298:, as many of the examples above illustrate. Faced with this challenge, one prominent approach is to assume some sort of movement. The remnants are moved out of an encompassing parent constituent so that the parent constituent can then be deleted. In other words, there is an ordering of transformations. First the remnants are moved out of their parent constituent and then that parent constituent is elided. The difficulty with such movement analyses concerns the nature of the movement mechanisms, since the movement mechanism needed to vacate the parent constituent would be unlike the recognized movement mechanisms (fronting, scrambling, extraposition).
31:. Gapping usually elides minimally a finite verb and further any non-finite verbs that are present. This material is "gapped" from the non-initial conjuncts of a coordinate structure. Gapping exists in many languages, but by no means in all of them, and gapping has been studied extensively and is therefore one of the more understood ellipsis mechanisms.
329:
The a-clause is from Ross, whereas the clauses b-i have been added to illustrate the role that the catena plays. The (at least somewhat) acceptable clauses a-d have the elided material corresponding to a catena each time, whereas the clauses e-i are unacceptable each time because the elided material
85:, but the verb has been 'gapped', that is, omitted. Gapping can span several verbs and nonfinite clause boundaries, as the second and third sentence illustrate, but it cannot apply across a finite clause boundary, as seen in the next sentence:
191:(= bare argument ellipsis) to be a particular manifestation of gapping where only one remnant appears instead of two or more. If this assumption is correct, then the same ellipsis mechanism is at work in the following cases:
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theories of syntax because it is not evident how one might produce a satisfactory analysis of the material that can be gapped. The problem concerns the fact that the elided material often does not qualify as a
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In its manifestation as stripping, the gapping mechanism occurs frequently. Gapping is widely assumed to obligatorily elide a finite verb. However, gapping can also occur when no finite verb is involved, e.g.
321:
313:. The elided material of gapping always qualifies as a catena. This situation is illustrated with the following tree, which shows the dependency structure of a well-known example from Ross 1970:
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Gapping is also incapable of operating backwards, which means that the antecedent to the gap must precede the gap. Attempts at gapping where the gap precedes its antecedent are quite bad, e.g.
511:
Ross, J. 1970. Gapping and the order of constituents. In M. Bierwisch & K Heidolph (eds.), Progress in linguistics: A collection of papers, pp. 249β259, The Hague: Mouton.
428:
For prominent studies of gapping, see for instance Ross (1970), Jackendoff (1971), Kuno (1976), Hankamer (1979), Hartmann (2000), Osborne (2006), Johnson (2009).
446:
That the gap often does not qualify as a constituent is a widely acknowledged fact of gapping. See for instance
Kroeger (2004:1935) and Carnie (2013:459).
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is viewed as a particular manifestation of the gapping mechanism where just one remnant (instead of two or more) appears in the gapped/stripped conjunct.
419:
Gapping is limited to coordinate structures; it does not occur independent of coordination, as noted by McCawley (1988:48f.) and
Kroeger (2004:35).
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to its left and a remnant to its right. The elided material of gapping in all the examples below is indicated with subscripts and a smaller font:
350:, etc.) can also all be investigated in terms of the catena. The elided material of most if not all ellipsis mechanisms corresponds to catenae.
455:
See
Osborne et al. (2012) argue that the catena is the relevant unit of syntactic analysis for all types of ellipsis, not just for gapping.
43:
Canonical examples of gapping have a true "gap", which means the elided material appears medially in the non-initial conjuncts, with a
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Osborne, T., M. Putnam, and T. GroΓ 2012. Catenae: Introducing a novel unit of syntactic analysis. Syntax 15, 4, 354-396.
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does not correspond to a catena. The star * indicates that the clauses are bad. For instance, the elided material
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McCawley, J. 1988. The syntactic phenomena of
English. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
380:
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While the canonical cases of gapping have medial gaps, the gap can also be discontinuous, e.g.
24:
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Sag, I. 1976 Deletion and logical form. Doctoral
Dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
477:
Hartmann, K. 2000. Right Node
Raising and gapping: Interface conditions on prosodic deletion.
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Carnie, A. 2013. Syntax: A generative introduction. 3rd edition. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
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Osborne, T. 2006. Gapping vs. non-gapping coordination. Linguistische
Berichte 207, 307-338.
400:
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Hankamer, J. 1979. Deletion in coordinate structures. New York: Garland
Publishing, Inc.
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any word or any combination of words that is continuous with respect to dominance
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Kuno, S. 1976. Gapping: A functional analysis. Linguistic
Inquiry 7, 300β318.
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Jackendoff, R. 1971. Gapping and related rules. Linguistic
Inquiry 2, 21-35.
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Hankamer, J. 1973. Unacceptable ambiguity. Linguistic Inquiry, 4, 17β68.
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is the basic unit of syntactic analysis. The catena is associated with
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Johnson, K. 2009. Gapping is not (VP) ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry.
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It is impossible for Connor to be nice to Jilian, or Jilian
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In the first sentence, the second conjunct has the subject
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An alternative analysis of gapping assumes that the
437:The first example here is taken from Hudson (???).
338:, is not a catena in (g). The other main forms of
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270:*Pictures of friends should make you smile, and
494:Analyzing syntax: A lexical-functional approach
253:The gap of gapping cannot, however, cut into a
91:*Sam said that they spoke German, and Charlene
496:. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
204:Sophie barks at racoons in the morning, and
162:He believes her to know the answer, and she
27:that occurs in the non-initial conjuncts of
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263:*I read the story about elves, and you
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16:Ellipsis that occurs in some languages
67:Jim has been observed by me, and Tom
60:Fred likes to pet the cat, and Sally
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240:on her, the party should be fun.
215:Did Frank get married first, or
197:Sam has done the work, and Bill
147:Will Jimmy greet Jill first, or
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236:With her keen on him, and him
173:I expect you to help, and you
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115:beer, and she orders wine. (
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53:Some ate bread, and others
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479:Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
371:Coordination (linguistics)
366:Constituent (linguistics)
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386:Phrase structure grammar
342:(e.g. answer fragments,
187:Many syntacticians take
381:Ellipsis (linguistics)
334:, to the exclusion of
136:Should I call you, or
29:coordinate structures
401:Verb phrase ellipsis
361:Catena (linguistics)
285:Theoretical analyses
93:said that they spoke
307:dependency grammars
289:Gapping challenges
492:Kroeger, P. 2004:
376:Dependency grammar
309:and is defined as
168:to know the answer
526:Generative syntax
255:major constituent
221:get married first
199:has done the work
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348:VP-ellipsis
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274:of enemies
520:Categories
462:References
247:to Connor.
245:to be nice
117:disallowed
97:disallowed
95:Spanish. (
189:stripping
33:Stripping
396:Sluicing
354:See also
344:sluicing
340:ellipsis
272:pictures
164:believes
64:the dog.
25:ellipsis
257:, e.g.
179:to help
71:by you.
45:remnant
21:gapping
336:to try
303:catena
278:frown.
219:Larry
212:, too.
201:, too.
175:expect
155:Jimmy
138:should
113:orders
79:others
408:Notes
157:first
153:greet
151:Jill
57:rice.
238:keen
166:him
149:will
142:call
140:you
111:*He
83:rice
217:did
177:me
144:me?
55:ate
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223:?
181:.
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