127:, a young lawyer with radical liberal views. He said: "We Camagüeyans are determined not to depend ever on any dictatorship whatsoever, nor to follow in the footsteps of the first authority of the Eastern department." The Revolutionary Committee announced that in the area it controlled "the military power is subordinated to the civil power, and the authority of the latter is limited by the rights of the people." Though engaged in a military campaign, they mistrusted military authority, which they associated with martial law and dictatorship, as evidenced by regimes–all born of earlier independence movements decades earlier–in many Latin American countries, including
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A military defeat in
January 1869 left Céspedes without a territory under his control. In March a third rebel group announced its support of the Camagüeyans. To salvage his position Céspedes agreed to a compromise. He relinquished his claim to military authority, accepted the position of president of
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were the ones who laid down the rebel law in their territories, and they were therefore the real wielders of power in the insurrectionists' camp. In this context it is easy to understand why the idealistic language of the Guáimaro
Constitution soon began to ring hollow and why the central government
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In practice, the House never trusted
President Céspedes, who continued to issue military orders without regard for the military leadership appointed by the House. The House was hampered in taking action against Céspedes by the military situation, which remained precarious and sometimes prevented the
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proclaimed Cuba's independence from Spain, launching a decade of hostilities known as the Ten Years' War. He assumed the title of captain general and ruled a small independent area in the style of a
Spanish colonial governor. A second group of rebels, Havana students from prominent families, had
159:. It made no concession to Céspedes' views. Its central feature was a unicameral legislature, a House of Representatives, that appointed the president and chief of the military, who both served at the pleasure of the legislature.
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formed their own
Revolutionary Committee and rejected both Céspedes' conservativism and his claim to lead the insurgency which, in their view, he had launched precipitously in order to assume its leadership. They assembled in
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in Havana, having completed their work on 8 June, assembled at the site where the Guáimaro
Constitution had been adopted, a schoolhouse in Guáimaro, and signed their document on the same table used in 1869.
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House from meeting. The war required local military leaders, even
Agramonte when he took on a military role, to function as near dictators. As one historian assesses the constitutional experiment:
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was the governing document written by the idealistic and politically liberal faction in the insurgency that contested
Spanish colonial rule in
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it proclaimed came to be a chimeric institution. Geography and the realities of an atrocious war of extermination rendered it unviable.
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The Camagüeyans and those rebels who shared their political principles met on 10 April 1869, in
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the new republic, and agreed that the powers of that office would be defined by a constitution.
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against Spain, the first of a series of conflicts that led to Cuban independence in 1898.
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On 1 July 1940, the delegates to the
Constitutional Assembly that wrote and adopted a
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Cuba and the United States: Intervention and
Militarism, 1868-1933
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The Guáimaro Constitution was in effect until 15 March 1878.
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Parlamentocubano: Articles of the Guáimaro Constitution
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114:led by sugar planter and mill owner
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256:"Cubans Sign Constitution"
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177:new Cuban Constitution
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129:Francisco Solano López
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137:Gabriel García Moreno
88:Guáimaro Constitution
308:Constitution of Cuba
190:Constitution of Cuba
147:Assembly of Guáimaro
133:Mariano Melgarejo
125:Ignacio Agramonte
121:Camagüey Province
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139:in Ecuador.
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65:Spanish Cuba
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297:Categories
269:9 February
240:9 February
201:References
106:Background
52:Chronology
184:See also
153:Guáimaro
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259:(PDF)
271:2016
242:2016
229:ISBN
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86:The
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29:–
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