253:). Nothing conclusive emerged, and the investigation moved on to another phase. In 1947, while Pătrășcanu was attending a conference in Brussels, Betea had asked Golopenția to write two letters of recommendation for western academics, as Pătrășcanu's circle had suggested he go into exile. Golopenția wrote two letters, not knowing their purpose. He was extensively questioned about this episode, and about another letter he had sent to Manuilă, by then in the United States, through an Italian diplomat in Bucharest. The three letters were bland and apolitical, but the investigators insisted he knew Pătrășcanu was planning on not returning to Romania, which he invariably denied. It was also charged that Betea, in semi-hiding, had asked Golopenția to tell Pătrășcanu to stay away from Romania. Eventually, he admitted knowing Pătrășcanu's plans, but denied sending him a message.
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difficulties following his death, and compelled to teach in elementary schools in spite of her professional background; she died in 1978. The couple's daughter Sanda considered it her moral duty to shed light on her father's plight; to this end, she published his correspondence, part of his scientific work, and a nearly thousand-page collection of the statements he gave under interrogation, published in 2001 after three years of research. In 2017, Golopenția was posthumously elected a member of the
20:
126:, a Romanian-language teacher and folklore specialist. Due to differences of opinion regarding the methodology and purpose of sociological research, he left both the department and Gusti's Social Institute the same year. He was unemployed until the following April, when he was hired at the Central Statistics Institute. There, he worked on the team of director
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internment camp; lent a hand in announcing the 1944 coup on radio; received Pătrășcanu's proofs for his comments on a volume on philosophy he had written (which the latter largely ignored); was valued by him as a democratically minded intellectual; sent by him to Paris, perhaps at the suggestion of
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and a certain N. Betea whom
Golopenția had hired as a statistician. In January 1950, he was arrested as a witness in the Pătrășcanu case. The investigators thought he could be useful in their quest to fabricate charges against Pătrășcanu, but Golopenția was a mere bystander. Their ties amounted to
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and Dan. He was never tried or sentenced (Pătrășcanu's trial took place nearly three years later), and in 1968, following the latter's rehabilitation, Ștefania
Golopenția asked the same for her husband. The following year, she received verbal confirmation of his rehabilitation. She was beset by
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His denials persisted, but in March, he suddenly admitted to having written, the previous autumn, a manuscript containing suggestions for a future non-communist government and how the country should be reorganized. At that point, the questions shifted to his alleged hostile activity against the
217:, who had previously undertaken monographic research on a Golopenția-led team. He also worked on a textbook of Romanian statistical history, which he hoped would encompass all statistical data related to the history of the Romanians, as well as critical commentary. He spent ample time in the
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After returning to
Romania, he took over as director of the Statistics Institute, a position left vacant by Manuilă's resignation; as such, he headed the 1948 census. He remained there until that year's autumn, when he was dismissed by the authorities of the new
263:. Then, in June, Golopenția's prison conditions underwent a rapid improvement: he was given writing paper, which he used to draft his memoirs and letters to his family, as well as to chief prosecutor Constantinescu. He asked for books to read, including
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magazine in
January 1937. That autumn, he became a teaching assistant at the Gusti-chaired sociology, ethics and politics department, and a director at the latter's Social Institute. He also helped his mentor set up the Romanian pavilion at the 1937
213:, who were unwilling to accommodate his politically independent stance. Over the course of the following year, working at home, he occasionally compiled documents at the request of the State Planning Committee; this institution was headed by
188:, which published the new regime's first decrees. By this time, Manuilă was a junior cabinet member and invited him to work as office director, but Golopenția flatly refused any further political involvement. He set up
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in August 1951, dying nearly a month later. The physician who investigated his death noted that, although the case was hopeless, he should have been provided with antibiotics. The following day, he was buried in
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At first, he was made to give statements about Pătrășcanu, Zilber, the group of young statisticians with whom he worked east of the Bug, N. Betea and the
Romanian emigrants he met in Paris (including
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regime, and the document to which he confessed, a few pages in length, was found after an investigation. It counted on a war between the United States and the Soviet Union that would end in a
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83:, graduating from its faculties of law (1930) and philosophy (1933). Between 1930 and 1933, he worked as a librarian at the university's sociology department. It was while working in the
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secret police had heard he was on friendly terms with Pătrășcanu, arrested the year before, and with the latter's entourage, especially
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Zilber, whom
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publication, and between autumn 1945 and summer 1946, helped complete tens of documents demanded by the
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467:"Ștefania Cristescu-Golopenția — O personalitate marcantă a sociologiei românești. (1908-1978)"
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the following: he had helped Pătrășcanu assist communist detainees at
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cemetery. He was survived by his widow and two children,
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He was placed under surveillance in
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