Unification Decree (Spain, 1937)

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coup within Carlism forced them to accept the strategy, or at least not to oppose it openly. Franco was delighted to hear the news, but the merger-minded Carlists still hoped for a deal agreed with Falange, not imposed by the military. In early April their Junta adopted a plan which envisioned common party led by a directorio, to be composed of 3 Carlists, 3 Falangists and 6 nominees of Franco, himself the directorio president; they still hoped the organization would lead to buildup of a Catholic, regionalist, social and ultimately Traditionalist monarchy. Another round of talks with Falangists took place on April 11 and it is only at that point that Hedilla realized the urgency; the parties agreed they would keep talking and confirmed no interference of a 3rd party would be accepted. On April 12 Franco met a few Rodeznistas and informed them that decreed unification was the matter of days, its details – not revealed to the Carlists – yet to be finalized. Their mild reservations were brushed away and they were assured there was nothing to be anxious about. Not entirely convinced, they met few days later to edit a preamble, to be proposed to Franco; the intention was to counter revolutionary Falangism.

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what the unified party would look like, overwhelming military pressure, Falangist and Carlist illusions that they could outsmart Franco or their leaders having been ready to sacrifice what they considered secondary features in order to achieve the common goal of defeating the Republicans. It remains to be debated who was better off: Falange, which achieved hegemony at the cost of losing autonomy, or Carlism, which retained autonomy at the cost of being pushed to the sidelines. Historians debate whether the original Falange “was killed”, “castrated” and “committed suicide” during the unification process - i.e. it ceased to be an autonomous, revolutionary movement - and FET should be considered an entirely new entity, or whether the party was rather transformed and FET should be viewed as some sort of continuity of FE. Similarly, there is no agreement whether unification broke the backbone of Carlism and commenced its long period of agony, or whether it merely severely weakened the movement which later regained some strength, in the 1960s again started to pose challenge to Franco's political designs, and collapsed due to profound social changes of late Francoism.

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touch with Franco and both were led to believe they had his support. The following day Hedilla stroke back and tried to arrest his opponents; the gunfight left two people dead. At this point Franco's security detained most of these involved except Hedilla, who on April 18 was confirmed by the rump Falangist Consejo as the new Jefe Nacional. Hedilla rushed to Franco's headquarters and was greeted cordially; the two appeared on balcony, where Franco improvised a brief speech; it might have contained first public declaration of unification. At 10:30 PM the same day, April 18, Franco announced the unification in a radio broadcast; The long speech was formatted as historiosophic lecture on Spanish past with special attention paid to national unity as maintained throughout centuries. Referring to “nuestro movimiento” the speech at one point hailed great contribution of Falange, Traditionalism and “otras fuerzas” to note that “we have decided to finalize this unifying work”, to revert to grandiloquent paragraphs later on. Most newspapers issued in the Nationalist zone printed the entire address on April 19.

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agreement about the strategy to be adopted. Within Carlism Rodezno and the Navarrese maneuvered Fal and Don Javier into grudging permission to open negotiations; within Falange Hedilla tended to seek alliance with Carlism against the military dictate, while “the legitimists” preferred to align closer with the military in order to gain hegemony over other political groupings. Eventually the Falangists proposed that Comunión gets incorporated, though they conceded to a future Traditionalist monarchy, some separate Carlist features until 6 months after the war and the party youth named “requeté”. Carlists suggested a merger of equals into an entirely new party based on Traditionalist principles, headed by a triumvirate or with Don Javier as a regent; the formation would be dissolved following installation of Traditionalist monarchy. No agreement was in sight, yet representatives of both groupings agreed they would resist interference of any third party; scholars suggest this stipulation was aimed against other right-wing parties rather than against Franco.

557:". Another paragraph declared that all members of "Falange Española" and "Comunión Tradicionalista" are affiliated in the new organization, with other willing Spaniards also entitled to join. The decree dissolved “all other political organizations and parties”, though it did not specify explicitly whether FE and CT were dissolved as well. The second point defined Jefe del Estado, Junta Política (Secretariado) and Consejo Nacional as executive bodies. Junta was supposed to aid Jefe in all matters; half of its members were to be appointed by Jefe del Estado and half by Consejo Nacional. The decree did not specify how members of Consejo were to be nominated. All bodies were supposed to work towards final structure of “totalitarian state”. The third point declared all party militias merged into Milicia Nacional. The preamble stated that the program of the new party would be based on 26 points of the original Falange, though it might be subject to changes and improvements. The new party was defined as “link between the state and the society”. 845:

securing dictatorial powers of one individual. It is not entirely clear whether unification was a hastily rushed provisional measure triggered by displays of Falangist and Carlist ambitions or rather a carefully prepared step which had matured in Franco's mind for some time. It is open to debate whether FET was initially intended to harbor a generally vague political program so that doctrinal rigidity did not stand in the way of getting “neutral mass” affiliated, or whether it was formatted along national-syndicalist lines. It remains obscure why Falange from the onset enjoyed advantage over the Carlists, and specifically whether it was the setup designed by Franco and Serrano (who appreciated greater Falangist mobilization potential and intended to present a counter-offer to radicalized masses), or whether it was the result of internal dynamics within the party (resulting from Carlist numerical inferiority, consistently skeptical stand of the regent or errors committed by their unificated leaders, who prematurely decided to withdraw).

762:(Falange), Rodezno (Carlism), Queipo de Llano (military) and José Mariá Pemán (Alfonsism) heading the list. There were 24 Falangists appointed, this time including many “legitimists”; among 12 Carlists there were mostly Rodeznistas but also Fal Conde and few of his followers; the list contained 8 Alfonsists, some of them eminent, 5 high-ranking military men and 1 former CEDA politician, Serrano Suñer. Among the appointees 12 had earlier Cortes experience. The appointments marked the end of the constituent phase of Falange Española Tradicionalista. Though the balance of power within the new state party was yet to be established and though its actual political line initially remained vague, some key features were already set and would not be subject to change; firm personal leadership of Franco, predominance of original Falange and its syndicalism, decorative role of formal collective executive bodies like Junta Política or Consejo Nacional and general dependence on state administrative bureaucratic structures. 779:

national-syndicalist current within FET remained strong, the party was now firmly controlled by caudillo and his men. Carlism retained its independent political identity beyond FET yet it suffered from fragmentation bordering breakup and Comunión Tradicionalista started to languish in semi-clandestine life. Neither the Falangists nor the Carlists decided to oppose the unification openly and the most intransigent groupings opted merely for non-participation. Key Falangist and Carlist assets – volunteer militia units, formally incorporated into the army but still maintaining their political identity and in mid-1937 amounting to 95,000 men - remained loyal to the military leadership. As a result of unification, no major political discrepancies were allowed to surface in the Nationalist zone, a stark contrast with raging competition and conflicts which plagued the Republican coalition; scholars underline that at least formal political unity greatly contributed to final Nationalist victory in 1939.

409: 696:(a Falangist old-shirt appointed in place of Hedilla) and Giménez Caballero. Top provincial party posts were filled with a Carlist and a Falangist alternating as delegado and secretario; 22 provincial jefaturas went to the Falangists and 9 to the Carlists. The Carlist and pre-unification Falange press departments were told to stop party propaganda. By May 9. provincial jefes were demanded to submit inventory of pre-unification party assets and in mid-May the new party started to take over their bank accounts. Also in mid-May specialized sections of the new party started to emerge with personal appointments made, again with visible Falangist predominance, be it Sección Femenina or Milicia Nacional. Civil governors organized rallies supposed to demonstrate fraternization of the unified parties. Official propaganda kept exalting the unification as glorious end to a centuries-old historical process. The first task, given to the new party, was rather modest: organize nursing courses. 783:

though martial law imposed grave restrictions on their activity it was to some extent tolerated; afterwards all political entities except FET were outlawed, while FET itself was formatted as organization fully controlled by Franco and his bureaucracy. Licensing of political activity was no longer the result of temporary hardships related to war and military administration but became an intrinsic and fundamental feature of the system. The change enhanced position of Francisco Franco further on and started to shape the system as his personal political dictatorship. Until April he was the supreme army commander and the head of state, the roles which defined his position in military and administrative, but not in strictly political terms. The Unification Decree, which outlined political monopoly of FET and named Jefe del Estado as its leader, formally set up also political personal supremacy of Franco and made him the champion of all political life in the Nationalist zone.

675: 445: 276: 322: 264:; the party kept developing its structures, building youth, female, children, propaganda, paramilitary, student, syndicate, sanitary and other sections. By late 1936 Falange supplied some 55% of all volunteers and clearly outpaced the Carlists; apart from former CEDA or Renovación militants, also some right-wing republicans started to join Falange in order to counterbalance the monarchist Carlists. Franco kept meeting Hedilla, listened to his advice and even made some effort to flatter him, yet he usually denied Hedilla's requests. The Falangist executive, itself divided mostly along personalist lines between Hedillistas and so-called “legitimists”, were getting increasingly frustrated about military domination; in early 1937 they empowered Hedilla to demand total political hegemony with military control reduced to the army and the navy. Moreover, in January the Junta reached to the German 771: 211: 821:) retained it as vague general outlook or (like Rodezno) withdrew after some time anyway. The Alfonsists engaged half-heartedly, then got divided and eventually mostly of them left in the late 1930s and the early 1940s; former CEDA politicians were not welcome. In terms of program the initial propaganda focused on unity or got trapped in contradictions, like “revolutionary program which stems from Spanish tradition”; the Italians were perplexed about weight of the religious ingredient and considered the program a chaotic amalgam which did not merit the name of “Fascism”. Eventually FET was formatted along syndicalist lines and in the Francoist Spain it turned into merely one of many groupings competing for power; other of these so-called political families included the Alfonsists, the Carlists, the military, the technocrats, the Church and the bureaucracy. 351:

doctrine could be incorporated without the Falange. The same month in liaison with Hedilla he asked the party head of Servicio Exterior section to propose terms of would-be merger with the Carlists; there is no outcome known, though it is likely that he hinted at a would-be merger also to Rodezno. In December 1936 the military propaganda enforced the “Una Patria Un Estado Un Caudillo” slogan, made mandatory in sub-titles of all newspapers issued in the Nationalist zone, including the Falangist and the Carlist ones. By the same time the party militias were formally militarized and subjected to army control, even though their Falangist and Carlist political flavor was retained. In January 1937 Franco confirmed that the country would be able to elect any regime, though he also made references to “corporative state”; in private he confessed to an

654:– were in prison following the Salamanca events of April 16–17; Hedilla himself, misled by Franco that he would be appointed the leader, was shocked to find himself just one of 10 Junta members and on April 23 he refused to take his seat. He was almost immediately arrested, trialed, sentenced to death on inflated charges of treason, commuted and placed in prison. To Rodezno the terms came as a bucket of cold water. In few days he and his men visited Franco to voice their unease, yet they remained tractable and did not mount explicit protest or opposition. Some key Carlist politicians resigned, including the requeté head Zamanillo; the Carlist tycoons from the onset skeptical about the merger welcomed the decree with deafening silence. 719:, yet in general terms he left the regent no option but to accept unification. Eventually Franco consented to Don Javier's request and allowed Fal back in Spain, met him in August and vaguely offered him high posts, which Fal politely declined. Both Don Javier and Fal considered Rodezno a half-traitor, though they preferred not to burn the bridges; in the second half of 1937 they focused on saving what could have been saved – related institutions, newspapers, buildings – from takeover by FET. In case of the original Falange its leaders from the anti-Hedillista “legitimist” faction, some released from jail, preferred to remain on the sidelines and not to engage; this was the case of Agustín Aznar, Sancho Dávila, 658:

that it was fully agreed and endorsed by their respective leaders, especially that the official propaganda and censorship clearly advanced such a narrative. In Falangist ranks – which consisted in overwhelming majority of new recruits unrelated to pre-war revolutionary syndicalism – the unification was viewed simply as absorption of Carlism and adoption of new leadership, though a number of Falangist public demonstrations against the unification took place in several cities. In Carlist ranks the mood differed from sheer enthusiasm to protest; some requeté units considered abandoning their frontline positions. Many settled for what they perceived a truce comparable to that offered by

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state party, Falange Española Tradicionalista, has never become the vehicle of popular mobilization, a platform of forging a political course and a social backbone of the regime; instead it rather discouraged popular activism, served as mere transmission belt from administration and turned into a bureaucratic machinery which attracted mostly opportunists and careerists. Others responded that first, the role of FET in the Francoist Spain evolved over decades and it was principally determined in the early 1940s, not in the very initial phase, and second, that during the Civil War the party functioned exactly as it was designed to.

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it marginalized autonomous centers of power which potentially might have posed a challenge to military dictatorship and which indeed in early 1937 started to demonstrate such ambitions. Third, it retained loyalty of volunteer militias recruited by the marginalized parties and did not weaken the Nationalist frontline strength. Fourth, it created a vehicle for control and channeling of popular political mobilization. Fifth, it strengthened personal position of Franco and apart from the role of military commander and head of administration made him also the champion of domestic Nationalist politics.

308:. Like Falange, the Carlists tried to make their best of the autonomy allowed by the military administration; in October 1936 their propaganda paid more attention to Don Javier assuming the regency than to Franco assuming the state jefatura, and in late 1936 headlines of Carlist press exalted the exiled leader Fal Conde as caudillo, reserving for Franco only small-font notes at the bottom of the page. In December the Carlists launched their own syndicalist scheme. In early 1937 Carlism started to demonstrate agglutinatory appeal; some CEDA politicians discussed merger, a small 505:

demonstrated designs for political hegemony. As a result, in the early spring of 1937 situation was getting increasingly complex. Franco and Serrano were working on unification terms, to be imposed upon Falange and Comunión; both parties tried to agree their own terms as measure of defense against anticipated military dictate; both Falangist and Carlist executives were internally divided with one faction conspiring against another, in Falange the conflict unfolding along mostly personal lines and in Carlism related to the unification strategy.

472:, kept advocating unification in talks with both FE and CT men, apparently calculating that within a multi-party merger they would be better off than marginalized outside the new organization. At that time also Gil-Robles concluded that all parties must disappear in “amplísimo movimiento nacional” and seemed prepared to accept unification, though from above rather than from below; CEDA as a party of pathetic failures half-sold to parliamentarism was the object of massive propaganda onslaught on part of both Falange and Comunión. 741:

executive – still operational – addressed Franco with a message of complaint and asked for some sort of rectification. In the second half of 1937 many Carlist local leaders who initially engaged in the emerging FET structures were now bombarding their men in Junta Política with letters of outrage, complaining about lack of Falangist give and take and demanding immediate intervention. Violent street clashes between Falangists and Carlists (both unificated and non-unificated) were not rare, with hundreds of arrests following.

364: 513: 530: 52:(FET y de las JONS). As all other parties were declared dissolved at the same time, the FET became the only legal party in Nationalist Spain. It was defined in the decree as a link between state and society and was intended to form the basis for an eventual totalitarian regime. The head of state – Franco himself – was proclaimed party leader, to be assisted by the Junta Política and Consejo Nacional. A set of decrees which followed shortly after appointed members to the new executive. 809:

went off limits and the others like Fernández Cuesta realized that Falangist hegemony in the state party was possible only given Franco was acknowledged as the unquestionable leader and source of all power. Comunión opted for semi-clandestine autonomous identity; Fal did not accept his seat in Consejo and Don Javier expelled from the party all these who had accepted without his earlier consent. Instead of unification, the merger turned into Franco-domesticated Falange absorbing

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July 1936 relations between the two were ambiguous; technically allies within the Nationalist conglomerate, they nevertheless competed for posts, assets and recruits. While politicians and front-line militias remained on at least correct if not amicable terms, in the rear fistfights and clashes between Carlists and Falangists were by no means rare and at times they escalated into gunfights; they mutually sabotaged their rallies and denounced each other to military authorities.

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understood that some sort of limited multi-party regime might be maintained. As late as in September 1936 Franco declared that following military victory he would hand over power to “any national movement” supported by the people, which might have hinted at some electoral procedure and political competition. However, in October he started to make private comments about a possible forced political unification. Terms of such a unification remained extremely unclear; some like

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dominance and secured at least a formal political unity within the Nationalist zone, albeit not one of genuine affection. It in reality represented the absorption of Carlist offshoots into a subsequently domesticated and subordinated Falange. Most scholars consider unification to have been a stepping stone towards a semi-fascist state. This augmented Falange served as Spain's sole legal party for the next 38 years, becoming one of the instrumental pillars of Franco's

745: 606: 634: 830: 202:'s call for a "patriotic front". Franco himself kept meeting with right-wing politicians, usually ignoring the intransigent ones and speaking only to these deemed tractable. No political plans were discussed. In general, his guests were expected to mobilize civilian support for the regime with no political commitment offered in return, except that in an unspecified future "the people" would be free to decide the future regime of Spain. 481: 198:, the Carlist pretender to the throne, was permitted only a brief stay in Spain, and the leader of the Comunión Tradicionalista, Fal Conde, was exiled with inflated charges advanced. Military censorship prevented dissemination of pieces deemed excessively related to party propaganda and encouraged these kept within limits of general adhesion to the regime, e.g. Gil-Robles' order that JAP must fully follow military command or RE head 705: 666:. Most other politicians complied; Gil-Robles ordered dissolution of Acción Popular while Yanguas and Goicoechea declared their total support; it was only the JAP commander Luciano de la Calzada who protested and was condemned to internal exile. Many party papers demonstrated perhaps genuine enthusiasm, while various juntas, alcaldias and other groups flooded the Franco Salamanca headquarters with messages of adhesion. 172:, which in the first months of the war claimed 20,000 men. The Falange, which in February obtained only 0.4% of the votes and lost its previously held one seat in the Cortes, experienced enormous growth in subsequent months and would come to be the most dynamic of party on the right. Its party structures functioned without restriction; its Primera Línea militias recruited 35,000 volunteers in a short period. 400:

intransigent, as the chief obstacle; he was also increasingly irritated by their “tono de soberanía”. However, he was also annoyed by socially radical Falangist propaganda; in February censorship scrapped publication of an earlier José Antonio's speech, which contained the promise of “dismantling capitalism”; few major Falangist politicians were briefly detained for trying to disseminate the print anyway.

85: 104:; it specified terms of access to the coup rather than a future political regime. Initial statements issued by various generals during the first days of the following rebellion remained politically vague; on territories controlled by the rebels local commanders appointed mayors or auxiliary civilian bodies composed mostly of locally recognized right-wing personalities, typically those associated with 17: 800: 625:

editorial work and they learned the actual terms of the merger once the decrees had been announced publicly. However, they were sounded on some issues; Franco changed the set of his original Carlist appointees to the Junta in line with Rodezno's advice and he discussed with Hedilla the name of the party, with “Falange Española de Tradición” a viable option as late as mid-April.

190:. The civilians appointed to head specific sections of this quasi-government "resembled the traditional Right" and were recruited from Alfonsist, Carlist, and other generic conservative ranks, with no specific party background prevailing. The regime permitted limited political proselytizing but kept politicians in check; CEDA head Gil-Robles was forced to remain in 550:

April 23; it contained names of individuals appointed to the first executive of the new party, Junta Política or Secretariado. One more decree followed shortly; it defined salute, insignia, anthem, banner, slogan and address code; it also allowed party militias incorporated into the army to use their own symbols until the end of the war.

592:, an Alfonsist closer to Serrano rather than to the party mainstream (41). Out of 22 individuals who formed pre-unification executive bodies of FE and CT only Hedilla and Rodezno were listed; except Rodezno and Arellano none had earlier parliamentary experience. The decree which followed shortly adopted original Falangist motives – 736:

statutes, released in August, defined multiple specialized sections of the organisation; out of 14 delegaciones created only 3 were headed by the Carlists. At one point Giménez suggested a formal purge, a proposal rejected by Franco. Most gatherings demonstrated lingering divisions; a massive rally of youth, staged in October in

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by the military authorities; however, the monarchist-sounding line "venga el rey de España a la corte de Madrid" was replaced with "que los boinas rojas entren en Madrid"; it was also planned to replace the opening line "Por Dios, por la Patria y el Rey" with "Por Dios y la España inmortal", but this

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according to his own account, when summoned to Burgos on April 12 Rodezno told Franco that in Portugal it had not been necessary to create partido único, to which Franco replied that Salazar did not enjoy popular support. The caudillo made clear that unification would not be a transitory phase but an

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Another result of the unification was transformation of political regime in the Nationalist zone; before it might have been perceived as a strong military leadership, afterwards it started to assume features of a political dictatorship. Until April 1937 right-wing political parties remained legal and

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Within FET the second half of 1937 was the period of fierce competition for posts and assets between the Falangists and the Carlists. Some 500 conflicts were officially recorded in the party archives; until 1942 this figure grew to 1,450. The Falangists were clearly gaining the upper hand. The party

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were consulted earlier on the drafts or the draft. It is not known when the decrees were written; on April 11 Franco told Serrano to finalize the terms and it appears that even on April 18 there were “two or three minor things” to be completed. Neither the Carlists nor the Falangists were admitted to

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In mid-March the Carlists already sensed urgency, apparently aware that unification was no longer a distant perspective but an immediate future. In late March the Rodezno-led group of leaders which tended to accept a merger outmaneuvered Don Javier and Fal and in circumstances which bordered internal

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It is not clear whether Franco has ever considered seriously any of the above options; it seems that by late 1936 he started to opt for a different formula, based not on a general political amalgam but formatted along more specific lines. In November he confessed in private that perhaps the Falangist

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of the Carlists – were outmaneuvered by Franco, who divided, deceived, and misled them and finally left them no option but to comply with unification on his own terms, and they along with other political opponents were subsequently marginalized. The Unification Decree ensured Franco's total political

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Prieto agreed to release Fernández Cuesta in hope that he would lead a hardcore Falangist opposition to Franco, Tusell 2007, p. 414. Fernández Cuesta arrived in the Nationalist zone in October 1937; following a series of talks Serrano concluded that Fernández was not dangerous and can be reinstated,

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and with José María Oriol as secretary; the council tried to supersede the official executive, Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra. The most thorough account of Carlist response to the unification threat in Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 241-301; somewhat less detailed but still very informative chapters in

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There are other questions related to unification which remain open to debate. It is not agreed whether FET was created as a stepping stone towards a Fascistoid/Fascist state or whether it was set up principally to eliminate any competitive centers of power and served rather traditional objectives of

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or Francisco Moreno, who viewed unification as “killing two authentic beings to create an artificial one”. During the summer and fall of 1937 Serrano kept negotiating with them and eventually secured their cautious engagement, the access by some dubbed as suicide of the original Falange; others note

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On April 12 Hedilla told his men that accord with the Carlists was almost ready and called the Falangist Consejo Nacional for April 26. However, on April 16 his opponents in the executive visited Hedilla in his Salamanca office and declared him deposed; both Hedillistas and “legitimists” remained in

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and Danzi; all tried to inspire him towards a long-term solution modelled after Italy, based on the concept of a monopolist Partido Nacional Español state party. None was particularly impressed by Franco and they considered him politically bewildered; Farinacci noted with disgust that Franco uttered

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the Consejo met for the first time on December 2, 1937; Pemán thought it would be a purely decorative body and he soon abandoned it; Queipo de Llano initially tried to act but eventually gave up, Vegas Latapié quit, Rodezno ceased attending as well, Tusell 2002, p. 148, Tusell 2007, p. 417. Serrano

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the Falangist Junta de Mando, the executive operational between September 1936 and April 1937, was initially composed of Hedilla (jefe), Agustín Aznar (jefe of Primera Linea), Francisco Bravo (secretary), Andrés Redondo, Jesús Muro, José Sainz and José Moreno (jefes of various servicios), Rodríguez

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The unification is generally viewed as Franco's success which secured a number of objectives; some scholars consider it even a “masterstroke” or “golpe maestro”. First, it ensured at least formal political unity which greatly contributed to the eventual Nationalist triumph in the Civil War. Second,

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In few years it turned out that instead of a platform unifying all major political forces the FET became a Falange-dominated structure controlled by state bureaucracy. Independently minded leaders of the original Falange like Aznar or González Veléz were disciplined and at times jailed in case they

732:, made it from the Republican zone and in October was reinstated at the same post in FET. Unlike in case of Carlism no effort was made to maintain original, independent structures; a so-called Falange Española Auténtica, active in the late 1937-1939, were loose tiny groups of third-rate dissidents. 691:

First steps to consolidate the new party were taken in late April and May 1937, though their mechanism is not entirely clear; it remains obscure whether they were engineered by administration or by the Junta. Franco initially attended its weekly meetings but soon ceased doing so; it was Serrano who

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In late February one more round of talks was held by Hedillistas and a different representation of Carlists, headed by Rodezno. The Falangist softened their position; Carlism would still be incorporated but a new party would be greatly transformed afterwards, it would accept Traditionalist doctrine

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Payne 2000, p. 242, In October 1936 the Falangists made up 55% of all volunteers and outnumbered the Carlists by 2:1, later their advantage to grow to 4:1, Arostegui 2013, p. 808. However, the balance could have differed widely across specific regions, e.g. in Andalucia the Falangists outperformed

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Many questions remain in relation to the unificated parties themselves. It is not entirely clear why the Carlists and the original Falange succumbed to the unification pressure, with various motives quoted: Franco's strategy of first carving out tractable politicians and then misleading them as to

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liberties. Though both were equally hostile to democracy, parliamentarism and socialism, they did not hold each other in high regard; the Falangists considered Carlism a half-dead prehistoric reactionary relic, while the Carlists viewed the Falangists simply as “red scum”. In practical terms after

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on December 6, 1937 Don Javier and Franco meet in Salamanca; the regent concluded that Franco was nice but offered nothing and expected compliance, Tusell 2002, p. 157. In later talks with Serrano Don Javier was bold; the two parted in open disagreement bordering total breakup, Blinkhorn 2008, p.

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There are some scholars who tend to consider unification a failure. One argument put forward is that it failed to actually unify all Nationalist political groupings; Carlism and Alfonsism survived as autonomous forces and soon new ones started to emerge. Another argument is that the newly created

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Among local leaders and the rank-and-file the prevailing mood was this of disorientation. Many tended to view the news as introduction of some vague bureaucratic structure above the existing Falangist and Carlist organizations. Most did not realize the arbitrary nature of unification and believed

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Nicolás Franco claimed that both parties were in midst of negotiations, that the talks were going on well and that the major problem was Don Javier, unwilling to cede power. Contemporary scholar concludes that Franco considered the Falangists tamed and viewed the Carlists, as usual inflexible and

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and was dated April 19; the same day and during the next few days it was reproduced in all newspapers issued in the Nationalist zone. On explicit order of the Franco headquarters the decree was read in frontline units on April 21. Another decree, numbered 260 and dated April 22, was published on

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Since late 1936 Carlist and Falangist leaders got wind of unification idea, vaguely nurtured by Franco. Unsure about its terms and whether resistance was a viable option, they concluded that a deal agreed by both parties might be better than a solution imposed by the military. Exchange of public

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Initial statements of the military remained extremely vague politically, and frequently repeated phrases referring to patriotic unity resembled banal old-style clichés rather than an articulated political concept. Since right-wing parties were not dissolved by Junta de Defensa it might have been

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Few months into the civil war it was already evident that the balance of power among right-wing parties underwent a major shake-up. The decomposed CEDA, Renovación and Agrarians were dwarfed by Comunión Tradicionalista and Falange Española, two groupings responsible for some 80% of volunteers in

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already in Republican prison José Antonio diagnosed the military coup as “un grupo de generales de honrada intención; pero de desoladora mediocridad política. Puros tópicos elementales (orden, pacificación de los espirítus..). Detrás: 1) el viejo carlismo intransigente, cerril, antipático” plus

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Terms of the unification came as unpleasant if not nasty surprise to most Falangist and Carlist politicians, especially that they differed from earlier sketchy plans presented by Franco to Hedilla and Rodezno. The Falangists might have been satisfied with their apparent predominance in terms of

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envoy that he would found a political association, be its leader and endeavor to unite the parties. Some of these speaking to him noted he started to emphasize that current provisional status had to be replaced with some permanent solution. In February he also ventured to offer some thoughts on

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did not produce any clear vision of a political regime which would follow the coup; in the short run, some administrative powers were to stay with provincial civil committees, composed of most representative or most committed individuals. The key right-wing factions in Spain were rather loosely

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in total there were 499 life imprisonment sentences (all commuted), Payne 2000, p. 270; in July 1937 even in the Carlist heartland of Navarre there were cases of applying fines to requetes who did not perform the official salute (raised hand) to the spanish flag and instead performed a “saludo

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early September interviewed in Cáceres by German press Franco said that he is military, his objective is to defeat bolchevism, and one done will return power to any national movement (movimiento nacional) supported by the people. when asked about CEDA he said it would disappear Tusell 2002, p.

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in the 1936 general elections the Carlists outperformed Falange by 8:1 (366,000 votes vs. 46,000 votes). However, in October 1936 in terms of recruitment to own party militia volunteer units Falange outperformed the Carlists by 2:1 (23.307 vs. 12,213) and in mid-1937 by 4:1 (74,519 vs 19,969),

740:

and intended as display of unity, turned into embarrassment when in front of Franco a multi-thousand crowd broke into a “blue” Falangist part and a “red” Carlist part. The unificated Carlist leaders were getting increasingly disappointed about their marginalization while the original Navarrese

231:

was getting implemented by November this figure went down to 25%. Both groupings were increasingly viewing themselves as future masters of new Spain. The Carlists considered themselves exclusive political partners of the military as agreed back in July 1936; they saw the Nationalist faction as

2321:

the actual position of Franco versus autonomous Falangist-Carlist negotiations is not clear. Some of his earlier statements suggest that he genuinely expected them to agree the terms, Tusell 2002, pp. 113-4. His later comments suggest he started to view autonomous negotiations as a threat and

440:

presented both as partners, but in response Hedilla declared that Traditionalists were most likely to be absorbed by Falange. First informal consultation talks were staged by compromise-minded politicians in January 1937 and were re-opened in February, though in both parties there was little

128:

parties and those opposed to "the patriotic movement". Soon afterwards it condemned "political partisanship" though not "specific ideologies", stating that the future government would introduce "the only politics and the only unionization possible" and prohibited all political or trade union

504:

as Caudillo's key adviser. Generalísimo was also increasingly concerned with both Falange and Carlism assuming a bolder tone; in March Don Javier and Hedilla addressed him with letters which blended declarations of loyalty with demands, while Falangist congresses drafted grand schemes which

1661:

early September 1936 when interviewed in Cáceres by the German press Franco said that he was merely a military men, that his objective was to defeat bolchevism, and once done he would return power to any national movement (movimiento nacional) supported by the people, Tusell 2002, p.

2456:

most scholarly accounts refer the balcony episode rather vaguely and do not specify whether there were references made to the unification, see e.g. Payne 2000, pp. 268-9. There are some, though, who claim that the improvised balcony address was “para celebrar el anuncio unificador”,

244:

considered the army – even though viewed with some suspicion as respectively liberal or reactionary – a necessary tool to gain control of all Spain, but they expected the army to be politically passive and each claimed exclusive right to define political content of the future state.

778:

The key outcome of unification was ensuring political unity within the Nationalist camp. The most dynamic political groupings in the rebel zone, so far fully loyal but autonomous and demonstrating own ambitions, were marginalized. Falange was domesticated and though the independent

758:, the body vaguely specified in the Unification Decree as part of the FET executive; he opted for simple nominations. The list of 50 nominees as announced in the media was organized according to an order probably intended to rank them in terms of prestige and importance, with 2881:

Tusell 2002, p. 134. Rodezno was also surprised and concerned by detention of Manuel Hedilla. However, he still held trust in earlier Franco’s assurance that Traditionalist doctrine will be embodied in outlook of the new party "en su día", Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p.

2754:, Adolfo Gómez Sanz, Javier Martínez de Morentín (heads of departments in military section), José María Valiente, Rodezno, Rafael Olazabal, Julio Muñoz de Aguilar, José M. Oriol and Fausto Gaiztarro (heads of departments in qgeneral section), Ricardo Ollaquindia, 456:

and some Carlist symbols, and it would be headed by a triumvirate, possibly including Don Javier. The negotiations did not produce any agreement, most likely because Rodezno did not have the mandate from Fal and Don Javier. The meetings were also flavored with a

1483:

e.g. in December 1936 a few Alfonsist politicians secured support of Secretaría General del Gobierno del Estado (and personally Nicolás Franco) to take over the Madrid publishing house Editorial Católica once Madrid is taken by the Nationalists, Tusell 2002, p.

2844:

Tusell 2002, p. 129. Afterwards censorship made sure that neither the Falangist nor the Carlist component of the party name is privileged; abbreviations like "FE Tradicionalista" or "Falange Española T. de las JONS" were not allowed, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p.

2372:"organización estatal que reconozca las peculiaridades regionales", Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 273. Until mid-1937 Rodezno still believed that decentralised vision based on "autarquias regionales" was possible and called not to revert to "centralismo liberal", 312:

merged indeed, an independent syndicalist organization CESE joined the Carlist Obra Nacional Corporative scheme and in some regions Acción Popular and Renovación sections fused with the Carlists. In Navarre the Carlists ran sort of an own state structure.

2985:, was immediately deposed; "Lá pretendida unión de falangistas y requetés no se ha realizado a pesar de las órdenes dadas por el jefe Orrigosa. Los requetés se niegan a sustituir su carnet por el carnet único, alegando que los falangistas son rojos", 4013: 2311:

in February a falangist National Press Congress drafted grandious plans of the party propaganda structure; in March the III Consejo Nacional de Falange discussed the future regime of Spain with little attention paid to the military, Payne 2000, p.

683: 291:

In the early 20th century Carlism was a second-rate force; like Falange it benefited from radicalization of the mid-1930s, though unlike Falange it enjoyed major appeal only in some regions of Spain. The Carlist pretender, the Austria-based

3509:

Tusell 2007, p. 414, “As a result he had achieved supreme power in two welltimed stages: September 1936 and April 1937. With the first he became de jure leader; with the second, suppressing all potential opposition, de facto dictator”,

714:

The leaders of Carlism and the original Falange assumed a highly skeptical wait-and-see stand. Franco made some effort to lure both. He sent very respectful letters to Don Javier and suggested that the exiled Fal be made ambassador in

3583:

sent a letter to Don Juan requesting support until the end of the war and promised that monarchic issue would be taken up afterwards; Don Juan indeed produced a support letter which somewhat pacified the Alfonsists, Payne 1987, p. 179

1493:

the JAP sources claimed that their milita amounted to 6,000 people, the figure doubted by historians. On September 4, 1936 Luciano de Calzada was nominated Jefe Nacional de las Milicias de CEDA y de la JAP, José Báez Pérez de Tudela,

1310:“compuesto por un número de miembros variables elegidos entre los miembros de orden, milicias afectas a la causa y personas representativas de las fuerzas o entidades económicas de composición lo más reducida posible” according to 1852:

in January 1937 Confederacion Española de Sindicatos Obreros, a trade union organization with 500,000 affiliates, joined the Carlist Obra Nacional Corporativa; also the Catalan Lliga was leaning towards Carlism, Tusell 2007, p.

3614:

in May 1938 Gil-Robles was permitted to enter Spain; once he met his collaborators in Salamanca the regime declared the sessions illegal and rebellious, with a press onslaught on Gil-Robles and CEDA following, Tusell 2002, pp.

1671:

in October 1936 there were 46,794 volunteers registered in ranks of the frontline Nationalist militias; 23.307 were Falangists, 12,213 were Carlists and 9,724 were other, like JAP or Legionarios de Albiñana, Aróstegui 2013, p.

3217:

on August 11 Franco spoke to Fal in Salamanca; caudillo talked about posts, the Carlist jefe about principles. Both parted with no agreement, yet soon Fal and his family were allowed to return to Spain, Tusell 2002, pp.

3535:

in June 1938 Aznar and Gonzalez Velez were expulsed from FET and jailed; they voiced some distance and dissatisfaction, which Serrano inflated into a full-scale conspiracy, Tusell 2002, p. 304-305, Preston 1995, p.

3463:

out of 27 members of last pre-unification FE council there were only 8 appointed to the FET consejo (Girón, Ridruejo, Pilar Primo de Rivera, Yagüe, González Vélez, Rivas Seva, Joaquín Miranda González and José Luna

100:

involved in the plot, and almost none of them concluded a political agreement with the generals. The only party which did close a deal, the Carlists, secured an ambiguous agreement with the head of the conspiracy,

2662:

the original Falange program consisted of 27 points. The decree did not specify which one of them was dropped, though it was widely understood that the one disregarded was the last one, which banned any political

791: 540:

The actual unification decree was first disseminated by Radio Nacional in repeated broadcasts aired during April 19, though exact hour of the first broadcast is not clear. On April 20 the document appeared as

2653:

the decree did not use the name "Carlism" or "Carlists" a single time; the radio address of April 18 contained one reference to Carlism as glorious movement which defended Spanish identity in the 19th century

3473:

none of them Falangist; these who used to seat in the Cortes (either during Restoration or the Republic) were Rodezno, Bilbao, Baleztena, Yanguas, Valiente, Serrano, Sainz, Aunos, Urbina, Arellano and Toledo

3762:“its function after the unification was to incorporate, in Franco’s words, the ‘great unaffiliated neutral mass’ of Spaniards, and doctrinal rigidity was clearly not to stand in the way”, Payne 1987, p. 174 615:

It is not entirely clear who was responsible for ultimate shape of the unification documents, but most scholars tend to attribute at least most of the authorship to Serrano Suñer; apparently the Generals

1862:

e.g. in January 1937 in Canarias the local Acción Popular and Renovación youth organizations joined Comunión Tradicionalista and agreed on a common uniform, Tusell 2002, p. 104, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p.

4008: 2181:

the January 1937 Carlist-Falangist talks were held by Rodezno and Sancho Dávila; it is not clear to what extent the official leaders of both parties, Fal and Hedilla, were aware, Payne 2000, p. 262

227:. It was their efficiency as recruitment structures which mattered to Franco and the military. Initially volunteers constituted 38% of all troops available to the Nationalists on the peninsula; as 3240:

Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 41; he was held among "máximos responsables de la actitud de rebeldía mantenida por el carlismo navarro frente a la autoridad de don Javier", Aurora Villanueva Martínez,

1984:

Franco also added – at last according to a report by the Italian envoy Danzi to Rome – that he would attempt to unite all parties “along the lines of the Fascist Party”, Preston 1995, p. 249

2117:

the Carlist Navarrese junta compiled the list of 41 instances of clashes between the Falangists and the Carlists from September 1936 to March 1937 inn Navarre only, Manuel Martorell Pérez,

132:

This ban on political activity was not rigorously enforced on rightist organizations, but each of their fates differed significantly. The largest grouping, CEDA, which held 88 seats in the

1690:

in late July 1936 out of 90,140 Nationalist militants some 35,000 were militiamen; in October 1936 out of 188,581 Nationalist militants there were 46,794 militiamen, Aróstegui 2013, p. 808

2746:

7 (1992), p. 341. The Carlist executive, Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra, operational from August 1936 until April 1937 and acting along Jefe Delegado Manuel Fal Conde, was composed of

1944:

in November 1936 Franco and Hedilla asked Felipe Ximénez de Sandoval, jefe of Servicio Exterior of Falange, to sketch terms of would-be unification with the Carlists, Payne 2000, p. 260

2918:

many Carlist rank-and-file generally paid little attention to the decree and thought the announced party to be “remedo trasnochado de la Unión Patriótica”, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 268

423:, both to be incorporated in an omnipotent state; the latter were committed to a loose monarchy, society entrenched in traditional roles and de-centralized state accommodating local 3356:

until mid-1937 Rodezno believed that decentralised vision based on "autarquias regionales" was possible and called not to revert to "centralismo liberal , Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas,

347:

state party, Unión Patriótica, the amorphous and bureaucratic structure built from scratch and organized around general values such as patriotism, discipline, work, law and order.

2779:, vol 1, Sevilla 1939, p. 146. Some former FE leaders from the very onset vehemently protested incorporation of Carlist red berets as the new Falangist headgear, refused to wear 496:'s works, in handwritten notes on the margins trying to identify points of convergence. The process gained momentum in late winter of 1937; most scholars relate it to arrival of 2345:

during a tension-ridden session of March 29, 1937 Fal Conde refused to acknowledge the position of Consejo but did not take steps against it, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 260-261

2438:

until then Hedilla was a jefe of Junta de Mando, a provisional body. The April decision elevated him to Jefe Nacional and successor of José Antonio, Payne 1987, pp. 170-171

1583:

this was the case also of some bodies set up by Jefe del Estado like Secretaría General, Secretaría de Guerra and Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Tusell 2007, p. 408

2927:

the balcony episode as related in the media might have given the impression that Hedilla, a just elected new jefe of Falange, was handing power to Franco, Paul Preston,

488:

Franco first mentioned unification in October, but during 5 months he apparently struggled to work out its terms; in February he was stuck with laborious comparison of

2690:

some scholars claim that there were just 4 Falangists appointed, 2 old-shirts Hedilla and Miranda and 2 neos López Bassa and González Bueno, García Venero 1970, p. 109

3564:

later after the war some Carlists intended to store weapons in their usual mountainous depots just in case it turns necessary to “salir otra vez”, Tusell 2007, p. 418

602:, black-red banner, “camarada”-style addressing – as motives of the new party; its uniform was to be a combination of a Falangist blue shirt and a Carlist red beret. 2740:

Actas de las reuniones de la junta de mando provisional de Falange Española de las J.O.N.S. celebradas durante el periódo 5 de diciembre de 1936-30 de marzo de 1937

3093:

Franco wanted Serrano to enter the Junta, but the latter preferred to remain in the shadow and act as informal link between Franco and the body, Payne 2000, p. 275

692:

served as a link between him and the party executive. The post of temporary secretary went to López Bassa; other most active figures in the Junta turned out to be

2599: 2559: 553:

The unification decree announced in its first point that "Falange Española" and "Requetés" are integrated into one "political entity" led by Franco and named "

1761:

as early as November 1936 the Falangist executive did not hesitate to address Franco with recommendations as to foreign policy, Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, p. 239

408: 560:

The decree which nominated members of Junta Política listed 10 names. Among 5 Falangists there were 3 “old-shirts”; Manuel Hedilla (35 years), a businessman

2771:

Payne 2000, p. 269. In July 1939 a ministerial decree replaced the red beret with a peaked cap as part of the official Falangist uniform, Manuel Santa Cruz

140:; its structures had partially collapsed, having been abandoned by militants disappointed with the movement's legalist strategy. In addition, its leader 2420:

the preamble was edited at Asamblea Extraordinaria de la Comunión Tradicionalista de Navarra, staged on April 16, 1937, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 272-276

728:

that at this point the original Falange signed a pact with Franco, and its notary was Serrano. It was strengthened once the original Secretary General,

3601:

even the very tractable Goicoechea admitted in private that Consejo and the infrastructure which was being created was “cursilería”, Stanley G. Payne,

2090:

there were also cases of agreement, e.g. in late Oct ober 1936 FE and CT agreed on division of press resources in conquered Madrid, Payne 2000, p. 261

444: 275: 2545:

no specifics of the unification was revealed and no names were mentioned; the address did not declare setup of any new party, Payne 2000, pp. 268-269

321: 554: 248:

The most dynamic political power was Falange; a 1933-born third-rate party known mostly for street violence and as a point of reference for Spanish

4048: 2681:

which in line with the unification document should have been understood as half of all members, with the rest to be appointed by the future Consejo

1417:

the martial law prohibited all rallies and public meetings; even private meetings involving more than few persons were subject to official approval

3231:

that “save country and religion first”, so he parked political Carlist ambitions in order not to weaken the Nationalist war, Tusell 2002, p. 155

2447:

to an observer it might have looked that Hedilla, the freshly elected leader of Falange, visited Franco to hand him over the political leadership

3744:“the FET effectively performed its function as an official political and doctrinal organization for the remainder of the war” Payne 1987, p. 176 3080:

in the summer of 1937 Junta largely disintegrated; Mazón was hurt in a traffic incident, López Bassa fell gravely ill, Gazapo was despatched to

300:. The latter met Franco twice in 1936 and both leaders remained highly skeptical about each other; Franco preferred to speak to the experienced 352: 148:(JAP), CEDA's youth wing and formerly its most dynamic organ, reorganized in September 1936 as a paramilitary force with few thousand members. 2747: 3592:

Sainz Rodríguez was a minister, Areilza was alcalde of Bilbao, Pemán was the chief propagandists, but the likes of Vegas went into dissidence

3062:

in every province there was a Comisión de Integración created; it was supervised by the FET provincial jefe, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 60-61

252:, in the atmosphere of rapid radicalization of 1936 it attracted tens and soon hundreds of thousands of mostly young people. With its leader 3655: 2703:. Rodezno suggested to drop Ulibarri, asked for one more post for the Carlists and suggested Florida and Mazón, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 56 770: 674: 210: 3228: 465: 293: 2191: 2108:

e.g. when speaking at a rally in Burgos the Carlist propagandist Urraca Pastor was whistled down by the Falangists, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 280

572:(46), and one oddball vaguely related to the party with – or at least it might have seemed so – literary rather than political ambitions, 419:

Theoretical platforms of Falange and Comunión were strikingly distinct. The former advanced a syndicalist revolution and vehement Spanish

1453:

the first time the decree was enforced by security was February 1937, when employed against some Falangist activities, Tusell 2002, p. 77

395:. It seems that at that time he expected that the Falangists and the Carlists would work out the merger terms themselves; in a letter to 3071:

according to many “political life of the regime resided in the ministries” and not in the Falange executive, see e.g. Payne 1987, p. 179

186:

In early October 1936 supreme power in the rebel zone was assumed by Francisco Franco, who set up an executive administration named the

4028: 3545:

Fernández Cuesta did not act as an autonomous old-shirt but rather as a transmission belt from Franco and Serrrano, Tusell 2002, p. 149

2940: 339:

supported a general “patriotic front”, some suggested a personalist “Partido Franquista” and people in caudillo's close entourage like

2796:

Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 289-90, Tusell 2002, pp. 130-131; some authors claim that also Giménez Caballero contributed, Preston 1995, p. 266

236:

revolution, with Falange the only genuine live political force amidst remnants of old, pathetically antiquated other parties. Both

3801:, p. 97; a different view is that “FET y de las JONS no era lo mismo que la Falange republicana”, Francisco Morente Valero (ed.), 3679: 260:

zone, in September 1936 Falange formed a provisional Junta de Mando composed of largely inexperienced young leaders and headed by

141: 3723:“while great success in some terms, it was not such when it comes to long distance political objectives”, Manuel Espadas Burgos, 3402:

as a Carlist gala. Two national FET inspectors arrived in the city and Tellería was promptly dismissed; Iñaki Fernández Redondo,

1779:

some scholars identify even 3 currents with Falange: Hedillistas, legitimists and neo-falangistas, Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, p. 267

643: 220: 37: 3156:

e.g. on April 21, 1937 the Navarrese civil governor organized a unification rally; the requete band played the Falangist anthem

156:(11 mandates) were also in decay, with the Alfonsists of RE in particular being preoccupied with engineering schemes related to 1319: 257: 120:, was set up on July 23 as an instrument of administration and intendancy rather than politics. On July 30 the Junta declared 3703: 3190:

published in April/May 1937. Some authors claim it was first published on April 20, 1937, see Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 298

2194:

on the Carlist side and Pedro Gamero del Castillo and José Luis Escario on the Falangist one, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 248

165: 3395: 642:

program and symbols, yet except Hedilla none of their heavyweights was appointed to Junta Política. The “legitimists” –

272:

seeking a political understanding behind the back of the military; they vaguely suggested that “Franco is for today”.

2515:

according to some the address was written by Franco, according to some by Ernesto Giménez Caballero, Gonzalo Redondo,

1874:

El carlismo en la guerra del 36: la formación de un cuasi-estado nacional-corporativo y foral an la zona vasco-navarra

383:

some disorganized phrases about a corporative state yet he could have not distinguished between the regimes in Italy,

144:

declared the suspension of all CEDA political activity. Though some of CEDA heavyweights remained politically active,

124:, which theoretically prevented any political activity. On September 13 the Junta issued a decree which dissolved all 3982: 3968: 3937: 3922: 3883: 3798: 3732: 3699: 3675: 3651: 3523: 3415: 3369: 2969: 2936: 2772: 2524: 2491: 2470: 2389: 2143: 1740: 1640: 1562: 1532: 1471: 1405: 1393: 1372: 1339: 356:“ideologia nacional”; having ignored all other groupings he suggested it should possibly be founded on Falangism and 1109: 1044: 962: 755: 561: 457: 157: 2373: 1733:

La nueva Covadonga insurgente: orígenes sociales y culturales de la sublevación de 1936 en Navarra y el País Vasco

576:(38). There were 4 Carlists, all of them Rodeznistas: Tomás Domínguez Arévalo (conde Rodezno, 55), his lieutenant 2068:“Don Carlos Marx”. Studium przypadku rewolucyjnej transgresjo tradycjonalizmu w socjalizm w hiszpańskim karlizmie 724: 693: 568:(32); they were accompanied by one fresh Falangist who had joined after the July coup, a career military officer 3427:

detailed statistics of formal complaints raised along internal FET channes is discussed in Peñalba Sotorrío 2013

1282: 933: 489: 253: 241: 145: 56: 41: 3951: 3904: 2814: 2721: 1619: 1351: 297: 195: 2332: 1731:

the Carlists by 11:1, while in Alava the Carlists outperformed the Falangists by 4:1, Javier Ugarte Tellería,

1157: 585: 501: 340: 175: 161: 3138:

on May 10, 1937 Pilar Primo de Rivera was nominated jefe of the feminine section, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 293

651: 168:) openly operated its national and provincial war councils, its key asset being volunteer militia units, the 137: 2154:. Another opinion in Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 246, who claims that the article pointed rather to differences 1119: 814: 748: 729: 573: 464:. Though the Alfonsists were not admitted they realized what was going on; their most active politicians, 3084:

while Rodezno and Arrellano stopped attending. According to some, Junta was in agony, Tusell 2002, p. 142

2990: 2785:

Carlistas y falangistas en la provincia de Huelva: de la lucha contra la república al movimiento nacional

2079: 972: 569: 232:

basically a Carlist-military alliance. The Falangists saw the Nationalist effort very much in terms of a

3956: 2981:

as late as in February 1938 Carlist units on the Teruel front were about to withdraw; their commander,

609: 187: 4043: 3994: 2700: 2504: 1227: 818: 589: 565: 4038: 3147:

on May 11, 1937 colonel Monasterio was nominated jefe of Milicia Nacional, Garcia Venero 1970, p. 114

2146:, pp. 23, 118, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 281-281, Payne 1999, pp. 260-261, Maximiliano García Venero 1970, 309: 96: 3644:

The Spanish Civil Wars: A Comparative History of the First Carlist War and the Conflict of the 1930s

3408:

La Historia, lost in Translation? Actas del XIII Congreso de la Asociación de Historia Contemporánea

493: 160:. The two groups on the right which did experience growth, and at a dramatic rate, were the Carlist 2863:

Hedilla’s death sentence was commuted almost 3 months later, on July 19, 1937, Preston 1995, p. 270

2074:

v/4 (2010), p. 68. Even on the frontline some Carlist units referred to the Falangists as "rojos",

663: 497: 384: 237: 149: 60: 3815: 469: 461: 437: 2982: 708: 305: 153: 113: 3006: 2331:

on March 22, 1937 the Carlist frondists set up a new body, Consejo de la Tradición, presided by

1193: 1010: 581: 4033: 3999: 2624: 2583: 659: 388: 357: 344: 117: 3818:

in his synthesis claimed that history of Carlism ended with the Civil War, see Román Oyarzun,

3404:

La fallida conquista del estado. Falange y el establecimiento de FET y de las JONS (1939-1973)

1462:

declaration that Gil-Robles made to Franco in a letter, dated November 2, 1936, Paul Preston,

436:

statements at the turn of 1936 and 1937 immediately revealed major differences: an article by

3822:, Madrid 1939; others claim that Carlism regained strength, see e.g. Manuel Martorell Pérez, 2994: 1825:

in November 1936 the Carlists launched Obra Nacional Corporativa, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 274-275

895: 759: 269: 125: 3944:

El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación

2536:“nosotros, decidimos, ante Dios y ante la nación española, dar cima a esta obra unificadora” 1612:

El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación

1082: 577: 379: 2735: 374:

During late winter and early spring of 1937 Franco talked to Italian Fascist heavyweights

8: 3491:

out of which 74,519 were Falangists and 19,969 were Carlists, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 808-809

2047:

those detained included Ridruejo, Girón, Tovar and Martínez de Bedoya, Payne 2000, p. 255

133: 20:

Propaganda drawing of the union between Falangists and Carlists. From the youth magazine

1957:, included the sub-title for the first time on December 19, 1936, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 279 327: 3573:

the summer of 1938 marks total breakup between Rodezno and Serrano, Tusell 2002, p. 300

2756:

La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936

2751: 2212:

Tusell 2002, pp. 106-107, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 282-284, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 248-290

336: 199: 1709: 1520: 3978: 3964: 3947: 3933: 3918: 3900: 3879: 3794: 3728: 3695: 3671: 3647: 3519: 3411: 3365: 2965: 2932: 2810: 2717: 2520: 2487: 2466: 2458: 2385: 2139: 1736: 1636: 1615: 1558: 1528: 1467: 1401: 1389: 1368: 1347: 1335: 1287: 720: 375: 179: 49: 500:, the astute man impressed with Italian Fascism who immediate replaced conventional 3803:

Fascismo en España: ensayos sobre los orígenes sociales y culturales del franquismo

1426:

theoretically the decree permitted activity e.g. of Lerroux and his Partido Radical

1292: 1238: 533: 363: 343:

preferred rather a civic “Acción Ciudadana”. All these concepts were resemblant of

68: 33: 3399: 2239:

Tusell 2002, pp. 107-109, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 285, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 251-252

647: 529: 284: 50:

Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista

3242:

Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo

1277: 810: 744: 621: 593: 73: 2734:

Jiménez 2000, p. 234; later it included also Sancho Dávila and Rafael Garcerán,

4014:

Falangist and Carlist comradeship in present progressist propaganda iconography

2714:

El eclipse de la democracia: la Guerra Civil española y sus orígenes, 1931-1939

1496:

Movilización juvenil y radicalización verbalista: La Juventud de Acción Popular

428: 261: 64: 2392:, p. 135, also Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 252, 273, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 45 605: 420: 296:, perished in late September 1936 and was succeeded by a regent, France-based 4022: 3511: 3406:, Damián A. González, Manuel Ortiz Heras, Juan Sisinio Pérez Garzón (eds.), 2962:

Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939

424: 2777:

Apuntes y documentos para la Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, 1939-1966

512: 3789:“una absorpción de los requetes ... por parte de Falange”, Herrero Suárez, 564:(43) and an officer with loyalties divided between the army and the party, 392: 228: 40:

on April 19, 1937. The decree merged two existing political groupings, the

2057:

self-interesed conservatism and capitalism, Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, p. 261

617: 598: 233: 121: 101: 88: 3398:, who tried to organize celebrations of the first anniversary of taking 2997:

staged a parade with condoms on rifle-mounted bayonets, Antonio Burgos,

460:

spirit, especially that the Falangists were represented among others by

280: 194:, Infante Juan, championed by the Alfonsists, was asked to leave Spain, 169: 2517:

Historia de la Iglesia en España, 1931-1939: La Guerra Civil, 1936-1939

1953:

Payne 2000, p. 261; the key Carlist newspaper in the Nationalist zone,

1544:

in total Falange gathered 46,466 votes, Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, p. 213

3690:“shotgun marriage whose chief beneficiary was Franco”, Helen Graham, 1342:, pp. 364-365. For Falange Española see José Luis Rodríguez Jiménez, 1055: 906: 829: 633: 109: 2336:

Martorell Pérez 2008, p. 28-50, and Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 30-47

360:, though he also rejected the idea of reproducing a Fascist scheme. 3995:

full text of Franco's unification radio broadcast of April 18, 1937

3961:

El gran golpe: El "caso Hedilla" o cómo Franco se quedó con Falange

3391: 2150:, Madrid 1970, p. 80; the article was published on December 19 in 1168: 716: 704: 191: 3390:

some already have been ousted. This was the case of the first FET

1797:

Payne 2000, p. 259, Tusell 2002, pp. 121-122, Preston 1995, p. 259

480: 3913:, María Encarna Nicolás Marín, Carmen González Martínez (eds.), 2783:, and referred to them as "tomates", Juan Ignacio González Orta, 1272: 944: 301: 249: 224: 45: 164:

and the Falange Española de las JONS. Comunión Tradicionalista (

3081: 1130: 774:

Franco speaking, late 1940s; note Falangist and Carlist symbols

737: 584:(conde de la Florida, 58) and a locally known Rioja politician 3915:

Ayeres en discusión: temas clave de Historia Contemporánea hoy

3362:

Imaginarios y representaciones de España durante el franquismo

2382:

Imaginarios y representaciones de España durante el franquismo

84: 16: 2363:

Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 263-265, 267, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 288

2190:

the February 1937 talks were held by José María Valiente and

265: 3853:

position held in the pre-unification organisation (FE or CT)

3044:

in Colindres in Cantabria, Báez Pérez de Tudela 1994, p. 104

1525:

Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939

3824:

La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil

3186:

see first of all a booklet by Wenceslao González Oliveros,

983: 396: 105: 3911:

Falangistas y requetés: historia de una absorción violenta

3482:

the graphical symbol in the middle has not been identified

3771:

Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 273, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 45

2929:

La Guerra Civil Española: reacción, revolución y venganza

2134:

this is the view advanced in Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío,

4009:

unification in popular Francoist propaganda iconography

1219:

Minister of Work 1938-39, in syndicates, Cortes 1943-71

3372:, p. 135. Later he ceased attending the Junta meetings 116:. The top executive body of the rebel government, the 3516:

The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939

3360:, Stéphane Michonneau, Xosé M. Núñez Seixas (eds.), 3160:, later the Falangist band played the Carlist anthem 2380:, Stéphane Michonneau, Xosé M. Núñez Seixas (eds.), 2322:

intended to prevent any such deal, Payne 1987, p. 170

686:

Carlist and Falangist rank-and-file on common parade

925:

did not take seat, imprisoned, withdrew into privacy

316: 2401:

Blinkhorn 2008, p. 287, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 269

2699:initially Franco thought of Rodezno, Arellano and 852: 580:(31), rather detached member of Carlist executive 765: 4020: 3692:The Spanish Civil War: A Very Short Introduction 3605:, Madison 1961, p. 189, Tusell 2002, pp. 159-160 2354:Tusell 2002, p. 117, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 286-287 1149:in diplomacy and mostly abroad, Cortes 1943-1958 403: 524: 3448:Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación 2119:Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación 1288:Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS 1185:withdrew into privacy and business engagements 699: 637:Carlist and Falangist leaders on common parade 555:Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS 136:, had been gradually disintegrating since the 824: 4000:original Unification Decree as published in 3835:sequential position in the nomination decree 3358:La región y lo local en el primer franquismo 2378:La región y lo local en el primer franquismo 256:and many other top activists trapped in the 3188:Falange y Requeté, orgánicamente solidarios 2221:Tusell 2002, p. 107, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 283 1908:Tusell 2002, p. 103, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 281 1652:Tusell 2002, p. 103, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 281 817:) renounced their former identity or (like 3714:see e.g. Martorell Pérez 2008, pp. 429-458 3227:Don Javier stuck to the original order of 1011:Tomás Dolz de Espejo (conde de la Florida) 662:to the Madrid government in course of the 205: 2411:ultimate solution, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 272 754:In October 1937 Franco decided to set up 3897:Historia de Falange Española de las JONS 3753:see e.g. comments in Tusell 2007, p. 414 2503:full text of the address available e.g. 1344:Historia de Falange Española de las JONS 961:min.of justice 1938-39, Cortes 1943-46, 828: 769: 743: 703: 632: 604: 528: 511: 479: 475: 443: 412:Members of Falangist infantile section, 407: 362: 320: 274: 209: 174: 83: 15: 4049:Nationalist faction (Spanish Civil War) 3283:Tusell 2002, p. 147, Payne 1987, p. 174 3274:Tusell 2002, p. 147, Payne 1987, p. 174 3265:Tusell 2002, p. 147, Payne 1987, p. 174 2011:Tusell 2002, p. 111, Payne 2000, p. 262 1843:Tusell 2002, p. 104, Payne 2000, p. 261 1314:, issued by general Mola, quoted after 934:Tomas Domínguez Arévalo (conde Rodezno) 4021: 3942:Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, 3256:Tusell 2002, p. 131 Payne 2000, p. 273 2619:the official version was published in 2473:, p. 143, or Preston 1995, pp. 265-266 2002:Tusell 2002, p. 99, Payne 2000, p. 263 1721:Tusell 2002, p. 93, Payne 2000, p. 249 1610:Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, 628: 448:members of Carlist infantile section, 3876:Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939 1365:Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939 3930:Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul 3725:Historia general de España y América 2484:Historia general de España y América 2136:Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul 1257:provisional Secretary General of FET 1074:civil governor, after 1945 sidelined 325:Members of Falangist female branch, 36:in his capacity of Head of State of 3302:Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, pp. 457-461 2993:. In Andalusia a unit commanded by 2891:the cases of Valiente and Zamanillo 2072:Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia 1708:e.g. José Antonio Primo de Rivera, 1699:Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, pp. 229-236 1108:active in Navarre, Cortes 1952-67, 367:Members of Carlist female section, 32:was a political measure adopted by 13: 3868: 3805:, s.l. 2005, 9788496356320, p. 211 3177:plan has been eventually abandoned 2750:(secretary), José Luis Zamanillo, 644:Sancho Dávila y Fernández de Celis 14: 4060: 4029:Politics of the Spanish Civil War 3988: 3311:Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 91-93. 1398:Historia de España en el siglo XX 803:Franco in the summer FET uniform 317:First concepts of political unity 91:, head of the military conspiracy 3856: 3847: 3838: 3829: 3808: 3783: 3774: 3765: 3756: 3747: 3738: 3717: 3708: 3684: 3660: 3636: 3627: 3618: 3608: 3595: 3586: 3576: 3567: 3558: 3548: 3539: 3529: 3503: 3494: 3485: 3476: 3467: 3457: 3439: 3430: 3421: 3384: 3375: 3350: 3341: 3332: 3323: 3314: 3305: 3296: 3286: 3277: 3268: 3259: 3250: 3234: 3221: 3211: 3202: 3193: 3180: 3164:, and finally both bands played 3150: 3141: 3132: 3123: 3114: 3105: 3096: 3087: 3074: 3065: 3056: 3047: 3038: 3029: 3020: 3011: 2975: 2954: 2945: 2921: 2912: 2903: 2894: 2885: 2875: 2866: 2857: 2848: 2838: 2829: 2820: 2799: 2790: 2765: 2727: 2706: 2693: 2684: 2675: 2666: 2656: 2647: 2638: 2629: 2623:dated April 25, 1937, available 2613: 2604: 2588: 2573: 2564: 2548: 2539: 2530: 2509: 2497: 2476: 2450: 1312:Instrucción reservada número uno 878:pre-unification leadership role 790: 673: 588:(36). The ten was complete with 158:Infante Juan, Count of Barcelona 142:José María Gil-Robles y Quiñones 55:The merger was imposed upon the 3909:José Antonio Parejo Fernández, 3168:, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 288. 2441: 2432: 2423: 2414: 2404: 2395: 2366: 2357: 2348: 2339: 2325: 2315: 2305: 2296: 2287: 2278: 2269: 2260: 2251: 2242: 2233: 2224: 2215: 2206: 2197: 2184: 2175: 2166: 2157: 2128: 2111: 2102: 2093: 2084: 2060: 2050: 2041: 2032: 2023: 2014: 2005: 1996: 1987: 1978: 1969: 1960: 1947: 1938: 1929: 1920: 1911: 1902: 1893: 1883: 1866: 1856: 1846: 1837: 1828: 1819: 1810: 1800: 1791: 1782: 1773: 1764: 1755: 1746: 1724: 1715: 1702: 1693: 1684: 1675: 1665: 1655: 1646: 1625: 1604: 1595: 1586: 1577: 1568: 1547: 1538: 1514: 1505: 1487: 1477: 1456: 3017:Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 284-5 2999:Café para una Infanta carlista 2672:Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, p. 318 1447: 1438: 1429: 1420: 1411: 1378: 1357: 1324: 1304: 766:Immediate and long-term impact 196:Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma 1: 3895:José Luis Rodríguez Jiménez, 404:Failed unification from below 97:military conspirators of 1936 79: 3603:The Franco Regime, 1936-1975 3446:requeté”, Manuel Martorell, 2835:Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 56 1712:, Fernández Rodríguez Cuesta 1283:Falange Española de las JONS 1194:Pedro González-Bueno y Bocos 525:Decree and related documents 310:Partido Nacionalista Español 254:José Antonio Primo de Rivera 146:Juventudes de Acción Popular 63:. Leaders of both parties – 57:Falange Española de las JONS 7: 3928:Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, 3888:Maximiliano García Venero, 3396:Agustín Tellería Mendizábal 3129:Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 293 3102:Tusell 2002, pp. 138, 141-2 3053:Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 287 2900:Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 290-291 2610:Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 287 2582:182, 20.04.1937, available 2293:Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 254 2203:Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 248 1807:Arostegui 2013, pp. 808-809 1266: 723:, Fernando González Vélez, 700:First months of unification 10: 4065: 3890:Historia de la Unificación 3727:, vol. 2/19, Madrid 1987, 3172:had been earlier declared 2762:56/2-5 (1995), pp. 501-502 2635:García Venero 1970, p. 109 2486:, vol. 2/19, Madrid 1987, 2148:Historia de la Unificación 884:in Consejo Nacional until 825:Historiographic assessment 547:Boletín Oficial del Estado 182:, head of Junta de Defensa 112:, Carlism, or the defunct 3975:Franco en la guerra civil 3814:e.g. a Carlist historian 2773:Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta 1386:Franco en la guerra civil 1120:Ernesto Giménez Caballero 889: 886: 883: 880: 877: 874: 871: 868: 865: 862: 730:Raimundo Fernández Cuesta 574:Ernesto Giménez Caballero 118:Junta de Defensa Nacional 48:, into a new party - the 3957:Joan Maria Thomàs Andreu 3791:Un yugo para los flechas 3702:, page unavailable, see 3678:, page unavailable, see 3668:Un yugo para los flechas 3654:, page unavailable, see 3381:Tusell 2002, pp. 155-156 3293:Tusell 2002, pp. 144-145 2854:Tusell 2002, pp. 130-131 2374:Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas 2266:Tusell 2002, pp. 104-105 2020:Tusell 2002, pp. 113-114 1872:Javier Ugarte Tellería, 1396:, p. 35, Javier Tusell, 1298: 1045:Joaquín Miranda González 562:Joaquín Miranda González 188:Junta Técnica del Estado 162:Comunión Tradicionalista 61:Traditionalist Communion 2809:, vol. 3, Madrid 2000, 2748:José Lamamie de Clairac 2519:, vol. 2, Madrid 1993, 2482:Manuel Espadas Burgos, 2284:Payne 1987, pp. 167-168 1917:Payne 2000, pp. 259-260 1400:, vol. 3, Madrid 2007, 1332:First Spanish democracy 694:Fernando González Vélez 206:Falangists and Carlists 114:Spanish Patriotic Union 3666:Henar Herrero Suárez, 3338:Blinkhorn 2008, p. 292 2960:Jordi Canal i Morell, 2939:, p. unavailable, see 2909:Blinkhorn 2008, p. 290 2807:La España del siglo XX 2805:Manuel Tuñón de Lara, 2787:, Huelva 2022, pp. 278 2744:Historia contemporánea 2598:20.04.1937, available 2558:19.04.1937, available 2556:El Defensor de Córdoba 2248:Blinkhorn 2008, p. 287 2230:Blinkhorn 2008, p. 285 2163:Blinkhorn 2008, p. 282 2152:El Pensamiento Navarro 1966:Blinkhorn 2008, p. 278 1955:El Pensamiento Navarro 1899:Blinkhorn 2008, p. 281 1878:Historia Contemporánea 1816:Blinkhorn 2008, p. 273 1752:Blinkhorn 2008, p. 279 1500:Historia Contemporánea 1316:Badajoz y Guerra Civil 1158:José María Mazón Sainz 996:military (sub-colonel) 833: 775: 751: 711: 638: 612: 537: 517: 485: 452: 416: 371: 331: 288: 215: 183: 92: 25: 3820:Historia del Carlismo 3454:69/244 (2008), p. 452 2463:Fascismo y franquismo 1444:Tusell 2002, pp. 37-8 1036:withdrew into privacy 896:Manuel Hedilla Larrey 832: 773: 760:Pilár Primo de Rivera 747: 707: 636: 608: 532: 515: 483: 476:Last minute maneuvers 470:Pedro Sainz-Rodriguez 447: 411: 366: 324: 278: 213: 178: 87: 19: 3780:Preston 1995, p. 270 3120:Preston 1995, p. 267 3003:Memoria de Andalucía 2989:08.02.38, available 2570:Redondo 1993, p. 223 2257:Preston 1995, p. 252 2099:Preston 1995, p. 252 2078:08.02.38, available 1880:38 (2009), pp. 49-87 1681:Preston 1995, p. 248 1318:blogspot, available 1228:Ladislao López Bassa 1083:Luis Arellano Dihinx 664:Spanish–American War 590:Pedro González-Bueno 582:Tómas Dolz de Espejo 578:Luis Arellano Dihinx 566:Ladislao López Bassa 3633:Tusell 2002, p. 151 3624:Tusell 2002, p. 140 3500:Tusell 2007, p. 419 3436:Tusell 2002, p. 139 3347:Tusell 2002, p. 143 3329:Tusell 2002, p. 144 3245:Geronimo de Uztariz 3208:Tusell 2002, p. 154 3035:Tusell 2002, p. 134 3005:service, available 2872:Tusell 2002, p. 131 2429:Tusell 2002, p. 123 2029:Tusell 2007, p. 411 1834:Tusell 2002, p. 104 1601:Tusell 2007, p. 409 1574:Tusell 2007, p. 408 1511:Tusell 2007, p. 409 973:Darío Gazapo Valdés 813:, who either (like 629:Immediate aftermath 610:Ramón Serrano Súñer 570:Darío Gazapo Valdés 498:Ramón Serrano Suñer 150:Renovación Española 102:General Emilio Mola 67:of the Falange and 3878:, Cambridge 2008, 3874:Martin Blinkhorn, 3320:Payne 2000, p. 277 3199:Payne 2000, p. 273 3111:Payne 2000, p. 276 3026:Payne 2000, p. 270 2951:Payne 1987, p. 173 2826:Payne 2000, p. 266 2712:Gabriele Ranzato, 2701:Marcelino Ulibarri 2644:Payne 2000, p. 269 2596:El Día de Palencia 2302:Payne 2000, p. 266 2275:Payne 2000, p. 262 2172:Payne 2000, p. 261 2038:Tusell 2002, p. 77 1993:Tusell 2002, p. 98 1975:Tusell 2002, p. 97 1935:Payne 2000, p. 260 1926:Payne 1987, p. 168 1788:Payne 2000, p. 266 1770:Payne 2000, p. 252 1631:Stanley G. Payne, 1592:Tusell 2002, p. 85 1553:Stanley G. Payne, 1435:Tusell 2002, p. 37 1367:, Cambridge 2008, 1363:Martin Blinkhorn, 1330:Stanley G. Payne, 1251:military (captain) 952:national (1932-34) 834: 776: 752: 712: 639: 613: 543:Decreto número 255 538: 518: 486: 484:Falangist standard 466:José María Areilza 453: 417: 372: 332: 294:Don Alfonso Carlos 289: 216: 200:Antonio Goicoechea 184: 152:(13 mandates) and 138:February elections 93: 30:Unification Decree 26: 4044:April 1937 events 4004:of April 20, 1937 3862:did not take seat 3452:Príncipe de Viana 3410:, Albacete 2016, 3247:19 (2003), p. 101 2760:Principe de Viana 2736:Joan Maria Thomàs 2465:, Valencia 2004, 2459:Ismael Saz Campos 2333:Martinez Berasain 2125:69 (2008), p. 436 2123:Príncipe de Viana 1633:The Franco Regime 1502:11 (1994), p. 104 1264: 1263: 853:Annex. First FET 811:Carlist offshoots 721:Dionisio Ridruejo 214:Falangist militia 180:Miguel Cabanellas 38:Nationalist Spain 4056: 4039:1937 in politics 3932:, Estella 2013, 3863: 3860: 3854: 3851: 3845: 3842: 3836: 3833: 3827: 3812: 3806: 3787: 3781: 3778: 3772: 3769: 3763: 3760: 3754: 3751: 3745: 3742: 3736: 3721: 3715: 3712: 3706: 3688: 3682: 3664: 3658: 3640: 3634: 3631: 3625: 3622: 3616: 3612: 3606: 3599: 3593: 3590: 3584: 3580: 3574: 3571: 3565: 3562: 3556: 3552: 3546: 3543: 3537: 3533: 3527: 3507: 3501: 3498: 3492: 3489: 3483: 3480: 3474: 3471: 3465: 3461: 3455: 3443: 3437: 3434: 3428: 3425: 3419: 3388: 3382: 3379: 3373: 3364:, Madrid, 2014, 3354: 3348: 3345: 3339: 3336: 3330: 3327: 3321: 3318: 3312: 3309: 3303: 3300: 3294: 3290: 3284: 3281: 3275: 3272: 3266: 3263: 3257: 3254: 3248: 3238: 3232: 3225: 3219: 3215: 3209: 3206: 3200: 3197: 3191: 3184: 3178: 3154: 3148: 3145: 3139: 3136: 3130: 3127: 3121: 3118: 3112: 3109: 3103: 3100: 3094: 3091: 3085: 3078: 3072: 3069: 3063: 3060: 3054: 3051: 3045: 3042: 3036: 3033: 3027: 3024: 3018: 3015: 3009: 2979: 2973: 2958: 2952: 2949: 2943: 2925: 2919: 2916: 2910: 2907: 2901: 2898: 2892: 2889: 2883: 2879: 2873: 2870: 2864: 2861: 2855: 2852: 2846: 2842: 2836: 2833: 2827: 2824: 2818: 2803: 2797: 2794: 2788: 2769: 2763: 2731: 2725: 2710: 2704: 2697: 2691: 2688: 2682: 2679: 2673: 2670: 2664: 2660: 2654: 2651: 2645: 2642: 2636: 2633: 2627: 2617: 2611: 2608: 2602: 2592: 2586: 2577: 2571: 2568: 2562: 2552: 2546: 2543: 2537: 2534: 2528: 2513: 2507: 2501: 2495: 2480: 2474: 2454: 2448: 2445: 2439: 2436: 2430: 2427: 2421: 2418: 2412: 2408: 2402: 2399: 2393: 2384:, Madrid, 2014, 2370: 2364: 2361: 2355: 2352: 2346: 2343: 2337: 2329: 2323: 2319: 2313: 2309: 2303: 2300: 2294: 2291: 2285: 2282: 2276: 2273: 2267: 2264: 2258: 2255: 2249: 2246: 2240: 2237: 2231: 2228: 2222: 2219: 2213: 2210: 2204: 2201: 2195: 2188: 2182: 2179: 2173: 2170: 2164: 2161: 2155: 2138:, Estella 2013, 2132: 2126: 2115: 2109: 2106: 2100: 2097: 2091: 2088: 2082: 2066:Jacek Bartyzel, 2064: 2058: 2054: 2048: 2045: 2039: 2036: 2030: 2027: 2021: 2018: 2012: 2009: 2003: 2000: 1994: 1991: 1985: 1982: 1976: 1973: 1967: 1964: 1958: 1951: 1945: 1942: 1936: 1933: 1927: 1924: 1918: 1915: 1909: 1906: 1900: 1897: 1891: 1887: 1881: 1870: 1864: 1860: 1854: 1850: 1844: 1841: 1835: 1832: 1826: 1823: 1817: 1814: 1808: 1804: 1798: 1795: 1789: 1786: 1780: 1777: 1771: 1768: 1762: 1759: 1753: 1750: 1744: 1728: 1722: 1719: 1713: 1706: 1700: 1697: 1691: 1688: 1682: 1679: 1673: 1669: 1663: 1659: 1653: 1650: 1644: 1635:, Madison 1987, 1629: 1623: 1608: 1602: 1599: 1593: 1590: 1584: 1581: 1575: 1572: 1566: 1557:, Madison 2000, 1555:Fascism in Spain 1551: 1545: 1542: 1536: 1518: 1512: 1509: 1503: 1491: 1485: 1481: 1475: 1460: 1454: 1451: 1445: 1442: 1436: 1433: 1427: 1424: 1418: 1415: 1409: 1382: 1376: 1361: 1355: 1334:, Madison 1993, 1328: 1322: 1308: 1293:Francisco Franco 860: 859: 794: 756:Consejo Nacional 749:Fernández-Cuesta 677: 586:José Mazón Sainz 516:Carlist standard 328:Sección Femenina 279:Carlist militia 268:and the Italian 69:Manuel Fal Conde 59:and the Carlist 34:Francisco Franco 4064: 4063: 4059: 4058: 4057: 4055: 4054: 4053: 4019: 4018: 3991: 3977:, Madrid 2002, 3973:Javier Tusell, 3963:, Madrid 2014, 3946:, Madrid 1996, 3925:, pp. 1–19 3899:, Madrid 2000, 3871: 3869:Further reading 3866: 3861: 3857: 3852: 3848: 3843: 3839: 3834: 3830: 3826:, Valencia 2009 3813: 3809: 3788: 3784: 3779: 3775: 3770: 3766: 3761: 3757: 3752: 3748: 3743: 3739: 3722: 3718: 3713: 3709: 3694:, Oxford 2005, 3689: 3685: 3670:, Madrid 2010, 3665: 3661: 3646:, London 2017, 3642:Mark Lawrence, 3641: 3637: 3632: 3628: 3623: 3619: 3613: 3609: 3600: 3596: 3591: 3587: 3581: 3577: 3572: 3568: 3563: 3559: 3553: 3549: 3544: 3540: 3534: 3530: 3518:, London 2006, 3508: 3504: 3499: 3495: 3490: 3486: 3481: 3477: 3472: 3468: 3462: 3458: 3444: 3440: 3435: 3431: 3426: 3422: 3389: 3385: 3380: 3376: 3355: 3351: 3346: 3342: 3337: 3333: 3328: 3324: 3319: 3315: 3310: 3306: 3301: 3297: 3291: 3287: 3282: 3278: 3273: 3269: 3264: 3260: 3255: 3251: 3239: 3235: 3226: 3222: 3216: 3212: 3207: 3203: 3198: 3194: 3185: 3181: 3155: 3151: 3146: 3142: 3137: 3133: 3128: 3124: 3119: 3115: 3110: 3106: 3101: 3097: 3092: 3088: 3079: 3075: 3070: 3066: 3061: 3057: 3052: 3048: 3043: 3039: 3034: 3030: 3025: 3021: 3016: 3012: 2983:Esteban Ezcurra 2980: 2976: 2964:, Madrid 2006, 2959: 2955: 2950: 2946: 2931:, Madrid 2011, 2926: 2922: 2917: 2913: 2908: 2904: 2899: 2895: 2890: 2886: 2880: 2876: 2871: 2867: 2862: 2858: 2853: 2849: 2843: 2839: 2834: 2830: 2825: 2821: 2804: 2800: 2795: 2791: 2770: 2766: 2732: 2728: 2716:, Madrid 2006, 2711: 2707: 2698: 2694: 2689: 2685: 2680: 2676: 2671: 2667: 2661: 2657: 2652: 2648: 2643: 2639: 2634: 2630: 2618: 2614: 2609: 2605: 2593: 2589: 2578: 2574: 2569: 2565: 2553: 2549: 2544: 2540: 2535: 2531: 2514: 2510: 2502: 2498: 2481: 2477: 2455: 2451: 2446: 2442: 2437: 2433: 2428: 2424: 2419: 2415: 2409: 2405: 2400: 2396: 2371: 2367: 2362: 2358: 2353: 2349: 2344: 2340: 2330: 2326: 2320: 2316: 2310: 2306: 2301: 2297: 2292: 2288: 2283: 2279: 2274: 2270: 2265: 2261: 2256: 2252: 2247: 2243: 2238: 2234: 2229: 2225: 2220: 2216: 2211: 2207: 2202: 2198: 2192:Arauz de Robles 2189: 2185: 2180: 2176: 2171: 2167: 2162: 2158: 2133: 2129: 2116: 2112: 2107: 2103: 2098: 2094: 2089: 2085: 2065: 2061: 2055: 2051: 2046: 2042: 2037: 2033: 2028: 2024: 2019: 2015: 2010: 2006: 2001: 1997: 1992: 1988: 1983: 1979: 1974: 1970: 1965: 1961: 1952: 1948: 1943: 1939: 1934: 1930: 1925: 1921: 1916: 1912: 1907: 1903: 1898: 1894: 1888: 1884: 1871: 1867: 1861: 1857: 1851: 1847: 1842: 1838: 1833: 1829: 1824: 1820: 1815: 1811: 1805: 1801: 1796: 1792: 1787: 1783: 1778: 1774: 1769: 1765: 1760: 1756: 1751: 1747: 1735:, Madrid 1998, 1729: 1725: 1720: 1716: 1710:Onésimo Redondo 1707: 1703: 1698: 1694: 1689: 1685: 1680: 1676: 1670: 1666: 1660: 1656: 1651: 1647: 1630: 1626: 1614:, Madrid 1996, 1609: 1605: 1600: 1596: 1591: 1587: 1582: 1578: 1573: 1569: 1552: 1548: 1543: 1539: 1527:, Madrid 2013, 1521:Julio Aróstegui 1519: 1515: 1510: 1506: 1492: 1488: 1482: 1478: 1466:, London 1995, 1461: 1457: 1452: 1448: 1443: 1439: 1434: 1430: 1425: 1421: 1416: 1412: 1388:, Madrid 2002, 1384:Javier Tusell, 1383: 1379: 1362: 1358: 1346:, Madrid 2000, 1329: 1325: 1309: 1305: 1301: 1278:Carlo-francoism 1269: 1244: 1136: 1061: 989: 916:national (1936) 912: 858: 827: 806: 805: 804: 802: 797: 796: 795: 768: 725:Rafael Garcerán 702: 689: 688: 687: 685: 680: 679: 678: 631: 622:Queipo de Llano 594:yoke and arrows 527: 478: 406: 345:Primo de Rivera 319: 208: 154:Partido Agrario 82: 12: 11: 5: 4062: 4052: 4051: 4046: 4041: 4036: 4031: 4017: 4016: 4011: 4006: 3997: 3990: 3989:External links 3987: 3986: 3985: 3971: 3954: 3940: 3926: 3907: 3893: 3886: 3870: 3867: 3865: 3864: 3855: 3846: 3837: 3828: 3807: 3793:, Leida 2010, 3782: 3773: 3764: 3755: 3746: 3737: 3716: 3707: 3683: 3659: 3635: 3626: 3617: 3607: 3594: 3585: 3575: 3566: 3557: 3547: 3538: 3528: 3502: 3493: 3484: 3475: 3466: 3456: 3438: 3429: 3420: 3383: 3374: 3349: 3340: 3331: 3322: 3313: 3304: 3295: 3285: 3276: 3267: 3258: 3249: 3233: 3229:Alfonso Carlos 3220: 3210: 3201: 3192: 3179: 3174:canto nacional 3149: 3140: 3131: 3122: 3113: 3104: 3095: 3086: 3073: 3064: 3055: 3046: 3037: 3028: 3019: 3010: 2995:Enrique Barrau 2974: 2953: 2944: 2920: 2911: 2902: 2893: 2884: 2874: 2865: 2856: 2847: 2837: 2828: 2819: 2798: 2789: 2764: 2726: 2705: 2692: 2683: 2674: 2665: 2655: 2646: 2637: 2628: 2612: 2603: 2587: 2572: 2563: 2547: 2538: 2529: 2508: 2496: 2475: 2461:, Ismael Saz, 2449: 2440: 2431: 2422: 2413: 2403: 2394: 2365: 2356: 2347: 2338: 2324: 2314: 2304: 2295: 2286: 2277: 2268: 2259: 2250: 2241: 2232: 2223: 2214: 2205: 2196: 2183: 2174: 2165: 2156: 2127: 2110: 2101: 2092: 2083: 2059: 2049: 2040: 2031: 2022: 2013: 2004: 1995: 1986: 1977: 1968: 1959: 1946: 1937: 1928: 1919: 1910: 1901: 1892: 1882: 1865: 1855: 1845: 1836: 1827: 1818: 1809: 1799: 1790: 1781: 1772: 1763: 1754: 1745: 1723: 1714: 1701: 1692: 1683: 1674: 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672: 671: 670: 669: 668: 630: 627: 526: 523: 502:Nicolas Franco 494:Víctor Pradera 477: 474: 438:Carlist pundit 405: 402: 358:Traditionalism 341:Nicolás Franco 318: 315: 262:Manuel Hedilla 207: 204: 81: 78: 65:Manuel Hedilla 9: 6: 4: 3: 2: 4061: 4050: 4047: 4045: 4042: 4040: 4037: 4035: 4034:1937 in Spain 4032: 4030: 4027: 4026: 4024: 4015: 4012: 4010: 4007: 4005: 4003: 3998: 3996: 3993: 3992: 3984: 3983:9788472236486 3980: 3976: 3972: 3970: 3969:9788499923529 3966: 3962: 3958: 3955: 3953: 3949: 3945: 3941: 3939: 3938:9788423533657 3935: 3931: 3927: 3924: 3923:9788483717721 3920: 3917:, s.l. 2008, 3916: 3912: 3908: 3906: 3902: 3898: 3894: 3892:, Madrid 1970 3891: 3887: 3885: 3884:9780521207294 3881: 3877: 3873: 3872: 3859: 3850: 3841: 3832: 3825: 3821: 3817: 3816:Román Oyarzun 3811: 3804: 3800: 3799:9788497433679 3796: 3792: 3786: 3777: 3768: 3759: 3750: 3741: 3734: 3733:9788432123597 3730: 3726: 3720: 3711: 3705: 3701: 3700:9780192803771 3697: 3693: 3687: 3681: 3677: 3676:9788497433679 3673: 3669: 3663: 3657: 3653: 3652:9781474229425 3649: 3645: 3639: 3630: 3621: 3611: 3604: 3598: 3589: 3579: 3570: 3561: 3551: 3542: 3532: 3525: 3524:9780143037651 3521: 3517: 3513: 3512:Antony Beevor 3506: 3497: 3488: 3479: 3470: 3460: 3453: 3449: 3442: 3433: 3424: 3417: 3416:9788490442654 3413: 3409: 3405: 3401: 3400:San Sebastian 3397: 3393: 3387: 3378: 3371: 3370:9788415636656 3367: 3363: 3359: 3353: 3344: 3335: 3326: 3317: 3308: 3299: 3289: 3280: 3271: 3262: 3253: 3246: 3243: 3237: 3230: 3224: 3214: 3205: 3196: 3189: 3183: 3175: 3171: 3167: 3163: 3159: 3153: 3144: 3135: 3126: 3117: 3108: 3099: 3090: 3083: 3077: 3068: 3059: 3050: 3041: 3032: 3023: 3014: 3008: 3004: 3000: 2996: 2992: 2988: 2984: 2978: 2971: 2970:9788496467347 2967: 2963: 2957: 2948: 2942: 2938: 2937:9788499891507 2934: 2930: 2924: 2915: 2906: 2897: 2888: 2878: 2869: 2860: 2851: 2841: 2832: 2823: 2816: 2812: 2808: 2802: 2793: 2786: 2782: 2778: 2774: 2768: 2761: 2757: 2753: 2749: 2745: 2741: 2737: 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1642: 1641:9780299110703 1638: 1634: 1628: 1622:, pp. 241-243 1621: 1617: 1613: 1607: 1598: 1589: 1580: 1571: 1564: 1563:9780299165642 1560: 1556: 1550: 1541: 1534: 1533:9788499709758 1530: 1526: 1522: 1517: 1508: 1501: 1497: 1490: 1480: 1473: 1472:9780006862109 1469: 1465: 1459: 1450: 1441: 1432: 1423: 1414: 1407: 1406:9788430606306 1403: 1399: 1395: 1394:9788472236486 1391: 1387: 1381: 1375:, pp. 228-250 1374: 1373:9780521207294 1370: 1366: 1360: 1354:, pp. 223-226 1353: 1349: 1345: 1341: 1340:9780299136741 1337: 1333: 1327: 1321: 1317: 1313: 1307: 1303: 1294: 1291: 1289: 1286: 1284: 1281: 1279: 1276: 1274: 1271: 1270: 1259: 1256: 1253: 1250: 1247: 1242: 1240: 1237: 1234: 1231: 1229: 1226: 1225: 1221: 1218: 1215: 1212: 1209: 1206: 1203: 1200: 1197: 1195: 1192: 1191: 1187: 1184: 1181: 1178: 1175: 1172: 1170: 1167: 1164: 1161: 1159: 1156: 1155: 1151: 1148: 1145: 1142: 1139: 1134: 1132: 1129: 1126: 1123: 1121: 1118: 1117: 1113: 1111: 1107: 1104: 1101: 1098: 1095: 1092: 1089: 1086: 1084: 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285:San Sebastián 282: 277: 273: 271: 267: 263: 259: 255: 251: 246: 243: 239: 235: 230: 226: 222: 219:ranks of the 212: 203: 201: 197: 193: 189: 181: 177: 173: 171: 167: 163: 159: 155: 151: 147: 143: 139: 135: 130: 127: 126:Popular Front 123: 119: 115: 111: 107: 103: 98: 90: 86: 77: 75: 70: 66: 62: 58: 53: 51: 47: 43: 39: 35: 31: 23: 18: 4001: 3974: 3960: 3943: 3929: 3914: 3910: 3896: 3889: 3875: 3858: 3849: 3840: 3831: 3823: 3819: 3810: 3802: 3790: 3785: 3776: 3767: 3758: 3749: 3740: 3724: 3719: 3710: 3691: 3686: 3667: 3662: 3643: 3638: 3629: 3620: 3610: 3602: 3597: 3588: 3578: 3569: 3560: 3550: 3541: 3531: 3515: 3505: 3496: 3487: 3478: 3469: 3459: 3451: 3447: 3441: 3432: 3423: 3407: 3403: 3386: 3377: 3361: 3357: 3352: 3343: 3334: 3325: 3316: 3307: 3298: 3288: 3279: 3270: 3261: 3252: 3244: 3241: 3236: 3223: 3213: 3204: 3195: 3187: 3182: 3173: 3169: 3165: 3161: 3157: 3152: 3143: 3134: 3125: 3116: 3107: 3098: 3089: 3076: 3067: 3058: 3049: 3040: 3031: 3022: 3013: 3002: 2998: 2986: 2977: 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1495: 1489: 1479: 1463: 1458: 1449: 1440: 1431: 1422: 1413: 1397: 1385: 1380: 1364: 1359: 1343: 1331: 1326: 1315: 1311: 1306: 1002:army colonel 854: 847: 843: 839: 835: 807: 781: 777: 753: 734: 713: 690: 656: 640: 614: 597: 559: 552: 546: 542: 539: 519: 507: 490:José Antonio 487: 454: 449: 434: 418: 413: 373: 368: 349: 333: 326: 290: 247: 229:conscription 217: 185: 131: 129:activities. 94: 54: 29: 27: 21: 3844:age in 1937 3166:Marcha Real 3158:Cara al sol 2663:compromises 1245:(old shirt) 1102:businessman 1068:businessman 1062:(old shirt) 990:(new shirt) 913:(old shirt) 887:afterwards 881:profession 599:Cara al sol 421:nationalism 283:on parade, 234:syndicalist 221:Nationalist 166:10 mandates 122:martial law 89:Emilio Mola 4023:Categories 3952:8487863523 3905:8420667501 2815:8446011050 2722:8432312487 1620:8487863523 1352:8420667501 1176:provincial 1137:(expelled) 1030:landholder 955:landholder 919:technician 660:Carlos VII 369:Margaritas 337:Goicoechea 298:Don Javier 258:Republican 80:Background 42:Falangists 3418:, p. 3558 3392:Gipuzkoan 3170:Oriamendi 3162:Oriamendi 2594:see e.g. 2554:see e.g. 1207:Alfonsism 1143:publisher 1056:Andalusia 907:Cantabria 815:Iturmendi 380:Cantalupo 376:Farinacci 302:Navarrese 110:Alfonsism 3526:, p. 256 3394:leader, 2972:, p. 341 2817:, p. 678 2724:, p. 256 2527:, p. 223 1743:, p. 466 1643:, p. 163 1565:, p. 242 1535:, p. 808 1474:, p. 251 1408:, p. 406 1267:See also 1239:Baleares 1213:engineer 1110:Juanista 1065:regional 1027:regional 963:Juanista 458:Juanista 389:Portugal 304:leader, 281:Requetés 225:militias 192:Portugal 170:Requetés 46:Carlists 44:and the 3735:, p. 55 3615:280-282 3464:Méndez) 3218:156-157 2987:La Hora 2494:, p. 53 2076:La Hora 1273:Carlism 1093:Navarre 945:Navarre 717:Vatican 492:'s and 450:Pelayos 429:Catalan 414:Flechas 393:Germany 385:Austria 353:Italian 250:Fascism 22:Flechas 3981: 3967: 3950: 3936: 3921: 3903: 3882: 3797: 3731: 3698: 3674: 3650: 3522: 3414: 3368: 3082:Aragon 2968: 2935: 2813: 2781:boinas 2720: 2523: 2490: 2469: 2388: 2142: 1739: 1639: 1618: 1561: 1531: 1470: 1464:Franco 1404: 1392: 1371: 1350: 1338: 1204:Madrid 1179:lawyer 1131:Madrid 1021:Madrid 890:death 875:party 819:Bilbao 738:Burgos 652:Moreno 536:, 1940 534:Franco 425:Basque 223:party 134:Cortes 74:regime 24:, 1937 1299:Notes 1260:1942 1248:local 1222:1985 1210:local 1188:1981 1169:Rioja 1152:1988 1140:local 1114:1969 1099:local 1077:1961 1039:1974 1005:1942 993:local 967:1952 928:1970 872:from 863:name 462:Pemán 266:NSDAP 3979:ISBN 3965:ISBN 3948:ISBN 3934:ISBN 3919:ISBN 3901:ISBN 3880:ISBN 3795:ISBN 3729:ISBN 3704:here 3696:ISBN 3680:here 3672:ISBN 3656:here 3648:ISBN 3520:ISBN 3412:ISBN 3366:ISBN 3007:here 2991:here 2966:ISBN 2941:here 2933:ISBN 2811:ISBN 2718:ISBN 2625:here 2600:here 2584:here 2560:here 2521:ISBN 2505:here 2488:ISBN 2467:ISBN 2386:ISBN 2140:ISBN 2080:here 1737:ISBN 1637:ISBN 1616:ISBN 1559:ISBN 1529:ISBN 1468:ISBN 1402:ISBN 1390:ISBN 1369:ISBN 1348:ISBN 1336:ISBN 1320:here 1254:1942 1216:1967 1182:1942 1146:1946 1105:1939 1071:1958 1033:1939 999:1942 984:Cuba 958:1946 869:age 620:and 618:Mola 468:and 427:and 397:Rome 391:and 287:1936 240:and 106:CEDA 95:The 28:The 4002:BOE 3555:294 3536:299 3450:, 3001:, 2758:, 2742:, 2621:BOE 2580:BOE 2312:253 2121:, 2070:, 1876:, 1863:246 1853:412 1672:808 1498:, 545:in 270:PNF 4025:: 3959:, 3514:, 2882:54 2845:71 2775:, 2738:, 2376:, 1890:36 1662:36 1523:, 1484:87 1243:FE 1235:32 1232:10 1201:41 1173:CT 1165:36 1135:FE 1127:38 1096:CT 1090:31 1060:FE 1052:43 1024:CT 1018:58 988:FE 980:46 949:CT 941:55 911:FE 903:35 866:# 650:, 646:, 596:, 387:, 378:, 242:FE 238:CT 108:, 76:. 1198:9 1162:8 1124:7 1087:6 1049:5 1015:4 977:3 938:2 922:- 900:1

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Knowledge

Unification Decree (Spain, 1937)

Index