399:. The expectations of most urban Chadians far exceeded the capacity of the new government, or possibly any government, to satisfy them. Moreover, it soon became clear that the new leaders, who were mostly southern military officers, saw themselves as caretakers rather than innovators, and few of Tombalbaye's close associates were punished. Throughout its tenure, the CSM was unable to win the support of the capital's increasingly radicalized
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hostage, France began dealing directly with the rebels. Malloum's government reacted to this embarrassment by demanding the departure of 1,500 French troops, at a time in late 1975 when Chad's military situation was beginning to worsen. Throughout 1976 and 1977, the military balance of power shifted
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leaders the government's willingness to negotiate seriously following its reversals on the battlefield in 1978. In
February Faya Largeau fell to FROLINAT, and with it roughly half the country's territory. Shortly thereafter, Malloum flew to
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leaders from two different and competing clans, became bitter rivals, first within the CCFAN and later within all of Chad. In the CCFAN, the key issues dividing the men were relations with Libya and the handling of the
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to begin negotiations on a formal alliance. Their efforts culminated in a carefully drafted agreement, the
Fundamental Charter, which formed the basis of the National Union Government of August 1978. Malloum was named
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As the military position of the CSM continued to decline in 1977, Malloum's political overtures to the rebel groups and leaders became increasingly flexible. In
September Malloum and Habré met in
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The sharp increase in Libyan activity also brought to a head the power struggle within the CCFAN between
Goukouni and Habré. In 1971 Habré had left his position as a deputy
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demands had been met. Goukouni felt that priority should go to the conflict with the CSM, for which Libyan assistance could be decisive, and that the
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attack that injured several top officials and spectators. A year after that, in March 1977, the CSM executed summarily the leaders of a short-lived
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were unable to retain for long the modicum of authority, legitimacy, and popularity that they had gained through their overthrow of the unpopular
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The successor government soon overturned many of
Tombalbaye's more odious policies. For example, the CSM attempted to distribute external
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or FAT). It was
Malloum's hope that the FROLINAT leadership would soften its terms, or possibly undergo renewed fragmentation.
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and
Goukouni to represent northern elements in FROLINAT, continued to refuse negotiations with the CSM over the release of the
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relief assistance more equitably and efficiently, devised plans to develop numerous economic reforms, including reductions in
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had already achieved more than enough. Habré finally split with him in 1976, taking a few hundred followers to fight in
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from northern and eastern Chad, but ethnic and regional dominance still remained very much in the hands of southerners.
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The fundamental failures of
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regime imposed by France on Chad since August 11, 1960". FAP continued to advance toward the
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in favor of FROLINAT as Libya provided the rebels with substantially more weaponry and
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Habré's ascension to power in N'Djamena was intended to signal to
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or FAP) and that their objective remained the overthrow of the "dictatorial
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figure to hold an executive position in a postcolonial government.
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affair. Habré opposed vigorously all Libyan designs on the
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Neither reformers nor skilled administrators, the new
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42:History of
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528:kidnapping
397:Tombalbaye
282:newspapers
165:Toyota War
563:insurgent
555:president
337:N'Djamena
323:The 1975
252:talk page
155:Habré Era
550:Khartoum
441:FROLINAT
405:students
345:chairman
175:Déby Era
33:a series
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516:hostage
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357:Muslims
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