264:"There was a white man’s party and an Indian party. We had politics among us and there was much feeling. A new chief speaker for the tribe was to be elected. There were three candidates, Little Crow, myself and Wa-sui-hi-ya-ye-dan ('Traveling Hail'). After an exciting contest, Traveling Hail was elected. Little Crow felt sore over his defeat. Many of our tribe believed him responsible for the sale of the north ten-mile strip, and I think this was why he was defeated. I did not care much about it. Many whites think that Little Crow was the principal chief of the Dakotas at this time, but he was not. Wabasha was the principal chief, and he was of the white man’s party. So was I. So was old Shakopee, whose band was very large. Many think if old Shakopee had lived there would have been no war, for he was for the white men and had great influence. But he died that summer, and was succeeded by his son, whose real name was Ea-to-ka ('Another Language'), but when he became chief he took his father’s name, and was afterwards called 'Little Shakopee,' or 'Little Six,' for in the Sioux language 'shakopee' means six. This Shakopee was against the white men. He took part in the outbreak, murdering women and children, but I never saw him in a battle..."
505:"Just as we were about to charge word came that a large number of mounted soldiers were coming up from the east toward Fort Ridgely. This stopped the charge and created some excitement. Mankato at once took some men from the Coulie and went out to meet them. He told me he did not take more than fifty, but he scattered them out and they all yelled and made such a noise that the whites must have thought there were a great many more, and they stopped on the prairie and began fighting. They had a cannon and used it, but it did no harm... Mankato flourished his men around so and all the Indians in the Coulie kept up a noise, and at last the whites began to fall back, and they retreated about two miles and began to dig breastworks. Mankato followed them and left about thirty men to watch them, and returned to the fight at the Coulie with the rest. The Indians were laughing when they came back at the way they had deceived the white men, and we were all glad that the whites had not pushed forward and driven us away... When the men of this force began to fall back the whites in the camp hallooed and made a great commotion, as if they were begging them to return and relieve them and seemed much distressed that they did not."
546:"Soon after the battle I, with many others who had taken part in the war, surrendered to General Sibley. Robinson and the other halfbreeds assured us that if we should do this we would only be held as prisoners of war a short time, but as soon as I surrendered I was thrown into prison. Afterwards I was tried, and I served three years in the prison at Davenport and the penitentiary at Rock Island for taking part in the war. On my trial a great number of the white prisoners, women and others, were called up, but not one of them could testify that I had murdered any one or had done anything to deserve death, or else I would have been hanged. If I had known that I would be sent to the penitentiary I would not have surrendered... I did not like the way I had been treated. I surrendered in good faith, knowing that many of the whites were acquainted with me, and that I had not been a murderer, or present when a murder had been committed, and if I had killed or wounded a man it had been in fair, open fight."
465:"It was concluded to surround the camp that night and attack it at daylight. We felt sure we could capture it, and that two hundred men would be enough for the undertaking. So about that number was selected. There were four bands — my own, Hushasha's (Red Legs), Gray Bird's and Mankato's. I had about thirty men. Nearly all the Indians had double-barreled shotguns, and we loaded them with buckshot and large bullets called 'traders' balls.' After dark we started, crossed the river and valley, went up the bluffs and on the prairie, and soon we saw the white tents and the wagons of the camp. We had no difficulty in surrounding the camp. The pickets were only a little way from it. I led my men up from the west through the grass and took up a position two hundred yards from the camp, behind a small knoll or elevation. Red Legs took his men into the coulee east of the camp. Mankato (Blue Earth) had some of his men in the coulee and some on the prairie. Gray Bird and his men were mostly on the prairie."
400:"We went down determined to take the fort, for we knew it was of the greatest importance to us to have it. If we could take it we would soon have the whole Minnesota Valley. But we failed, and of course it was best that we did fail... But for the cannon I think we would have taken the fort. The soldiers fought us so bravely we thought there were more of them than there were. The cannon disturbed us greatly, but did not hurt many. We did not have many Indians killed. I think the whites put the number too large, and I think they overestimated the number killed in every battle. We seldom carried off our dead. We usually buried them in a secluded place on the battlefield when we could. We always tried to carry away the wounded. When we retreated from Ridgely I recrossed the river opposite the fort and went up on the south side. All our army but the scouts fell back up the river to our villages near Redwood Agency, and then on up to the Yellow Medicine and the mouth of the Chippewa."
391:"I was not in the first fight at New Ulm nor the first attack on Fort Ridgely... I was in the second fight at New Ulm and in the second attack on Fort Ridgely. At New Ulm I had but a few of my band with me. We lost none of them. We had but few, if any, of the Indians killed; at least I did not hear of but a few. A halfbreed named George Le Blanc, who was with us, was killed. There was no one in chief command of the Indians at New Ulm. A few subchiefs, like myself, and the head soldiers led them, and the leaders agreed among themselves what was to be done. I do not think there was a chief present at the first fight. I think that attack was made by marauding Indians from several bands, every man for himself, but when we heard they were fighting we went down to help them. I think it probable that the first attack on Fort Ridgely was made in the same way; at any rate, I do not remember that there was a chief there."
341:"Wabasha, Wacouta, myself, and others still talked for peace, but nobody would listen to us, and soon the cry was 'Kill the whites and kill all these cut-hairs who will not join us.' A council was held and war was declared... I did not have a very large band — not more than thirty or forty fighting men. Most of them were not for the war at first, but nearly all got into it at last. A great many members of the other bands were like my men; they took no part in the first movements, but afterward did. The next morning, when the force started down to attack the agency, I went along. I did not lead my band, and I took no part in the killing. I went to save the lives of two particular friends if I could. I think others went for the same reason, for nearly every Indian had a friend that he did not want killed; of course he did not care about the others' friends. The killing was nearly all done when I got there."
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479:"Just at dawn the fight began. It continued all day and the following night until late the next morning. Both sides fought well. Owing to the white men's way of fighting they lost many men. Owing to the Indians' way of fighting they lost but few. The white men stood up and exposed themselves at first, but at last they learned to keep quiet. The Indians always took care of themselves. We had an easy time of it. We could crawl through the grass and into the coulee and get water when we wanted it, and after a few hours our women crossed the river and came up near the bluff and cooked for us, and we could go back and eat and then return to the fight. We did not lose many men. Indeed, I only saw two dead Indians, and I never heard that any more were killed."
248:"In 1858 the ten miles of this strip belonging to the Medawakanton and Wacouta bands and lying north of the river was sold, mainly through the influence of Little Crow. That year, with some other chiefs, I went to Washington on business connected with the treaty. The selling of that strip north of the Minnesota caused great dissatisfaction among the Sioux, and Little Crow was always blamed for the part he took in the sale. It caused us all to move to the south side of the river, where there was but very little game, and many of our people, under the treaty, were induced to give up the old life and go to work like white men, which was very distasteful to many."
333:"Though I took part in the war, I was against it. I knew there was no good cause for it, and I had been to Washington and knew the power of the whites and that they would finally conquer us. We might succeed for a time, but we would be overpowered and defeated at last. I said all this and many more things to my people, but many of my own bands were against me, and some of the other chiefs put words in their mouths to say to me. When the outbreak came Little Crow told some of my band that if I refused to lead them to shoot me as a traitor who would not stand up for his nation, and then select another leader in my place."
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370:"But I did save the life of George H. Spencer at the time of the massacre. I know that his friend, Chaska, has always had the credit of that, but Spencer would have been a dead man in spite of Chaska if it had not been for me. I asked Spencer about this once, but he said he was wounded at the time and so excited that he could not remember what I did. Once after that I kept a half-breed family from being murdered; these are all the people whose lives I claim to have saved. I was never present when the white people were willfully murdered. I saw all the dead bodies at the agency."
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349:"When I returned to my village that day I found that many of my band had changed their minds about the war and wanted to go into it. All the other villages were the same way. I was still of the belief that it was not best, but I thought I must go with my band and my nation, and I said to my men that I would lead them into the war, and we would all act like brave Dakota and do the best we could. All my men were with me; none had gone off on raids, but we did not have guns for all at first."
517:"The next morning Gen. Sibley came with a very large force and drove us away from the field. We took our time about getting away... There was no pursuit. The whites fired their cannons at us as we were leaving the field, but they might as well have beaten a big drum for all the harm they did. They only made a noise. We went back across the river to our camps in the old villages, and then on up the river to the Yellow Medicine and the mouth of the Chippewa, where Little Crow joined us."
756:, who wrote a letter to Holcombe on February 6, 1896, expressing skepticism about Big Eagle's version of events. However, Holcombe, who also wrote "The Great Sioux Outbreak of 1862," was himself considered "the first historian to write objectively about this war." Regarding Holcombe, historian William E. Lass writes, "His work displayed factual accuracy, critical evaluation of sources – including eyewitness accounts – and a dispassionate style free of inflammatory language."
444:'s camp were divided about what course to follow. After much debate, the decision was made to split into two groups. Big Eagle decided to join Gray Bird, Mankato and Red Legs in leading more than 200 warriors, accompanied by women and wagons, south along the river to collect plunder left behind in Little Crow's village and in New Ulm, which had been abandoned. Meanwhile, Little Crow (Taoyateduta) and Walker Among Stones (Tukanmani) led over 100 men east into the Big Woods.
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457:; Big Eagle described the scouts tracking their movements as "creeping across the prairie like so many ants." Gray Bird's men estimated that Anderson had 75 men and predicted that would likely set up camp somewhere on the Birch Coulee, near the water. After sundown, the scouts returned to confirm the location of the campsite. Gray Bird, Mankato, Big Eagle and Red Legs then decided to attack, unaware that the mounted men had joined Captain Grant's
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the "bloody shirt" waved any longer in
Minnesota; that it was well known that he was a prominent character in the war, but that he was now and had been for many years a quiet, industrious Christian citizen, respected by all who knew him, and he was assured that he would be correctly reported. He readily consented to tell his story, and gave full permission to use his name.
763:, historian Kenneth Carley wrote in 1962, "Regardless of Brown's estimate, or of any imperfections the narrative may have, it has been widely used – and of necessity will continue to be used – by writers interested in telling the Indian as well as the white side of the outbreak. There simply is no other major Indian account to compare with it."
647:"All feeling on my part about this has long since passed away. For years I have been a Christian, and I hope to die one. My white neighbors and friends know my character as a citizen and a man. I am at peace with every one, whites and Indians. I am getting to be an old man, but I am still able to work. I am poor, but I manage to get along."
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Instead of capturing the camp, the Dakota forces found themselves engaged in a lengthy siege. Big Eagle recalled: "About the middle of the afternoon our men became much dissatisfied at the slowness of the fight, and the stubbornness of the whites, and the word was passed around the lines to get ready
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Big Eagle came to warn them that if they did not go to New Ulm at once they would be killed. They hastily drove their ox team to the house, loaded on the family and a few articles of clothing and started for New Ulm. The hostile
Indians attempted to overtake them and chased them all the way to town."
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In his narrative, Big Eagle stated that he was reluctant to claim credit for saving the lives of settlers during the massacres, because after the war, many Dakota warriors made claims that weren't true: "So many
Indians have lied about their saving the lives of white people that I dislike to speak of
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pardoned Big Eagle in
November 1864 and he was ordered released on December 3. Wambditanka's pardon had initially been approved by President Lincoln on October 26, 1864, when he was meeting with George Dow. Legal scholar Carol Chomsky writes, "Lincoln wrote, in pencil, on the back of Dow's letter of
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Mr. Big Eagle was first informed that his statements were wanted solely in order that a correct knowledge of the military movements of the
Indians during the war might be learned. It was suggested to him that no harm there from could come to him or any of his people; that neither the war banner nor
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Shortly before the war, Big Eagle's uncle, Medicine Bottle, was killed in a tragic accident outside his home. Medicine Bottle I was described by Dr. Asa W. Daniels as "an Indian of much ability, honest, truthful, bore the duties of life faithfully, and always gave good advice and worthy example to
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Sometime after 4 am on the morning of
September 2, 1862, one of the guards at the campsite fired at a figure crawling through the grass. The Dakota commenced their ambush immediately, killing at least a dozen men, wounding dozens more, and killing most of their horses within the first few minutes.
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Upon arriving in Little Crow's village in the afternoon on
September 1, the men in advance had "looked to the north across the valley, and up on the high bluff on the north side, and out on the prairie some miles away, they saw a column of mounted men and some wagons coming out of the Beaver Creek
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claimed that he had saved the life of the Alvin family during the siege of New Ulm: "An incident that happened during the siege of New Ulm in 1862 shows that he was friendly to the whites. Near New Ulm lived a family by the name of Alvin. Alvin and a young son were in the field stacking grain when
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Regarding the election, historian Gary
Clayton Anderson writes, "The selection of a speaker, coming at a time of growing unrest, served as a weather vane; it was a test of will between traditional and improvement Indians." At the time, Little Crow was considered a traditionalist and was favored by
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The old man was very frank and unreserved. He did not seem to wish to avoid or evade an answer to a single question. He is of more than ordinary intelligence, and spoke candidly, deliberately and impassively, and with the air and manner of one striving to tell “the whole truth and nothing but the
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He succeeded his father, Máza Ȟóta (Grey Iron) as chief of his band in 1857, and adopted the name of his grandfather, Waŋbdà Táŋka (Big Eagle). Due to the modest size of his band, he was considered a "sub-chief" but "may be termed one of the Sioux generals, since he had a band or division of his
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On the other hand, Big Eagle described the second battle at Fort
Ridgely as a "grand affair," including Little Crow and Good Thunder, who had counted 800 soldiers on the march to the attack. According to Big Eagle, the chief leaders at the battle included The Thief, who was the head soldier of
366:. Spencer's life was spared during the August 18 massacre and he became one of four male prisoners taken captive during the war. After the war, Spencer credited Wakinyatawa (His Own Thunder) for intervening to save his life, but had no recollection of the role that Big Eagle had played:
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During the lengthy negotiations, the Dakota leaders were pressured to sign a treaty relinquishing half of their holdings – the land north and east of the
Minnesota River – to the United States, leaving the Dakota with title to a 10-by-150 mile strip of land. According to Big
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However, the soldiers in the burial party had gone to sleep with their muskets loaded, and many were able to return fire, crouching behind the fallen horses they used as barricades, and driving back the Dakota warriors who approached the wagons. According to Big Eagle:
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the young men who wished to continue as hunters, while Traveling Hail was favored by the farmers among the Mdewakanton. The other candidate favored by the farmers was Big Eagle, "a relatively new leader of a moderate political mold who grew up in Black Dog's village."
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introduction, 'Let the Indian Big Eagle now confined at Davenport, Iowa be discharged at once.' When Dow presented this pardon to the commander of the camp in Davenport, he and the order were treated 'with much rudeness and contempt.'"
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In his narrative, Big Eagle explained that he was initially reluctant to support the war. Having traveled to Washington, D.C. as part of the treaty delegation in 1858, he was aware that the U.S. government could not be defeated easily:
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George Quinn (Wakonkdayamanne) stated that prior to the battle, "Big Eagle and The Thief tried to prevent the second attack on Fort Ridgely, by saying it was no use to attack it, for it could not be taken without too great a loss."
624:, Big Eagle was interviewed by historian and journalist Return Ira Holcombe with the help of two interpreters, Nancy Huggan and her son-in-law, the Reverend John Eastman. The resulting narrative was published in the
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in 1864. Big Eagle's narrative, "A Sioux Story of the War" was first published in 1894, and is one of the most widely cited first-person accounts of the 1862 war in Minnesota from a Dakota point of view.
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timber on the prairie and going eastward." Four or five of their best scouts were sent to follow the movements of Captain Joseph Anderson's detachment, which was part of a burial expedition sent from
598:"Everything went well until we neared the place, when Big Eagle began to remove his finery," said Hathaway. "We asked him what the trouble was and he said he would not pose unless we paid him $ 15."
595:, Davenport). W. W. Hathaway, then the assistant commissary, had persuaded Big Eagle, the highest ranking Dakota in the prison, to sit for a photograph in a studio that had opened nearby.
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In the spring of 1862, Wambditanka (Big Eagle), Little Crow and Traveling Hail were candidates for chief speaker of the Mdewakanton tribe which Traveling Hail won. According to Big Eagle:
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had sent a relief party – 240 men under Colonel Samuel McPhail with two six-pounder guns – causing the Dakota forces to change their plans to charge the camp. According to Big Eagle:
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Even after Little Crow agreed to lead the war and ordered the attack on the Redwood Agency on August 18, 1862, he refused to participate in the killing of settlers:
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The delegation spent over three months in Washington, D.C., providing Big Eagle and the other Dakota leaders with time to sightsee and observe American society.
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Johnson, Charles W. (1890–93). Minnesota Board of Commissioners on Publication of History of Minnesota in Civil and Indian Wars; Flandrau, Charles E. (eds.).
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continued until 11am on September 3, 1862, when Colonel Sibley himself arrived with "the entire expeditionary force" and artillery. According to Big Eagle:
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Regarding the second battle at New Ulm, Big Eagle only had a small group of men from his band; he recounted that there was no commander leading the attack:
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others of his people." Following his death, Big Eagle's brother Grizzly Bear took their uncle's name and became known as Medicine Bottle II (Wakanozanan).
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Big Eagle was tried by the military commission and was sentenced to death, but was given a reprieve and was sent to the prison camp in Davenport, Iowa.
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He left Santee in the spring of 1869 and settled with his family near Birch Coulee. He became known as Jerome Big Eagle and was baptized as "Elijah".
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Coursolle, Joseph; Felix, Clem (1962). "Chapter VII, Narrative 4, Joseph Courselle's Story". In Anderson, Gary Clayton; Woolworth, Alan R. (eds.).
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The famous portrait of Big Eagle was taken during the summer of 1864 when he was in prison at Camp Kearney (the Native American Stockade at
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Brown, Samuel J. (1897). "Chapter IX, Narrative 1: Samuel J. Brown's Recollections". In Anderson, Gary Clayton; Woolworth, Alan R. (eds.).
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and other enemies of the Mdewakanton. The six feathers he wore in his headdress symbolized the six scalps he had taken on the war path.
312:, where he arrived after the fighting had stopped. He led his band at the second battles of New Ulm and Fort Ridgely, as well as the
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In June 1894, Big Eagle was interviewed by historian and journalist Robert Ira Holcombe through two interpreters. The narrative, "
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Big Eagle (far left) went to Washington, DC in 1858 as part of the Mdewakanton & Wahpkute Dakota Treaty Delegation
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One settler he mentioned by name in his narrative, however, was George H. Spencer, a clerk in the trading store of
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Big Eagle's narrative was the first comprehensive account of the war to be published from the point of view of a
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truth.” He proved a mine of information, and his story contains many items of history never before published.
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In his narrative, 67-year-old Big Eagle said that he had come to peace with his situation after the war:
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Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History
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Massacre in Minnesota: The Dakota War of 1862, the Most Violent Ethnic Conflict in American History
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Return I. Holcombe himself was uniquely well-qualified to conduct the interview of Big Eagle. A
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where he "arranged and examined the large collection of letters and other papers received from
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to charge the camp. The brave Mankato wanted to charge after the first hour." However, Colonel
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In his introduction, Holcombe explained the terms under which Big Eagle granted the interview:
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Sketches of Big Eagle, Mankato and Red Legs published alongside Big Eagle's narrative in 1894
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in 1866. Living on a reservation subject to the control of an Indian agent did not suit him.
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1288:"'George Quinn's Account' in 'As Red Men Viewed It: Three Indian Accounts of the Uprising'"
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154:; he is also quoted in many of the other markers posted along the self-guided trail.
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1402:. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press (published 1988). pp. 162–163.
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1334:"A Sioux story of the war - Chief Big Eagle's story of the Sioux outbreak of 1862"
1269:"A Sioux story of the war - Chief Big Eagle's story of the Sioux outbreak of 1862"
984:"A Sioux Story of the War: Chief Big Eagle's story of the Sioux Outbreak of 1862""
956:"A Sioux story of the war - Chief Big Eagle's story of the Sioux outbreak of 1862"
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A Sioux Story of the War: Chief Big Eagle's Story of the Sioux Outbreak of 1862
1190:. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press (published 1988). p. 225.
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Through Dakota Eyes: Narrative Accounts of the Minnesota Indian War of 1862
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Through Dakota Eyes: Narrative Accounts of the Minnesota Indian War of 1862
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Through Dakota Eyes: Narrative Accounts of the Minnesota Indian War of 1862
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Big Eagle's brother, Medicine Bottle II (Wakanozanzan), was captured with
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Mankato's band, and Mankato himself, "a very brave man and a good leader":
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and was sentenced to death and imprisoned, but was pardoned by President
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in September 1862 – a decision he came to regret. As he later explained:
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Upon their return, Big Eagle committed to leading his band into the war:
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Chief Big Eagle is featured in the "Two Men, One War" marker and the "
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297:, Big Eagle's village was at Crow Creek, near Little Crow's village.
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1425:"The United States-Dakota War Trials: A Study in Military Injustice"
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Holcombe was satisfied that Big Eagle was honest in his statements:
1362:. St. Paul, Minn.: Printed for the state by the Pioneer Press Co.
228:). Other Mdewakanton leaders in attendance included major chiefs
1247:"Sioux Chief Dies: Big Eagle Succumbs After Two Days' Illness".
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On the continuing significance of Big Eagle's narrative of the
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174:. He was a cousin of Little Crow's half-brother, White Spider.
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Historical texts citing excerpts of "A Sioux Story of the War"
655:, where he died after two days of illness on January 5, 1906.
1675:"As Red Men Viewed It: Three Indian Accounts of the Uprising"
1643:"As Red Men Viewed It: Three Indian Accounts of the Uprising"
1157:"As Red Men Viewed It: Three Indian Accounts of the Uprising"
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1016:. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press. p. 21.
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Big Eagle went to Washington, D.C., in 1858 as part of the
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Prisoners sentenced to death by the United States military
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Chief Big Eagle took part in all major battles during the
126:. He played an important role as a military leader in the
1700:"Yesterday's News – July 1, 1894: Chief Big Eagle speaks"
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Anderson, Gary Clayton; Woolworth, Alan R., eds. (1988).
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Anderson, Gary Clayton; Woolworth, Alan R., eds. (1988).
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As a young man, he often went on war parties against the
1125:"Historical notes of Grey Cloud Island and its vicinity"
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on July 1, 1894, and was subsequently reprinted by the
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Big Eagle was born in 1827 at Black Dog's village near
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606:After leaving prison, Big Eagle joined his band at
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192:farmers at the Redwood Agency, also known as the
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1601:. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press.
1359:Minnesota in the civil and Indian wars 1861-1865
910:. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press.
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683:Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society
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440:In a war council held on August 31, leaders in
423:Lithograph depicting the Battle of Birch Coulee
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748:One early critic of Big Eagle's narrative was
220:and Wahpekute Dakota treaty delegation led by
1286:Quinn, George (1897). Carley, Kenneth (ed.).
737:Holcombe had been employed for a year at the
1095:"1858 Land Cession Treaties with the Dakota"
632:. It was the first extensive account of the
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1777:Recipients of American presidential pardons
1667:Republication of "A Sioux Story of the War"
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1632:: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (
1526:"Histories of the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862"
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651:Big Eagle spent his final years living in
583:in Manitoba in 1864 and executed in 1865.
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224:, when he was Little Crow's head warrior (
115:, c.1827–1906) was the chief of a band of
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1742:Native American people of the Indian Wars
1466:"Photos: Dakota prison 150th anniversary"
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1377:. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
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1129:Minnesota Historical Society Collections
1044:. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
1039:
988:Minnesota Society Historical Collections
981:
905:
871:HMdb.org, The Historical Marker Database
842:HMdb.org, The Historical Marker Database
813:HMdb.org, The Historical Marker Database
784:HMdb.org, The Historical Marker Database
662:
554:
495:
426:
418:
284:
276:
202:
1422:
1210:
1099:Relations: Dakota & Ojibwe Treaties
809:"The Battle of Birch Coulee: Big Eagle"
130:. Big Eagle surrendered soon after the
1719:
1697:
1672:
1640:
1351:
1349:
1347:
1327:
1325:
1323:
1321:
1319:
1317:
1315:
1313:
1262:
1260:
1258:
1154:
681:on July 1, 1894, and was reprinted in
559:Artist's rendition of Big Eagle (1864)
521:
323:
157:
1747:American prisoners sentenced to death
1519:
1517:
1489:
1460:
1458:
1338:Minnesota History Society Collections
1285:
1273:Minnesota History Society Collections
1242:
1240:
1219:. Mankato, Minnesota. pp. 94–95.
1185:
1150:
1148:
1146:
1144:
1142:
1140:
1138:
960:Minnesota History Society Collections
949:
947:
901:
899:
897:
895:
893:
891:
374:In 1906, Big Eagle's obituary in the
272:
16:Native American leader (Dakota chief)
1752:People from Granite Falls, Minnesota
1737:19th-century Native American leaders
1615:
1523:
1122:
1035:
1033:
1007:
1005:
1003:
1001:
977:
975:
973:
971:
969:
945:
943:
941:
939:
937:
935:
933:
931:
929:
927:
908:Little Crow: Spokesman for the Sioux
707:Historical significance of narrative
601:
1366:
1344:
1310:
1255:
1213:"Beginning of the Massacre of 1862"
1131:: 376 – via Internet Archive.
730:who was also an avid reader of the
526:Big Eagle also led his band in the
146:– Big Eagle" marker erected by the
13:
1673:Carley, Kenneth (September 1962).
1641:Carley, Kenneth (September 1962).
1585:
1514:
1455:
1237:
1155:Carley, Kenneth (September 1962).
1135:
888:
745:, who had died two years before."
620:In June 1894, while on a visit to
256:Contest for chief speaker of tribe
14:
1788:
1551:
1340:: 382–400 – via Wikisource.
1298:(published September 1962): 148.
1275:: 382–400 – via Wikisource.
1030:
998:
994:: 382–383 – via Wikisource.
966:
962:: 382–400 – via Wikisource.
924:
1572:
1557:
1524:Lass, William E. (Summer 2012).
715:leader who had fought alongside
550:
1698:Welter, Ben (August 16, 2012).
1490:Upham, Warren (February 1917).
1483:
1416:
1391:
1373:Anderson, Gary Clayton (2019).
1279:
1204:
1179:
1116:
1105:from the original on 2012-03-16
1087:
1076:from the original on 2015-04-19
1066:"1858 Dakota Treaty Delegation"
1058:
1040:Anderson, Gary Clayton (2019).
906:Anderson, Gary Clayton (1986).
877:from the original on 2020-10-19
848:from the original on 2020-10-19
819:from the original on 2020-10-19
790:from the original on 2020-10-19
459:6th Minnesota Infantry Regiment
859:
830:
801:
772:
435:
353:
1:
766:
212:1858 Dakota treaty delegation
1757:People from Eagan, Minnesota
739:Minnesota Historical Society
630:Minnesota Historical Society
533:
448:Plan of attack and positions
148:Minnesota Historical Society
7:
1211:Spencer, George H. (1904).
10:
1793:
1496:Minnesota History Bulletin
1332:Big Eagle, Jerome (1894).
1267:Big Eagle, Jerome (1894).
1123:Case, John Higley (1915).
954:Big Eagle, Jerome (1894).
659:"A Sioux Story of the War"
412:
1215:. In Buck, Daniel (ed.).
1070:The US-Dakota War of 1862
675:," first appeared in the
587:Story behind the portrait
581:Little Six (Shakopee III)
538:Big Eagle surrendered at
484:Arrival of reinforcements
469:
461:. According to Big Eagle:
94:
86:
72:
58:
40:
28:
21:
653:Granite Falls, Minnesota
431:Birch Coulee battlefield
383:New Ulm and Fort Ridgely
152:Birch Coulee Battlefield
66:Granite Falls, Minnesota
1423:Chomsky, Carol (1990).
1249:The Minneapolis Journal
982:Holcombe, R.I. (1894).
622:Flandreau, South Dakota
564:Imprisonment and pardon
314:Battles of Birch Coulee
310:Battle of Redwood Ferry
293:At the outbreak of the
188:In 1858, he joined the
704:
695:
678:St. Paul Pioneer Press
668:
649:
626:St. Paul Pioneer Press
608:Crow Creek Reservation
560:
548:
519:
511:Battle of Birch Coulee
507:
501:
481:
467:
432:
424:
415:Battle of Birch Coulee
409:Battle of Birch Coulee
402:
393:
372:
351:
343:
335:
290:
282:
281:Chief Big Eagle (1858)
266:
250:
208:
144:Battle of Birch Coulee
90:Native American leader
35:Chief Big Eagle (1864)
1622:. Mankato, Minnesota.
1616:Buck, Daniel (1904).
1492:"Return Ira Holcombe"
699:
690:
666:
645:
558:
544:
515:
503:
499:
491:Henry Hastings Sibley
477:
463:
430:
422:
398:
389:
368:
347:
339:
331:
288:
280:
262:
246:
206:
1581:at Wikimedia Commons
500:Chief Mankato (1858)
364:William Henry Forbes
289:Chief Wabasha (1858)
1429:Stanford Law Review
1251:. January 10, 1906.
1014:Through Dakota Eyes
733:Confederate Veteran
528:Battle of Wood Lake
522:Battle of Wood Lake
376:Minneapolis Journal
324:Initial ambivalence
158:Life before the war
132:Battle of Wood Lake
1767:Dakota War of 1862
1762:Mdewakanton people
1693:– via JSTOR.
1661:– via JSTOR.
1562:Works by or about
1544:– via JSTOR.
1510:– via JSTOR.
1306:– via JSTOR.
1175:– via JSTOR.
867:"Dakota Positions"
780:"Two Men, One War"
761:Dakota War of 1862
728:American Civil War
669:
634:Dakota War of 1862
612:Santee Reservation
561:
502:
433:
425:
306:Dakota War of 1862
295:Dakota War of 1862
291:
283:
273:Dakota War of 1862
209:
198:Dakota War of 1862
194:Lower Sioux Agency
128:Dakota War of 1862
52:Michigan Territory
1679:Minnesota History
1647:Minnesota History
1608:978-0-87351-216-9
1577:Media related to
1530:Minnesota History
1409:978-0-87351-216-9
1384:978-0-8061-6434-2
1292:Minnesota History
1197:978-0-87351-216-9
1161:Minnesota History
1051:978-0-8061-6434-2
1023:978-0-87351-216-9
873:. June 16, 2016.
844:. June 16, 2016.
786:. June 16, 2016.
685:later that year.
610:and moved to the
602:Life after prison
308:, except for the
166:, in present-day
102:
101:
1784:
1713:
1711:
1710:
1694:
1662:
1637:
1631:
1623:
1619:Indian Outbreaks
1612:
1576:
1561:
1546:
1545:
1521:
1512:
1511:
1487:
1481:
1480:
1478:
1477:
1472:. March 31, 2013
1462:
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1283:
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1276:
1264:
1253:
1252:
1244:
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1234:
1228:
1220:
1217:Indian Outbreaks
1208:
1202:
1201:
1183:
1177:
1176:
1152:
1133:
1132:
1120:
1114:
1113:
1111:
1110:
1091:
1085:
1084:
1082:
1081:
1072:. 13 July 2012.
1062:
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1028:
1027:
1009:
996:
995:
979:
964:
963:
951:
922:
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903:
886:
885:
883:
882:
863:
857:
856:
854:
853:
838:"Battle Tactics"
834:
828:
827:
825:
824:
805:
799:
798:
796:
795:
776:
78:Jerome Big Eagle
73:Other names
33:
19:
18:
1792:
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1782:
1781:
1717:
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1593:
1588:
1586:Further reading
1554:
1549:
1522:
1515:
1488:
1484:
1475:
1473:
1470:Quad-City Times
1464:
1463:
1456:
1441:10.2307/1228993
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835:
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807:
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802:
793:
791:
778:
777:
773:
769:
754:Joseph R. Brown
750:Samuel J. Brown
726:veteran of the
709:
661:
640:point of view.
604:
589:
573:Abraham Lincoln
566:
553:
536:
524:
486:
472:
450:
438:
417:
411:
385:
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275:
258:
214:
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136:Abraham Lincoln
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24:
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1729:
1715:
1714:
1695:
1685:(3): 126–149.
1668:
1665:
1664:
1663:
1653:(3): 126–149.
1638:
1613:
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1589:
1587:
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1552:External links
1550:
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1178:
1167:(3): 126–149.
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1029:
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997:
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829:
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743:General Sibley
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593:Camp McClellen
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98:Emma Big Eagle
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62:5 January 1906
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551:After the war
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359:what I did."
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1727:1820s births
1707:. Retrieved
1703:
1682:
1678:
1650:
1646:
1618:
1598:
1536:(2): 44–57.
1533:
1529:
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1474:. Retrieved
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1107:. Retrieved
1098:
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1078:. Retrieved
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991:
987:
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907:
879:. Retrieved
870:
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850:. Retrieved
841:
832:
821:. Retrieved
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792:. Retrieved
783:
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747:
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721:
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540:Camp Release
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113:Waŋbdà Táŋka
112:
104:
103:
76:Waŋbdà Táŋka
1732:1906 deaths
1704:StarTribune
1502:(1): 7–11.
717:Little Crow
442:Little Crow
436:War council
354:Lives saved
238:Shakopee II
230:Little Crow
222:Little Crow
218:Mdewakanton
190:Mdewakanton
117:Mdewakanton
80:Wambditanka
1721:Categories
1709:2021-05-19
1568:Wikisource
1476:2021-05-19
1435:(13): 40.
1109:2021-05-24
1080:2021-05-24
881:2021-05-24
852:2021-05-24
823:2021-05-21
794:2021-05-20
767:References
724:Union Army
571:President
87:Occupation
82:Wamditanka
1628:cite book
1579:Big Eagle
1564:Big Eagle
1225:cite book
752:, son of
534:Surrender
318:Wood Lake
172:Minnesota
124:Minnesota
105:Big Eagle
23:Big Eagle
1691:20176459
1659:20176459
1542:41704992
1508:20160206
1304:20176459
1173:20176459
1103:Archived
1074:Archived
875:Archived
846:Archived
817:Archived
788:Archived
1449:1228993
234:Wabasha
226:akacita
164:Mendota
150:at the
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1302:
1194:
1171:
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1020:
914:
713:Dakota
638:Dakota
470:Ambush
244:Eagle:
183:Ojibwe
178:own."
120:Dakota
109:Dakota
95:Spouse
1687:JSTOR
1655:JSTOR
1538:JSTOR
1504:JSTOR
1445:JSTOR
1300:JSTOR
1169:JSTOR
168:Eagan
48:Eagan
1634:link
1603:ISBN
1404:ISBN
1379:ISBN
1231:link
1192:ISBN
1046:ISBN
1018:ISBN
912:ISBN
509:The
316:and
59:Died
44:1827
41:Born
1566:at
1437:doi
122:in
1723::
1702:.
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