506:
accepting that there is no documentary evidence for this link, Schoffeleers mentions an oral tradition recorded in 1907, that a group whose name he translates as âLunduâs menâ who ravaged the middle
Zambezi area at some unspecified past date were the Zimba. As a second reason, he links one of the MâBona myths about the claim of the Lundu it mentions to possess rain-making powers with an account of a ceremony recorded by a Portuguese priest in 1608, in which the first Lundu claimed supernatural powers. None of this proves the existence of a strong Lundu state in the 1590s, and Schoffeleers accepts that those Maravi with whom the Portuguese were actually in direct contact in that decade were organised only as small chiefdoms. However, he suggests it was possible that the Lundu state had developed over the preceding two decades sufficiently far from Portuguese settlements to escape their notice.
375:
Various versions of MâBonaâs story recorded, that when the Lundu was unable to bring rain at a time of severe drought, he saw the success of his sisterâs son, MâBona, in creating plentiful rainfall as a challenge to his authority. Lundu then ordered the killing of MâBona, who escaped from the Lunduâs capital and fled to the Lower Shire Valley where he was killed. Schoffeleers linked the place of his death an earlier rain shrine at
Khulubvi that the first Lundu had destroyed as a possible rival centre of power, and did not exclude the possibility that the historical MâBona was a priest there, killed when Lundu destroyed that shrine. He notes that a central cult rituals is the periodic rebuilding of the shrine, which he believed commemorated its earlier restoration.
411:
Malawian independence, one dance, the Gule
Wamkulu, has been performed at national celebrations. It was estimated in 1975 that there were some 500 Nyau groups, organised at village level and without any central authority regulating them, with perhaps 10,000 active members. The main feature of these dances is the use of masks appropriate to a particular dance, including human or animal masks and others combining human and animal features. In Schoffeleersâ analysis, the religious element of a Nyau performance is the portrayal of the proper relationship between mankind and the natural environment it lives in, as represented by wild animals, and the restoration of harmony between the two.
371:
and ceremonies of the cult, Schoffeleers identified MâBona as a martyr, an historical person who had lived several centuries before the present, and whose story could be recovered from accounts he recorded in the 1960s. He did, however, accept that certain martyr motifs originated as borrowings from
Christian theology after many Mang'anja were converted to Christianity in the early 20th century by Catholic missionaries. The cult had then begun to see M'Bona as a prophet and martyr, the black parallel of Jesus, saviour of black people as Jesus is for whites.
436:
fortified
Portuguese enclaves, cooperating with some local rulers in attacking others, raiding for slaves and disrupting agriculture, causing suffering through an area that included southern Malawi, which at that time contained no powerful states. African mercenaries employed by the Portuguese and generally called Zimba destroyed centres of possible resistance, including cult shrines. These Zimba conquerors, in his view, set up more sizeable centralised states in the area over a 30-year period, including one whose leader had the title of Lundu.
346:. During his time in Amsterdam, he worked as an assistant priest in the city and, although still a member of the Montfort order, he had little contact with it. During his time at the Free University, he encouraged his colleagues to make more international contacts and to publish their work in English to reach a wider audience. However, by 1988, Schoffeleers found the increasing workload and changes to the anthropology curriculum had made that department less attractive, so he resigned.
440:
defeated in 1622 by the
Portuguese, who had turned against him, and their allies, the shrine was restored. However, it did not resume its original form as a shrine to the High God who had had the particular manifestation as a python there, but as a shrine for MâBona, a martyr whose nature could be either that of a single individual or a personification of the suffering of the conquered people. Schoffeleers generally prefers the explanation of MâBona as a personification of suffering.
424:
He edited a collection of studies on territorial cults in Malawi, Zambia and
Zimbabwe that built on Rangerâs earlier studies and presented a method for the interpretation of the oral histories relating to these cults. However, this was criticised as a basic misconception in the use of oral sources, believing that a tradition recorded by the oral historian has been transmitted in a virtually unchanged form from an original source unaltered in the chain of oral transmissions.
415:
Although
Schoffeleers wrote little on spirit possession after his D. Phil thesis. He retained an interest in the subject. A friend of his allegedly really saw a spirit form materialised, and she took the position that spirits and spirit affliction are real and not matters of metaphor, symbolism or psychology. Schoffeleers has adopted a neutral position, accepting the reality of the experience to the individual, but remaining uncertain of its origin.
452:'s claim that, although the rituals of these churches had no direct and immediate effect on the political system in South Africa they were made a significant contribution to resistance against white minority rule. Zionist churches, in her view, protested against South Africaâs power structures by rejecting the history that alien rulers had imposed on them, reconstructing their own identity through rituals that had a political dimension.
460:
their cooperation with the South
African government was less from fear of reprisals than from this conservatism, which made them non-political and acquiescent. His article was controversial, and led to Schoffeleers being attacked in print and verbally at a number of conferences, mainly because what he said was inopportune or politically inconvenient rather than not in accordance with the available evidence.
399:, representing the rainbow and sufficient rainfall, without flood or drought. It is unlikely that there was originally a single M'Bona cult with many shrines over a wide area, rather that a range of shrines were originally devoted to different aspects of this myth. This scholar also doubted whether a strong Lundu state existed around 1600.
482:
in the
Zambezi ivory trade by the mid-16th century, which probably involved Africans other than the Maravi. The early sources for this region are sparse, although several Portuguese priests that worked there left contemporary or near-contemporary accounts, which indicate that there was only a limited trade in ivory involving the
387:
nature spirits related to specific local sites, often with female priestesses or mediums. Over time, Ranger believed, many such cult sites came under the control of locally-powerful families, who changed the nature of the spirit to that of a deified ancestor and reduced the priestessesâ role to being that ancestorâs wives.
379:
natural order would also be disordered, and natural calamities such as floods or drought would result. These disasters could best be avoided by restoring and maintaining checks on such abuses of power, such as restoring the Khulubvi shrine as the focus of rain making rituals, a role than the first Lundu had usurped.
303:
examining the MâBona cult, the Nyau society and spirit possession cults based on his fieldwork in the Lower Shire Valley over the next nine months. He later recalled that he wanted to study anthropology to understand Africans better, but the knowledge he gained also gave him a new perspective on religion.
497:
in the Zambezi valley. Some of these Zimba were probably Maravi people migrating in small groups that were led by minor chiefs but conflict with the Portuguese rather than trade with the coastal Muslims led to them coalescing into larger states, of which the first was described in a Portuguese source
414:
He also considered that the autonomy of most Nyau groups was a corrective to local chiefs who disturbed the social order by acting beyond their accepted role or in an arbitrary way. The antipathy of Nyau societies to the Catholic Church may be as much to its centralised organisation as its teachings.
477:
was central to the rise of centralised Maravi states in an area that the Maravi had occupied for some centuries. The later conflicts between these states, and the political changes in the area between 1570 and 1640 were said to result from the disruption of this ivory trade by the Portuguese who had
423:
Like many late twentieth century anthropologists, Schoffeleers considered that data from his fieldwork had historical implications. He supported ideas of Ranger that the historical study of African religion and its rituals and or oral traditions could allow the undocumented past to be reconstructed.
386:
described a "territorial cult" among the Maravi people as one where a spirit was believed to secure the well-being of the people in a particular area through rain-making, the control of floods, securing the fertility of the soil or success in fishing or hunting. The spirits venerated were originally
481:
However, there is little documentary evidence that the Maravi people were established in the Shire and central Zambezi valleys before the 16th century or that there was a substantial trade on ivory between them and the coastal Muslims, and there is evidence that the Portuguese were already involved
378:
The religious context of the story is one of the relationship between a society and its leaders and the order of nature. Schoffeleers suggested that many pre-modern cultures considered that, if the social order were disturbed by a ruler exceeding their accepted role and oppressing their people, the
370:
cluster of peoples. Instead of adopting the perspective of a detached observer, he attempted to understand the basis of the spirituality and religious practices of the local population, and to analyse the MâBona cult in the context of similar cults. As well as recording the present-day organisation
505:
The first reason that Schoffeleers gave for this view is that the Zimba, who Portuguese sources identified as having entered the Zambezi valley by 1590 were an army organised by the first Lundu and sent against the Portuguese settlements to consolidate his power in the Lower Shire valley. Although
501:
Schoffeleers accepts that the creation of centralised Maravi states was not a result of the ivory trade, but nevertheless believed that several such states were in existence by the second half of the 16th century and that they underwent rapid expansion after 1572 when the Portuguese began building
468:
In 1987, Schoffeleers presented a summary of the history of the Shire Valley in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, partly derived from oral sources, at variance with accounts based on documentary evidence. It had been suggested that the trade in ivory with Muslim traders based on the coast of
459:
have been politically active and centres of resistance, he considered that this was by no means universal, and that even previously politically-active churches had been depoliticised after 1948. He argued that the Zionist churchesâ focus on individual healing was essentially conservative, and that
410:
speaking people in Malawi and Mozambique but also among the Mang'anja and others peoples of the Maravi cluster. The societies perform masked dances of the same name, traditionally at the memorial ceremonies held a few months up to a year after a person's death, and at initiation ceremonies. Since
302:
degree and returned to Malawi for further study of the MâBona cult, masked societies and spirit possession in the south of that country. After intensive fieldwork in Malawi, where he supported himself through part-time teaching, Schoffeleers returned to Oxford in January 1968 and wrote his thesis
254:
society. Schoffeleers spent much of his time investigating the MâBona martyr cult and Nyau society, although the latter in particular was strongly anti-Christian. This led him into conflict with his religious superiors, and Schoffeleers began to redefine himself as an anthropologist rather than a
374:
Schoffeleers considered that the MâBona cult almost certainly originated around 1600, and was connected to the rise of a dynasty of paramount chiefs with the title Lundu. In his view, the first Lundu combined both political and religious power, the latter through his role in rain-making rituals.
435:
After over 30 years study of the MâBona cult and story, Schoffeleers presented a synthesis in 1992, in which he claimed that both had originated in the context of a change in Portuguese policy in Zambezia in the 1590s when, instead of operating under the protection of local rulers, they set up
402:
The response that Schoffeleers made to Wrigleyâs criticisms was that myth and history were not mutually exclusive, but could co-exist, so that MâBona could be both an historical person and a manifestation of the mythical snake. He also argued that available historical documents were sparse and
439:
However, the alien Lundu rulers had no connection to, and no means of communicating with, the territorial spirits whose shrines they had destroyed so the original population regarded their rule as an illegitimate one. The former shrines were centres of resistance, and once the first Lundu was
431:
preserved as oral history were routinely manipulated to conform to political and social changes, believing that accounts of the past origin of important aspects of a society generally preserve the original event in a form that can be recovered, although often only with great difficulty. He
502:
forts in the Zambezi valley. His account placing the Zimba on the north bank of the Zambezi in 1592 is based on a contemporary written source, but he suggests the first Lundu as already a powerful figure in the 1590s, even though this is not mentioned in any contemporary document.
432:
demonstrated this approach by comparing two apparently conflicting versions of the MâBona story to reconstruct a version suggesting that it records the suppression by an emerging Lundu state of existing rain-making cults and the re-emergence of the cult when Lundu power waned.
394:
and its tributaries, either as a protector against floods or a provider of rain. The M'Bona spirit was also linked to the snake, part of a widespread African mythology of the conflict between the eagle, representing lightning and flood and the
1208:
M. Schoffeleers, (1972). âThe History and Political Role of the M'Bona Cult among the Mang'anjaâ. in T. O. Ranger and I. N. Kimambo (editors), âThe Historical Study of African Religionâ. Berkeley, University of California Press.
278:
offered an anthropology course aimed at missionaries, and Schoffeleers studied there in the academic year 1963â1964. At the end of his first academic year, he returned to Malawi to undertake further fieldwork on the MâBona cult.
209:
region, and education beyond the elementary level was directed toward religious careers. Schoffeleers was encouraged by his family to become a priest, and he began his secondary education in a so-called âsmall seminaryâ in
1220:
M. Schoffeleers, (1975). âThe Interaction of the M'Bona Cult and Christianityâ, in T. O. Ranger and J. C. Weller (editors), âThemes in the Christian History of Central Africaâ. Berkeley, University of California Press.
1247:
R. Willis, (1980). âThe Literalist Fallacy and the Problem of Oral Traditionâ. Social Analysis: The International Journal of Social and Cultural Practice No. 4, Using Oral Sources: Vansina and Beyond, pp. 28â37
1186:
J.M. Schoffeleers, (1980). âThe Story of Mbona the Martyrâ, in R Schefold, J W Schoorl and J. Tennekes (editors) âMan, Meaning and History: Essays in Honour of H.G. Schulte Nordholtâ Leiden, Brill.
214:, which combined an education in the humanities with religious training, at the age of 14 in 1942, and he already had the intention of becoming a missionary. In 1949, he joined the
403:
written by Portuguese with little insight into African political or religious matters, so must be supplemented by oral history, including the various versions of the MâBona story.
1238:
M. Schoffeleers, (1987B). âThe Zimba and the Lundu State in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuriesâ. The Journal of African History, Vol. 28, No. 3, pp. 337â355.
489:
Several invading groups entered Zambezia in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, including one called the Zimba by the Portuguese, who attacked the Portuguese settlements of
1235:
M. Schoffeleers, (1987A). âIdeological Confrontation and the Manipulation of Oral History: A Zambesian Caseâ. History in Africa, Vol. 14 (1987), pp. 257â273.
246:
Valley, where he remained for five years. Here, he found it difficult to convert local people to the Roman Catholic faith because of the activities of the local
1293:
366:
Schoffeleers saw his main task as an anthropologist was to give a scholarly account of the religious life of the Malawian Mang'anja people, a subdivision of the
1250:
C. Wrigley, (1988). The River-God and the Historians: Myth in the Shire Valley and Elsewhere. The Journal of African History, Vol. 29, No. 3, pp. 367â383
1130:
E. A. Alpers, (1975). âIvory and Slaves in East Central Africa; changing patterns of international trade to the later nineteenth centuryâ. London, Heinemann.
1278:
1244:
M. Schoffeleers, (1991). 'Ritual Healing and Political Acquiescence: The Case of Zionist Churches in Southern Africa.' Africa Vol. 61, No. 2, pp. 1â25.
1308:
382:
The interpretation by Schoffeleers of M'Bona as an historical person has been debated by other scholars. Although not specifically referring to MâBona,
1273:
1197:
J. M. Schoffeleers, (1992). âRiver of Blood: The Genesis of a Martyr Cult in Southern Malawi, c. A.D. 1600â. Madison, University of Wisconsin Press.
1144:
J. Comaroff, (1985). Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance: the culture and history of a South African peopleâ. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
1155:
I. Linden and J. Linden, (1974). âCatholics, Peasants, and Chewa Resistance in Nyasaland, 1889â1939â. Los Angeles, University of California Press.
1141:
W. M. J. van Binsbergen, (2011). âIn Memoriam: Matthew Schoffeleers (1928â2011)â. Journal of Religion in Africa, Vol. 41, No. 4, pp. 455â463.
1241:
M. Schoffeleers, (1988). âMyth and/or History: A Reply to Christopher Wrigleyâ. The Journal of African History, Vol. 29, No. 3, pp. 385â390.
1298:
1172:
T. Ranger, (1973). âTerritorial Cults in the History of Central Africaâ. The Journal of African History, Vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 581â597.
455:
Schoffeleersâ paper argued that Comaroff had stretched the concept of protest well beyond its ordinary meaning. While accepting that some
1232:
M. Schoffeleers, (1976). âThe Nyau Societies: our present understandingâ. The Society of Malawi Journal, Vol. 29, No. 1, pp. 59â68.
486:
and no evidence of Maravi people in the Lower Shire valley, let alone organised Maravi or other states in that area, before the 1570s.
242:
ceremony soon after his arrival, which stimulated his interest in local religious customs. From 1958, he was based in the Lower
1175:
J. M. Schoffeleers (editor), (1978). âGuardians of the land. Essays on Central African territorial cultsâ. Gweru, Mambo Press.
197:
Schoffeleers was born on 31 August 1928, the eldest son of a farming family in the small village of Geverik, near the town of
1191:
1180:
1169:
M. D. D. Newitt, (1982). âThe Early History of the Maraviâ. The Journal of African History, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 145â162.
1149:
1135:
330:
had imprisoned some university students and was causing others to leave the country, so he saw no point in remaining there.
1288:
326:, a post he retained until 1976. Schoffeleers later said that he left Malawi because the increasingly repressive regime of
306:
Immediately after receiving his doctorate, Schoffeleers returned to Malawi, and from 1968 to 1971 he taught in a Catholic
181:, where he spent around 16 years, first as a missionary and then as a lecturer. He continued his academic career later as
1166:
B. Meyer and R. Reis, (2006) âMatthew Schoffeleers: Anthropologist and Priestâ. Etnofoor, Vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 23â46.
1226:
1214:
1202:
1160:
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129:
275:
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More specifically, M'Bona was said to have originated as a river god or spirit of a type known in the area of the
310:
there. However, his attempts to Africanise the Roman Catholic liturgy and sacraments were opposed by the Catholic
526:
in the south the Netherlands, close to his birthplace. Matthew Schoffeleers died at Maastricht on 24 April 2011.
522:
in 2001, and his illness forced him to give up his Leiden apartment in 2006 and move to a Montfort community at
343:
1124:
A Tribute to the Life of Fr. Matthew Schoffeleers (1928 â 2011). Malawianist, Renaissance man and free-thinker
1303:
282:
The deteriorating security situation in the Congo prevented his return to Kinshasa, so he transferred to the
1283:
222:
as a brother and, after training in theology, he was ordained as a priest in that order in March 1955.
339:
34:
456:
448:
In 1991 Schoffeleers published a paper on the Zionist churches in South Africa that argued against
262:
to study: he wished to study anthropology, but to do so without leaving Africa. At that time, the
519:
182:
518:, continuing his research and publishing articles. He was diagnosed as in the first stage of
342:, and became a full professor in 1980. He also served as deputy chairman on the board of the
202:
103:
89:
72:
1268:
1263:
319:
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258:
At the end of over seven years in Malawi without a holiday, Schoffeleers was entitled to a
8:
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267:
350:
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1210:
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1131:
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In 1989, he was awarded a personal chair as Professor of Religious Anthropology at
263:
338:
In 1976, Schoffeleers was appointed Reader in the Anthropology of Religion at the
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of Malawi, and he resigned from the seminary in 1971 to take up a post as
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243:
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85:
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211:
99:
353:, and remained there until his retirement in 1998 at the age of 70.
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219:
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of 1608. The earliest record of the Lundu title dates from 1614.
391:
234:, as Malawi was then known, and spent over two years based near
515:
367:
235:
178:
173:
order who became an important figure in African research as an
1126:. The Society of MalaƔi Journal Special Memorial Edition, 2011
406:
Nyau is the name for a range of societies, found mainly among
205:
in the southeast Netherlands. At that time, this was strongly
251:
198:
161:(1928â2011), who published many of his works in English as
230:
In 1955, Schoffeleers was sent as a missionary priest to
113:
Willem Joseph Schoffeleers, Anna Christina Sophia Gijzen
514:
After his retirement in 1989, Schoffeleers lived in
443:
1255:
478:been excluded from it and their African allies.
418:
189:, continuing to concentrate on African themes.
1294:Academic staff of Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
218:of the missionary congregation of Montfort at
192:
185:and professor in religious anthropology in
1309:Academic staff of the University of Malawi
177:of African religion, particularly that in
1274:20th-century Dutch Roman Catholic priests
361:
298:degree in June 1966, he registered for a
169:was a Dutch missionary and member of the
1279:Alumni of St Catherine's College, Oxford
333:
225:
33:Professor of Anthropology of Religion,
1256:
356:
1299:Academic staff of Utrecht University
974:Schoffeleers (1991), pp. 3â6, 11â12
920:Schoffeleers (1992), pp. 2â8, 121â3
542:Meyer and Reis (2006), pp. 23, 43â4
463:
427:Schoffeleers opposed the view that
13:
947:Schoffeleers (1992), pp. 4, 169â70
14:
1320:
956:Comaroff (1985), pp. 167â9, 194â9
938:Schoffeleers (1992), pp. 8, 117â8
929:Schoffeleers (1992), pp. 117, 126
758:Schoffeleers (1980), pp. 248, 260
1091:Schoffeleers (1987B), pp. 349â50
1046:Schoffeleers (1987B), pp. 339â40
983:Meyer and Reis (2006), pp. 39â40
965:Schoffeleers (1991), pp. 2â3, 18
866:Linden and Linden (1974), p. 117
444:Zionist churches in South Africa
276:Democratic Republic of the Congo
1103:
1100:Schoffeleers (1987B), pp. 352â3
1094:
1085:
1076:
1067:
1064:Schoffeleers (1987B), pp. 344â5
1058:
1049:
1040:
1031:
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1004:
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986:
977:
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959:
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941:
932:
923:
914:
911:Schoffeleers (1987A), pp. 267â9
905:
902:Schoffeleers (1987A), pp. 257â8
896:
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869:
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848:Schoffeleers (1976), pp. 59. 63
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650:Meyer and Reis (2006), pp. 32â3
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587:Meyer and Reis (2006), pp. 25â6
578:van Binsbergen (2011) pp. 455â6
551:van Binsbergen (2011) pp. 455â6
875:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 41-2
830:Schoffeleers (1988), pp. 387â9
749:Schoffeleers (1980), pp. 257â9
740:Schoffeleers (1980), pp. 247â9
731:Schoffeleers (1980), pp. 264â5
608:
599:
590:
581:
572:
563:
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344:African Studies Centre, Leiden
318:in Social Anthropology at the
148:The study of African religions
1:
767:Schoffeleers (1980), p. 247-9
722:Schoffeleers (1975), pp. 23â4
704:van Binsbergen (2011) pp. 457
695:van Binsbergen (2011) pp. 456
659:van Binsbergen (2011) pp. 456
529:
509:
419:Oral history and anthropology
1109:van Binsbergen (2011) p. 456
1082:Schoffeleers (1987B), p. 349
1073:Schoffeleers (1987B), p. 342
1055:Schoffeleers (1987B), p. 341
1037:Schoffeleers (1987B), p. 344
677:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 35
668:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 34
641:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 28
632:van Binsbergen (2011) p. 456
623:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 29
614:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 29
605:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 26
596:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 24
569:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 24
560:Meyer and Reis (2006), p. 24
121:four sisters, three brothers
7:
1289:Anthropologists of religion
992:Alpers (1975), pp. 46â9, 53
713:Schoffeleers (1980), p. 249
10:
1325:
1116:
857:Schoffeleers (1976), p. 65
839:Schoffeleers (1976), p. 59
794:Wrigley (1988), pp. 369â71
457:African-initiated churches
803:Wrigley (1988), pp. 370â2
340:Free University Amsterdam
193:Early life and ordination
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35:Free University Amsterdam
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1019:Newitt (1982), pp. 158â9
1010:Newitt (1982), pp. 153â6
1001:Newitt (1982), pp. 147â9
785:Ranger (1973), pp. 582â5
776:Ranger (1973), pp. 582â3
238:, where he witnessed an
163:Jan Matthew Schoffeleers
159:Jan Mathijs Schoffeleers
66:Jan Mathijs Schoffeleers
294:and, after gaining his
83:April 4, 2011 (aged 82)
821:Wrigley (1988), p. 372
812:Wrigley (1988), p. 372
362:Religious anthropology
288:St Catherine's College
130:St Catherine's College
1028:Newitt (1982), p. 157
334:Later academic career
201:, in the province of
104:Limburg (Netherlands)
90:Limburg (Netherlands)
1304:Historians of Malawi
320:University of Malawi
284:University of Oxford
226:Activities in Malawi
167:Matthew Schoffeleers
23:Matthew Schoffeleers
893:Willis (1980), p.32
884:Schoffeleers (1978)
520:Alzheimer's disease
292:Social anthropology
268:Lovanium University
357:Research interests
351:Utrecht University
1284:Dutch Africanists
1192:978-9-00428-720-4
1181:978-0-86922-734-3
1150:978-0-22611-423-1
1136:978-0-43532-005-8
475:Zambezia Province
286:in 1966, joining
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1269:2011 deaths
1264:1928 births
322:, based in
248:M'Bona Cult
1258:Categories
530:References
524:Maastricht
510:Later life
312:archbishop
260:sabbatical
240:initiation
137:Occupation
86:Maastricht
290:to study
232:Nyasaland
212:Schimmert
145:Known for
126:Education
118:Relatives
110:Parent(s)
100:Schimmert
71:Geverik,
48:1980â1988
44:In office
308:seminary
272:Kinshasa
220:Oirschot
216:seminary
132:, Oxford
1117:Sources
473:and in
392:Zambezi
300:D. Phil
296:B. Litt
274:in the
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516:Leiden
397:python
368:Maravi
264:Jesuit
236:Thyolo
183:reader
179:Malawi
408:Chewa
324:Zomba
266:-run
244:Shire
1223:ISBN
1211:ISBN
1199:ISBN
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1177:ISBN
1157:ISBN
1146:ISBN
1132:ISBN
495:Sena
493:and
491:Tete
252:Nyau
199:Beek
80:Died
62:Born
270:at
165:or
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37:,
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