333:Death
327:Cleph
302:Goths
298:Amali
229:Origo
225:Origo
149:Origo
145:Origo
117:Cleph
90:Cleph
79:Italy
1406:ISBN
1380:ISBN
1362:ISBN
1347:ISBN
1332:ISBN
1317:ISBN
1278:ISBN
1255:ISBN
1238:ISBN
1216:and
1210:Gens
1196:ISBN
1177:ISBN
1154:ISBN
1128:ISBN
1109:ISBN
1086:ISBN
1060:ISBN
1038:ISBN
1010:ISBN
971:ISBN
1214:rex
448:of
41:fl.
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765:^
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322:Po
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38:(
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