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HOPE VI

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90:, who over the next decade guided the agency through the demolition of its large, declining housing projects. They were replaced on AHA land by private-public ventures of mixed-use, mixed-income communities modeled on Centennial Place, with a portion of units reserved for former public housing tenants. The first HOPE VI mixed-income community (where public housing was a component) was Phase I of Centennial Place, which closed on March 8, 1996. Glover distinguished the Atlanta program, which included providing vouchers to former tenants of public housing for privately held units, by requiring residents to participate in work or study programs to remain qualified for subsidized housing. These elements became known as the Atlanta Model. 184:
of housing." In San Francisco, which made extensive use of the HOPE VI program to redevelop its aging public housing supply, virtually all projects constructed significantly fewer units than they demolished. In the Hayes Valley, Plaza East, Valencia Gardens, Geneva Towers, and Bernal Dwellings projects, Federal, State, and Local Housing Authorities spent somewhere in the neighborhood of $ 300,000,000 to create a net loss of 457 apartments.
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subsidized units was not part of the first HOPE VI grant awards, these redevelopment grants required private equity often in the form of Low Income Housing Tax Credits (LIHTC) which created what are known as “mixed finance”, combining governmental sources with private sources in what is now known as a “public-private partnership”. The only eligible applicants for a HOPE VI Grant were federal public housing authorities.
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public housing residents to be part of existing neighborhoods, to produce a certain cohesion. In almost all implementations of the program, housing authorities and non-profits have provided resident-assistance information programs for new homeowners, teaching them and their neighbors how to take care of a house that they must protect.
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Private custodianship, with individuals taking care of their assigned part of the project, is a critical element. Likewise, providing residents with high-quality materials and houses is believed to encourage pride in the space and an interest in keeping things in good condition. This, theoretically, mitigates vandalism.
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Al Levine, Seattle Housing's deputy executive director of development, noted that most housing authorities did not commit to replacing all of the demolished units. He said, "Seattle Housing is unique among housing authorities in the HOPE VI program in committing to one-for-one replacement housing for
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maintains that in order to acquire federal grants, local housing authorities have "demolished viable units and displaced families." The program has been called "notorious" for its allotment of federal grants for demolition of public housing. Some critics said that it has resulted in a "dramatic loss
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Federal auditors found that HUD was awarding grants based on the ability of the area to generate income for the city rather than the actual state of the housing project in question. By demolishing low-cost public housing units in an area, city officials can drive up property values in the surrounding
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HUD's failure to provide comprehensive and accurate information about HOPE VI has created an environment in which misimpressions about the program and its basic purposes and outcomes have flourished- often with encouragement from HUD. HOPE VI plays upon the public housing program's unfairly negative
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principles, meaning that communities must be dense, pedestrian-friendly, and transit-accessible. Housing is rarely built as apartments. Instead, private houses, duplexes and, especially for public housing projects, row houses are preferred. These buildings provide direct access and connection to the
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In FY 2009, HOPE VI received a $ 120 million budget; however, in FY2010 no funds were budgeted for HOPE VI. A new Choice Neighborhoods program had a proposed budget of $ 250 million. Over the course of 15 years, HOPE VI grants were used to demolish 96,200 public housing units and produce 107,800 new
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Some have criticized the program for having the right goals but not accomplishing them, or not going about them in the right way. The National Housing Law Project issued a joint report saying, "HOPE VI has been characterized by a lack of clear standards, a lack of hard data on program results, and
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reported that the number of units receiving a federal subsidy and available for the deeply poor to live in is cut in half in developments arising from the program. The National Low Income Housing Coalition has said that no HOPE VI grants should be allotted without requirements for one-for-one unit
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In general, much of the philosophy comes from a theory that apartment buildings are not healthy spaces for human habitation. Only with substantial wealth can an apartment building maintain the characteristics of security, social networking, and urban integration that the designers feel is necessary
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This first grant was based on renovating/modernizing Techwood Homes, the nation's oldest housing project, and about a third of adjacent Clark Howell Homes. The grant envisioned Techwood/Clark Howell remaining entirely public housing. Although a mixed-income approach combining market rate units with
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in Boston, Massachusetts inspired and contributed to development of the HOPE VI model. Built in 1954, and consisting of approximately 1,500 apartment units, these apartments had fallen into disrepair and become dangerous as a center of crime and dysfunction. By the 1980s, only 300 families remained
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Many of the elements of the program do not produce buildings. More funding goes to housing assistance vouchers than in previous programs. As with the strategy of constructing in-fill housing in middle-class neighborhoods and providing new housing for market-rate buyers, this element enables former
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By applying defensible space, most communities are specifically designed or remodeled with private property, emphasizing security. Buildings are low-rise and often integrated directly into failing urban areas by re-establishing the street grid. This can lead to revitalization of surrounding areas.
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Eventually, realizing the situation was almost hopeless, in 1984 Boston turned over the management, cleanup, planning, and revitalization of the property to a private development firm, Corcoran-Mullins-Jennison, that won a competition for the project. The construction work for the new Harbor Point
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Congress established the National Commission on Severely Distressed Public Housing in 1989 to study the issue of dilapidated public housing. After it submitted the report to Congress in 1992, legislation creating the HOPE VI grants was drafted and passed. One of the first HOPE VI pilot grants,
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The program began in 1992, with formal recognition by law in 1998. As of 2005, the program had distributed $ 5.8 billion through 446 federal block grants to cities for the developments, with the highest individual grant being $ 67.7 million, awarded to Arverne/Edgemere Houses in New York City.
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Some criticized the new developments because they resulted in a net loss of housing for the poor. As the program does not require a "one-for-one" replacement of the old housing unit, the new project does not have to house the same number of tenants as the old housing unit did. (The one-for-one
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HOPE VI has included a variety of grant programs including: Revitalization, Demolition, Main Street, and Planning grant programs. As of June 1, 2010 there have been 254 HOPE VI Revitalization grants awarded to 132 housing authorities since 1993 – totaling more than $ 6.1 billion.
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street and communities. Houses are designed to stand close to the street, with small front yards. It is common to see porches on the buildings, where residents can oversee the street, as well as small apartments for single residents built over garages or on the ground floor.
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in Chicago, residents were forced out by armed police in order for HOPE VI redevelopment to take place. Projects generally construct fewer units than are demolished, so even in the best of circumstances enough units may not be available for all residents to return.
158:. They complain that less than 12% of those displaced from old housing eventually move into the replacement housing. In some cases, this is the choice of residents, who want to move to other housing. But one writer asserted that in the case of a section of 121:
or renovated housing units, of which 56,800 were to be affordable to the lowest-income households. The new and renovated housing units were mixed income, less dense, and sought to attain better design and integration into the local neighborhoods.
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reputation and an exaggerated sense of crisis about the state of public housing in general to justify a drastic model of large-scale family displacement and housing redevelopment that increasingly appears to do more harm than good.
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Housing authorities have also been criticized for allowing private management of the eventual redevelopments, which are built with mostly public funding. Others have characterized this is a positive aspect of the program.
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The Atlanta-based The Integral Group partnered with McCormack Baron Salazar of St. Louis, and won a bid in the fall of 1994 for development of a new mixed-income project. They developed
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area and reduce the number of low-income residents in need of public services. Only seven of the first 34 grants went toward the development of high-rise housing.
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proposed a local version of HOPE VI, using a $ 100 million public bond referendum to gather private money to rehabilitate outdated public housing projects.
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Cf. Roessner, p.293. "The HOPE VI housing program, inspired in part by the success of Harbor Point, was created by legislation passed by Congress in 1992."
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Some critics have said that local authorities use the program as a legal means to evict poor residents in favor of more affluent residents in a process of
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development began in 1986 and was completed by 1990. It was developed as a mixed-income community, called Harbor Point Apartments.
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for a healthy community. Instead, the lower-rise, urban feel with a sense of safety in the built environment satisfies that need.
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replacement policy was repealed by Congress in 1998, separately from HUD's implementation of HOPE VI.) The
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which in the first year of the program were $ 50m before being reduced in future years, was given to the
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https://web.archive.org/web/20141018175601/http://econdev.kingsporttn.gov/hope-vi-housing-redevelopment
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Housing the City by the Bay: Tenant Activism, Civil Rights, and Class Politics in San Francisco
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North Beach, the Western Addition, Hayes Valley, Bernal Heights, and Valencia Gardens in the
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From Despair to Hope: Hope VI and the New Promise of Public Housing in America's Cities
839: 588: 324: 282: 275: 269: 262: 689: 1496: 1461: 1100: 159: 1179: 1029: 1501: 1486: 1097:"A Decent Place to Live: from Columbia Point to Harbor Point - A Community History" 454: 414: 361: 318: 312: 26:. It is intended to revitalize the most distressed public housing projects in the 1198: 1191: 1186: 766: 429: 172: 1064:, Mary K. Cunningham, Karen D. Brown, Jeremy Gustafson, and Margery A. Turner, 627:"HOPE VI and Mixed-Finance Redevelopments: A Catalyst for Neighborhood Renewal" 388:
Martin Luther King Homes, Philadelphia, 1998, $ 25,229,950 revitalization grant
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US HUD Department program for converting rundown public to mixed-income housing
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The success of the mixed-use, mixed-income Columbia Point Housing Projects on
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United States Department of Housing and Urban Development Official Website
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misleading and contradictory statements made by HUD." The report said:
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Outreach and Assistance for Socially Disadvantaged Farmers and Ranchers
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Mill Creek Homes, Philadelphia, 2001, $ 34,825,000 revitalization grant
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Schuylkill Falls, Philadelphia, 1997, $ 26,400,951 revitalization grant
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Ludlow Homes, Philadelphia, 2004, $ 17,059,932 revitalization grant
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Bluegrass-Aspendale Housing Project and Sugar Mill Apartments,
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A Decade of HOPE VI: Research Findings and Policy Challenges
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United States Department of Housing and Urban Development
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United States Department of Housing and Urban Development
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Chicago Architecture: Histories, Revisions, Alternatives
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Alexander van Hoffman, "Why They Built Pruitt–Igoe," in
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in the complex, where the buildings were falling apart.
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Pam Belluck, "Raising Slums to Rescue the Residents,"
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Single Family Housing Direct Home Loans (Section 502)
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San Francisco Planning and Urban Research Association
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every unit. We take this commitment very seriously."
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Janet L. Smith, "Diminishing High Rise Housing," in
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Memphis, TN: BizJournals.com. 4 July 2005. 715: 713: 711: 709: 679: 485:Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity 733: 1226: 1212: 903:"Holly Park replacement housing completed" 826: 824: 822: 803: 801: 767:"What Next for Distressed Public Housing?" 739: 663:"Infamous projects are rebuilt and reborn" 575: 573: 382:, 1992, $ 50,000,000 revitalization grant. 201:The scheme was strongly criticized on the 1512:Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program 1334:School meal programs in the United States 1314:Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program 786: 784: 782: 780: 778: 776: 706: 1482:Government National Mortgage Association 811:. John McCrory. May 1999. Archived from 761: 759: 757: 1250:Temporary Assistance for Needy Families 819: 798: 603: 601: 570: 515:"Hope VI funds new urban neighborhoods" 1556: 1442:Child care and development block grant 959:Welcome to the High Point Neighborhood 773: 660: 107:reduced funding for the block grants. 34:. Its philosophy is largely based on 1207: 754: 1447:HOME Investment Partnerships Program 1329:Nutrition Assistance for Puerto Rico 1265:Social Security Disability Insurance 1165:The Urban Institute Official Website 598: 218: 1416:Children's Health Insurance Program 1309:Commodity Supplemental Food Program 1293:Office of Public and Indian Housing 480:Public housing in the United States 124: 13: 1124: 261:Hurt Village/Lauderdale Courts in 14: 1585: 1432:Community Development Block Grant 1344:Farmers' Market Nutrition Program 1324:Child and Adult Care Food Program 1153: 1180:Hope VI Program Official Website 1138:, MIT News Office, 3 March 2011 1092:, September 6, 1998. A Section. 1023: 992: 963: 952: 922: 908: 896: 871: 208:The Hope Six Demolition Project 1437:Community Services Block Grant 1045:From Tenements to Taylor Homes 809:"Little Hope in HUD's HOPE VI" 769:. Urban Institute. 2004-06-01. 661:Knight, Heather (2006-11-20). 619: 582: 532: 1: 490: 294:NewHolly/Holly Park, Seattle 149: 1260:Supplemental Security Income 916:"Welcome to Cascade Village" 838:. March 2005. Archived from 7: 1359:Nutrition Assistance Grants 1349:Summer Food Service Program 473: 10: 1590: 1170:From Hope VI to Hope Sick? 929:Uptown Memphis - Home Page 879:"HOPE VI in San Francisco" 832:"HOPE VI in San Francisco" 740:Mike Davis (25 Oct 2005). 555:. Jun 2010. Archived from 467:Greensboro, North Carolina 337:Arthur Capper/Carrollsburg 53: 1525: 1492:HUD Neighborhood Networks 1424: 1398: 1377: 1301: 1278: 1242: 1076:Creating Defensible Space 988:Chicago Housing Authority 461:Charlotte, North Carolina 450:Sam Levy Homes, Nashville 419:San Francisco, California 73:Atlanta Housing Authority 32:mixed-income developments 1457:Mutual self-help housing 1339:School Breakfast Program 667:San Francisco Chronicle 444:John Henry Hale Homes, 423:Chestnut Linden Court, 236:Allentown, Pennsylvania 1472:Urban Partnership Bank 1425:Grants & subsidies 1270:Unemployment insurance 742:"Gentrifying Disaster" 726:San Francisco Bay View 434:New Orleans, Louisiana 348:, Knoxville, Tennessee 346:Mechanicsville Commons 278:(now University Place) 195: 1526:State & territory 1467:NeighborWorks America 378:Richard Allen Homes, 190: 129:HOPE VI makes use of 1574:Mixed-income housing 1354:Special Milk Program 446:Nashville, Tennessee 409:Louisville, Kentucky 255:and Pico Gardens in 246:Edgewood Village in 227:Kingsport, Tennessee 22:is a program of the 1288:Section 8 (housing) 1174:Dollars & Sense 1116:Henry G. Cisneros, 595:, November 23, 1991 439:St. Thomas Projects 425:Oakland, California 399:Lexington, Kentucky 304:Robert Taylor Homes 281:LeMoyne Gardens in 240:Cascade Village in 38:and the concept of 1452:Housing trust fund 1385:Head Start Program 1364:Reduced-price meal 1197:2010-07-14 at the 1185:2010-05-27 at the 1090:The New York Times 867:on 27 August 2007. 589:The New York Times 403:Liberty Green and 325:Henry Horner Homes 285:(now College Park) 265:(now Uptown Homes) 88:Renee Lewis Glover 1551: 1550: 1497:Renewal community 1243:Transfer payments 1149:, March 13, 1988. 1060:Susan J. Popkin, 905:, Seattle Housing 351:Arthur Blumeyer, 297:Capitol Gateway, 274:Lamar Terrace in 234:Hanover Acres in 219:Previous projects 1581: 1502:Empowerment zone 1487:FHA insured loan 1399:Health Insurance 1228: 1221: 1214: 1205: 1204: 1130:Dizikes, Peter, 1095:Roessner, Jane. 1081:Baranski, John. 1032: 1027: 1021: 1020: 1018: 1017: 1011: 1005:. 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Index

United States Department of Housing and Urban Development
United States
mixed-income developments
New Urbanism
defensible space
Columbia Point
Atlanta Housing Authority
Centennial Place
Renee Lewis Glover
Henry Cisneros
George W. Bush
Congress
San Francisco
Gavin Newsom
New Urbanism
gentrification
Cabrini–Green
Urban Institute
NLIHC
PJ Harvey
The Hope Six Demolition Project
Kingsport, Tennessee
https://web.archive.org/web/20141018175601/http://econdev.kingsporttn.gov/hope-vi-housing-redevelopment
Allentown, Pennsylvania
Akron, Ohio
Akron, Ohio
Pueblo del Sol
Los Angeles
Memphis, TN
Memphis, TN

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